The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909
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                     OF 1905-1909

[This page contains a photograph of the man named below.]
                  Siyyid Jamalu'Din "al-Afghan"
                      (died March 9, 1897)

                        PERSIAN REVOLUTION
                           OF 1905- 1909
                          EDWARD G. BROWNE

                            NEW YORK
                        BARNES & NOBLE, INC.
                Publishers Booksellers Since 1873

                              TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  xi

   I.  Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din, the Protagonist of Pan-Islamism . . .  1  
II. The Tobacco Concession and its consequences . . . . . . . . 31 
The Assassination of Nasiru'd-Din Shah . . . . . . . . . .  59   IV.
Granting of the Constitution by Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah .  98            
        V. Muhammad 'Ali Shah and the Constitution, until the
      abortive Coup d'Etat of December, 1907  . . . . . . . . . . 133
  VI. The Anglo-Russian Agreement, as seen through Persian
      eyes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  172
 VII. The Coup d'Etat of June 23, 1908, and Destruction of the
      first Majlis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  196
VIII. The Defence of Tabriz. First Period: June-December,
      1908 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  233
  IX. The Fall of Tabriz and the Rising of the Provinces . . . .  259
   X. The Nationalist Triumph, the Abdication of Muhammad 'Ali,
      and the Restoration of the Constitution . . . . . . . . . . 292
  XI. The Accession of Sultan Ahmad Shah, and the Convocation
      of the second Majlis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  324

APPENDIX A. The Bases of the Persian Constitution, namely:

  (i) The Farman of August 5, 1906 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  353
 (ii) The Electoral Law of September 9, 1906 . . . . . . . . . .  355
(iii) The Fundamental Laws of December 30, 1906 . . . . . . . . . 362
 (iv) The Supplementary Fundamental Laws of October 7,
      1907 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  372
  (v) The New Electoral Law of July 1, 1909 . . . . . . . . . . . 385

APPENDIX B. Notes embodying additional information received
  while the book was passing through the Press, namely:

  (1) Memorandum on Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din by Mr Wilfred 
      Scawen Blunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  401
  (2) Hajji Sayyah, Furughi and the I'timadu's-Saltana . .  . . . 404
  (3) M. Antoine Kitabji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . 405
  (4) Mirza Ahmad of Kirman and Siyyid Hasan . . . . . . .  . . . 405
  (5) Hajji Shaykh Hadi Najm-abadi . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . 406
  (6) The Amiriyya Palace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . .  407
  (7) Shamsu'l-'Ulama and Aminu'z-Zarb . . . . . . . . . . . . .  407
  (8) Execution of Mirza Riza of Kirman . . . . . . . . . . . . . 408
  (9) Shaykh Ahmad"Ruhi"of Kirman and his two companions . . . .  409 
 (10) Characters of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah and of the
      Aminu'd-Dawla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415
 (11) The Qiwamu'd-Dawla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  418
 (12) Shapshal Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 418
 (13) The Anjuman-i-Makhft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  420
 (14) The Sipahsalar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  420
 (15) Fatwa on the Rights of Zoroastrians . . . . . . . . . . . . 421
 (16) Attitude of Baha'is towards Persian Politics . . . . . . .  424
 (17) A Russian view of British Foreign Policy . . . . . . . . .  429
 (18) The Mujallalu's-Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  432
 (19) Original texts of the Liakhoff Documents . . . . . . . . .  432
 (20) The Moving Spirits of the Rasht Rising . . . . . . . . . .  436
 (21) Mr H. C. Baskervil]e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  440
 (22) Sattar Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441
 (23) Persia aud the Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  443
 (24) Execution of Shaykh Fazlu'llah . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  444
 (25) The Fate of certain prominent Reactionaries, especially
      the Muwaqqaru's-Saltana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445

                             LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(1) Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din"al-Afghan". . . . . . . . . . . . Frontispiece 
(2) Prince Malkom Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . .To face p. 38
(3) Nisiru'-Din Shah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "    58
(4) Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman . . . . . . . . . . " "    62
(5) Three of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's disciples . . . . ." "    94
(6) Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "    98
(7) Siyyid Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i and and Siyyid
     'Abdu'llahi-Bahbahani . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   114
(8) Cartoons from the Hashardtu'l-Arz . . . . . . . . " "   116
(9) Members of the First Majlis . . . . . . . . . . . " "   124
(10) Taqi-zada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   130
(11) Muhammad 'Ali Shah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " "   132
(12) The Aminn's- Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   140
(13) The Salar'ud- Dawla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   142
(14) Shaykh Fazlu'llah- i-Nuri . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   148
(15) 'Abbas Aqa of Tabriz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " "   150
(16) The Nasiru'l-Mulk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   162
(17) Mirza Ghaffar of Qazwin . . . . . . . . . . . .  " "   166
(18) Map of Persia, shewing the"Spheres of Influence" " "   172
(19) The Zillu's-Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " "   196
(20) Amir Bahadur Jang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  " "   198
(21) Aqa Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din of Isfahan and the
     Maliku'l-Mutakallimin . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   204    
(22) Mirza Jahangir Khan and Hajji Mirza Ibrahim Aqa ." "   208
(23) Two Picture Post-cards of the Revolution . . . . " "   210
(24) Colonel V. Liakhoff . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  " "   212
(25) The Baharistan after the Bombardment . . . . . . " "   224
(26) Facsimile of Persian Siege-map of Tabriz . . . . .between pp.
(27) Siyyids and National Volunteers of Tabriz . . . .  To face p. 252
(28) The three great Mujtahids who supported the
     National Cause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " "   262
(29) The Bakhtiyari liberators of Isfahan . . . . . . " "   266
(30) Dervishes in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . . ." "   268
(31) A Nationalist Council at Rasht . . . . . . . . . " "   292
(32) House of 'Adu'l-Mulk at Tabriz . . . . . . . . . " "   294
(33) Bakhtiyaris in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . ." "   298
(34) Group of National Volunteers at Rasht . . . . . ." "   300
(35) Bakhtiyaris in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . ." "   302
(36) Constitutionalists in refuge at the Ottoman
     Embassy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." "   304
(37) Bakhtiyaris mustering in the Maydan at Isfahan . " "   306
(38) The Sipahdar and the Sardar- i-As'ad . . . . . . ." "   308
(39) Bakhtiyaris in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . ." "   310
(40) Bakhtiyari Khans with the guns . . . . . . . . . " "   316
(41) Sultan Ahmad Shah and the Regent 'Azudu'l-Mulk . " "   324
(42) Shapshal Khan and Sa'du'd-Dawla . . . . . . . . ." "   418
(43) Facsimile of Fatwa on the rights of Zoroastrians   p.  422
(44) Facsimile of Letter to Persia Committee  . . . . . p.  423 (45)
Mu'izzu's-Sultan and Yeprem Khan . . . . . . . . . . ." "   436
(46) Sattar Khan the Defender and Rahim Khan the
     Besieger of Tabriz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " "   440

[The errata page was not reproduced here because all the suggested
changes were made to the electronic text directly.]

Although incidental mention is made of a few matters (such as the
and execution of the Muwaqqaru's Saltana) which belong to the earlier
part of this current year (1910) the systematic narrative ceases with
the restoration of the Constitution and the occurrernces immediately
connected therewith. No attempt has been made to deal with the most
recent events, of which the assassination of Siyyid 'Abdu'llah-i-
Bahbahani (July 15); the withdrawal of Taqi-zada from the capital to
Tabriz (about August 1); the bombardment and forcible disarmament of
fida'is (August 7, 1910); the wounding of Sattar Khan and the
of him and Baqir Khan; the intrigues of the Sipahaar-i-A'zam; the
attempt of the Russians to extort concessions as the price of the
withdrawal of their troops (an attempt at blackmailing against which
even the Times has protested); and the death of the late Regent,
'Zudu'l-Mulk, on Sept. 22, are the most important. The accession of
Sultan Ahmad Shah and the restoration of the Constitution mark the
beginning of a new epoch, which in the future may fitly form the
of a new volume.

[Calligraphic script heads this page; presumably its translation into
English follows below.]

               "Ne'er may that evil-omened day befall
                When Iran shall become the stranger's thrall!
                Ne'er may I see that virgin fair and pure
                Fall victim to some Russian gallant's lure!
                And ne'er may Fate this angel-bride award
                As serving-maiden to some English lord!"
(Verses written in prison at Trebizonde by Mirza Aqa Khan of Kirman in
1896, shortly before he suffered death.)

  It is always, I think, helpful to the reader if at the very
threshold of his book the author will indicate in general terms
the thought which underlies it and the point of view from which
it has been written. Now this book, though, in view of the
difficulty of fully examining or impartially criticising contemporary
events, I have not ventured to entitle it a history,
is in fact intended for such; and I have naturally endeavoured
first to collect, co-ordinate and weigh all available information, and
then to present as faithful a summary of the conclusions to
which it has led me as I have been able to frame. It is a
truism, but likewise a truth, and a truth, moreover, often overlooked
in practice, that, even when there is agreement as to the
facts of a case, there will be differences of opinion not only as to
their interpretation in matters of detail, but as to the verdict to
which they lead. Argument can only be fruitful when there is

a basis of agreement. If two travellers wish to go to Penzance
they can discuss with profit the best way of getting there; but
if one wishes to go to Penzance and the other to John o'Groat's
House, such discussion is obviously futile.
To apply this principle to the present case. In all that
have written in this book I have implicitly assumed:
     (1) That in this world diversity, not uniformity, is the
higher law and the more desirable state.
     (2) That everything in this world has its own generic
perfection, or, as the Babis quaintly phrase it, its own Paradise,
is only attainable by the realization of its own highest
potentialities, not by the adoption or attempted adoption of the
attributes of something else.
     (3) That, whether it be a question of individuals or nations, the
destruction of a distinctive type is a loss to the universe and
therefore an evil.
  These doctrines or dogmas, like all dogmas which rest on a
philosophical conception of the universe and have been not only
accepted but assimilated, necessarily colour one's whole view of the
many questions to which they relate. But they are, perhaps,
rather "the choice of a soul" than matters susceptible of proof.
Suppose I have a beautiful garden filled with flowers of innumerable
kinds which I love and which fills me with gladness
and pride, and suppose some utilitarian bids me dig up and cast
away these beautiful flowers, and plant the garden with potatoes or
cabbages, or even with one kind of beautiful Rower only, on
the ground that I shall thereby make more money, or produce a
more useful crop, I cannot argue with him, I can on]y oppose
him with all my strength. And when people say (as, unhappily,
many people in this country do say) that Persia is a backward
country, which, in the hands of its own people cannot be
"developed," or only very slowly, and that the best thing that
can happen is that some European Power, whether England or
Russia, should step in and "develop" it, whether its people like
it or not, I feel as I do about the flower-garden, that no material
prosperity, no amount of railways, mines, gaols, gas, or drainage can
compensate the world, spiritually and intellectually, for the loss of
Persia. And this is what the occupation and administration

of Persia by foreigners would inevitably mean, if it
endured long; and experience shews that "temporary" occupations
of the territories of weak peoples by great European
Powers can only be called "temporary" in the sense that they
will presumably not be eternal.
  To discuss the general question of the value of small
nationalities would, however, unduly enlarge this Preface; but,
even those (and in these days they are, alas! many) who would
deny this value will perhaps admit that certain exceptional
races, such as the Greeks in Europe, have contributed so
much to the spiritual, intellectual and artistic wealth of the
human race that they have an exceptional claim on our
sympathies, and that their submergence must be reckoned a
calamity which no expediency can justify. What Greece owes
to this feeling is known to all, and I suppose that few would
deny that modern Greece owes her independence to her ancient
glories. And Persia, I venture to think, stands, in this respect, in
same category. Of all the ancient nations whose names
are familiar to us Persia is almost the only one which still exists as
an independent political unit within her old frontiers (sadly
contracted, it is true, since Darius the Great caused to be engraved
the rocks of Bagastana or Bisutun, in characters still
legible, the long list of the provinces which obeyed him and
brought him tribute), inhabited by a people still wonderfully
homogeneous, considering the vicissitudes through which they
have passed, and still singularly resembling their ancient forbears.
Again and again Persia has been apparently submerged
by Greeks, Parthians, Arabs, Mongols, Tartars, Turks and
Afghans; again and again she has been brolcen up into petty
states ruled by tribal chiefs; and yet she has hitherto always
reemerged as a distinct nation with peculiar and well-marked

But it is not so much on the political rdle which she has
played in the world's history that I wish to insist as on her
intellectual induence. In the sphere of religion she gave us
Zoroaster, to whose system Judaism, Christianity and Islam
alike are indebted in different degrees; Manes, who, if not of
Persian blood, was a Persian subject, and made Persia the centre

of that strange and original creed which for many centuries so
profoundly affected both Christianity and Islam, and of which
recent excavations in the sand-buried cities of Chinese Turkistan have
revealed such wonderful literary remains; Mazdak, the
earliest philosophical Communist; Babak called al-K4urramI,
who for so many years defied the armies of the 'Abbasid
Caliphs; al-Mu4anna "the Veiled Prophet of Khurasan,"  made
familiar to English readers by Thomas Moore and a host of
others, whose very heresies and extravagances testify to the
fertile mind of the nation which produced them. What Islam,
both orthodox and heterodox, owed to Persia it is almost impossible to
exaggerate; Sufis, Isma'll(s, the ShI'a, the Hurufis,
the Babis, all alike reflect the subtle metaphysics of the Persian
Throughout the wi`3e ]ands of Islam we are met, almost
at every turn, by something which has its roots in Persian
history, whether in Tunis, where the now decaying port of
al-Mahdiyya recalls the dream of 'Abu'llah ibn Maymun of the
ruin of the Arabian and the restoration of the Persian power; or in
Cairo, where the thousand-year-old University of al-Azhar
reminds us of the fulfilment of that wild dream; or in Syria,
where the ancient fastnesses of the "Old Man of the Mountain"
still hold a remnant of his followers, while hard by Acre sends
forth eager missionaries of a new Persian faith to the New
World In Turkey, and thence eastwards to India and Turkistan,
the signs of Persian influence increase, and alike the language, the
thought and the culture of the Turkish and Indian Muslim
are redolent of Persia.
On the value of Persian art and Persian literature it is hardly
necessary to insist, for the beautiful carpets, tiles, pottery and
IJaintings of Persia are esteemed by all who value such things,
ancl though the vast realms of Persian literature have been
systematically explored by only a few in Europe, the names
of some of her poets at least, Firdawsi, Sa'dl, Hafiz, and in
these latter days, especially in the Anglo-Saxon world,'Umar
Khayyam, are known to all educated people, and are reckoned
amongst the great poets of the world. Nor, in considering what
literature owes to persia' must we limit our attention to Persian
literature, for Arabic literature too, if deprived of the

contributions made to it by Persians, would lose much of what
is best in it. And if modern science owes little to Persia, the
name of Avicenna alone is sufficient to remind us how deeply
medieval Europe, as well as A_ia, was indebted to one of her
sons for nearly all that was then known of Philosonhv and
Medicine. In short so conspicuous was the pre-eminence of the
Persians in all branches of know Prophet Muhammad (reported amongst
others by Ibn Khaldun)
              [Calligraphic script follows.]
"Were knowledge in the Pleiades, some of the Persians would reach it."

So much for the intellectual and artistic gifts of the Persians. As to
their character, opinions have varied, for while all who
know them have admitted their wit, their quickness of mind, their
pleasant manners, their agreeable address, their amusing conversation,
their hospitality and dignity, they have been charged
with falsehood, treachery, cowardice, cruelty, subserviency, lack of
principles, instability of purpose, and corrupt morals. These vices
undeniably common amongst the creatures of the
Court, with whom naturally Europeans having official positions
in Persia come most in contact, but few who have mixed ofl
intimate terms with all classes of the people, and especially the
class, will assert that these vices are general, or will deny that
they exist they are largely the outcome of the intolerable system of
government against which the movement
described in these pages is a protest. Conventional falsehoods,
or "white lies," which deceive nobody, are not confined to the
Persians: we a]so say that we are"not at home"when we are
in, and"much regret"having to decline invitations which nothing
would induce us to accept. That the Persians are by no means
devoid of courage is admitted even by those who have criticised
them very harshly in some respects. R. G. Watson (A History
of Persia in...the Nineteenth Century, p. 10) says that "they ride
courageously at full speed over the very worst ground, and by
the very brinks of the most appalling precipices"; that "they
are utter strangers to the fear that comes of physical nervousness and
that "when their courage fails them, as it too often

does, the fact is to be attributed to moral causes. "Their soldiers he
describes (p. 24) as remarkably hardy, patient and enduring,
requiring scarcely any haggage, and able to march thirty miles
a day for many successive days, while living on nothing but
bread and onions." "No troops in the world," he says in another
place (p. 200)," it may be safely asserted, are capable of so much
continued endurance of fatigue as are the veteran soldiers of
Persia. "So again (p. z`8), in speaking of the defeat of the
Persians by the ltussians at the battle of Ganja in '826, he says,
CouLl the Shah have convinced himse~of the fact that in his
hardy and obedient subjects he possessed the material for an
army capable at any time of defending his dominions against
invaders, provided that his tro~ps should be properly drilled, the I
lesson would have been cheaply paid for by the disaster of
Ganja. "Again (p. g3), he describes" a forced march which
only Persian troops could accomplish," in which (in ~835) they
traversed a distance of eighty miles in little more than thirty
I hours. And once more (on p. 387) he asserts that"Persian
soldiers are beyond comparison the most hardy, enduring and
I patient troops in the world," and adds that"had the adminis
tration oF the A''tr-~-lVizzi~c (Mirza Taqi Khan) been prolonged, the
King of Persia would have been the master of an army of
one hundred thousand men, regularly drilled and accoutred."
And in describing the battle of Muhammara (March 26, '857),
when the Persians were defeated by the English' he says
(P 45~)-'~TEle Persian artillery and the troops in the batterie;s i
acted as vvell as they could have been expected to behave'; they had
served their guns well, and had not shrunk from exposure and labour."
But it is not in the conscript soldiers of a despQlic hth that we
must look for the highest manifestations of Persian courage. It is
the Persian is inspired by that enthusiasm for a
person, a doctrine or a cause of which he is so susceptible
that his heroism becomes transcendental. If the Babis have
done nothing else, they have at least sheun how Persians,
when exalted by enthusiasm, can meet death and the most
horrible tortures imaginable, not merely with stoicism but with
ecstasy. Every student of their history, from Gobineau, Kazim

Beg and Renan onwards, has been equally impressed by this
phonomenon. Without dwelling anew on the history of the
earlier martyrs of 1850 and 185-~; of the Bab's companion in
death resisting the prayers of his wife and children that he would
his life by a simple recantation; of Mulla Isma'il of Qum
laughing and the aged dervish Mirza Qurban-iAli reciting poetry
under the headsman's knife; of Sulayman Khan, his body flaming
with lighted w~cks, going with dancin~ and song to his death;
of the patient endurance of abominable sufferings b,y the
beautiful Qurratu'l-iAyn, and of a hundred others, let us see
w~at a missionary in Yazd, writing five years ago, has to say
on this subject!.  Pemans have _~y strong notions of ~loyalty
to~th to causes a_d_to individua~ he says (p. ~38,)."Nothing
has brought this out more than the history of the Ei,ab' movemeet,
whichl has certainly exhibited the strength of Persian
character. Boys and young men have in this movement~
willingly undergone the most terrible tortures~ viceJ
of dh5~: spiritua~hers and the common cause~ ' passive
courage," he says in another place (p. t55)," the Yazdi possesses to a
very high degree, b,ut he must have a cause for which he
cares sufficiently, if this courage is to be called out. If the
terrible B',ab,' massacres that h~ave taken place from time to time in
Persia have proved nothing else, they have at least strewn
that there is grit somewhere in Persian character. The way in
~vhich mere lads in Yazd went to their death in that ghastly
sumn~er of ~-go3 was wonde~uL...The early Babis shewed good
fighting qualities in the north of Persea,as well as passive courage,
and, as they were chie~dy townsmen, we may presume that there
are military possibilities in the Persian people, even amongst
those who dwell in cities. "And again (p. '76)," the thing which
has opened people's eyes to the enormous strength of Persian
character under partially favourable moral conditions, is the
in which t~le [,abls have exposed themselves to martyrdom, and
have stood firm to their beliefs and cause under tortures too,
horrible for description"And though this writer, who knew
the Persians well, is by no means sparing in his criticism of
certain sides of their character, he concludes his discussion of

1. Five Years in a Persian Town, by Napier Malcolm, London, 1905.

it (p. 185) as follows:"Most Europeans who have lived in Persia
find it rather difficult to explain why they like the people. In the
Yazdi there is certainly much to lament, but there is something to
admire, and very much more to like. A people who are
open-handed, good-natured, affectionate,not always extravagantly
conceited, and above all intensely human, are a people one cannot help
getting to like when one lives among them for any time."
Such quotations might be multiplied indefinitely, but I think
that those already given will suffice to shew that I am not alone in
believing that the Persians possess very real virtues, and are
under happier conditions than those which till lately
prevailed, of recovering the position to which their talents entitle
them. It u ill be observed that those who speak slightingly and
contemptuously of them arc generally citller exponents of Wel`f~olitz,
wllo, because they E~spire to "think in continents," cannot
spare time to investigate with patience and form an independent
judgement of national character; or globe-trotters, who, after a hasty
journey from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea, retail
the stories and opinions they have picked up from Europeans
whom they have met on the way, always with a view to the
entertainment of their readers, and often with preconceived ideas
derived from experiences of other Eastern lands which differ as
much from Persia as Norway does from E'ortugal; or disappointed
concess?on?lalres; or cynical and blase diplomatists.
Those, on the other hand, who have had intimate relations
with the Persrans and are acquainted with their language have
generally found, as Mr Napier Malcolm found, much that is
]oveable and not a little that is admirable in their character.
Speaking for myself, I confess to a very sincere affection for
them! an~a-conviction tl~at the best type of Persian is not onl
the ,~IElFghttul companion ima~inable. but can be one of
the most ~t ful and devoted friends whom it is possible to
The supporters of the movement whereof I have attempted
in the following pages to describe the genesis and trace the
development and history ;~re indifferently spoken of as
"Constitutionalists" (Mashrzi~a kI~JaJ~) and "Nationalists" (Millarf).
Mash,-~ta means"conditior~ed"as opposed to`'absolute"government

and Mashruta-khwah means one who desires such"conditioned"
or constitutional rule, instead of the old autocracy or
absolutism (fstiba'ad?, which made the King the uncontrolled
arbiter of his people's destinies, and the unquestioned master of
lives, honour and possessions. Miliat means"the Peopie"
or "the Nation," and is opposed to Dar''ia`, "the State," 'the
Government,', or practically, under the old regime, `' the Court." The
MasAnita-kf~w~, or Constitutionalist, is opposed to the
Musfahzdd, or partisan of the Autocracy, and perhaps these
terms might best be rendered by"Parliamentarian"and
"Royalist. "Here the antithesis is natural and familiar
enough, but the antithesis between the Milla~ and the
Da7vCa'! needs a few words of comment. Undcr ideal conditions
it is evident that there should bc 110 such antithesis,
and that the interests of the State (Dawlat) and of the People or
(AlilIRf) should be identical, or at least closely related. And the
Persians are by nature so obedient and so loyal to their Kings
`,`"SI'aJ~-parast" 'King-worshippers," as they say) that I do not
myself believe that the demand for o ular or constitutlonal government
would have arisen at all, or at any rate in our
time, if recent Shahs of Persia had strewn themselves even
moderately patriotic, or just, or far-sighted. Against a Shah
Isma'il, an 'Abbes the Great, or a Karim Khan the Persians
would never have revolted. It was when they l~ecame convinced
that their country was despised abroad, that their intere*ts were
betrayed for a vile price, and that their religion and their
existence as a nation were alike threatened with
destruction, that they began to demand a share in the government of
their country. Many European journalists and other
writers have made merry over the idea of a Persian Parliament,
repeating like so many parrots the expression"comic opera"on
almost every page. Yet I venture to think that there was more
reality and more grim determination in this Persian struggle
than in our own English politics, with their lack oF gniding
principles, their conferences, their coalitions, and their sham
conflicts. Throughout the struggle the Persians have consciously been
fighting for their very existence as a Nation,
and in this sense the popular or constitutional party may very

properly be termed"Nationalists. "Yet having regard to
prejudices existing in England, especially at the present timer
the term is not altogether a happy one, and has undoubtedly
done much to prejudice a considerable section of English
opinion against those to whom it is applied. Most men are
ruled by names rather than by ideas, and I have no doubt
that many a staunch Unlonist and many an Anglo-lndian
or Anglo-Egyptian official has transferred to the so-called
"Nationalists" of Persia all the prejudices with which this
term is associated in his mind. The main point, however, on
which I wish to insist is that in Persia the party which is
variously termed" Nationalist," (:onstitutionalist" and "Popular"
is essentially the patriotic party, which stands for progress,
freedom, tolerance, and above all for national independence
and i' Persia for the Persiar~s," and that it was primarily called
existence, as will be fully set forth in the following pages, by the
short-sighted, selfish and unpatriotic policy inaugurated Nasiru'd-Din
Shah under the malign influence of the ex-Shah Muhammad 'Ali.
And now a few words as to this book. Not willingly or
without regret have I forsaken for a while the pleasant paths of
literature to enter into the arid deserts of international politics.
the call was imperious and the summons urgent
to neglect nothing of that little which lay in my power in order to
arouse in the hearts of rny countrymen some sympathy for
a people who have, in my opinion, hitherto received less than
they deserve. Powerful interests and prejudices have been
against them, and misapprehensions as to their aims and motives
have prevailed. These misapprehensions I trust that this book
may serve in some measure to dispel.
There are, as 1 am well aware, others who could, if they
would, write a much better and more authoritative account of
the Persian Kevolution than this, but to most of them is applicable
Sa'di's well-knownn line:
       [Calligraphic script follows.]
 "He who possesses information, repeats if not";

or the equally familiar verse:
       [Calligraphic script follows.]
  "He takes the tongue from the guardians of the secret,
   Lest they should repeat the secret of the King."

That I have not myself been privileged to witness the events
here described is, I readily admit, a serious disqualification.
But, on the other hand, I have seen and conversed with not a
few of the principal actors ;n these events, while many correspondents
in Persia, both Persians and Europeans, friends and
strangers, knowing, the intensity of my interest in all that
touches Persia's welfare, have been kind enough to communicate
to me a mass of information, out of which, in addition to
what has been published in Blue Books and White Books and
in the Persian and European newspapers, I have endeavoured
to construct a coherent, and, I trust, a critical narrative. And
inasmuch as fro~m mv eighteenth year onwards, that is for
thirty years, hardly a day has passed on which I have not read,
written or spoken Per_an, striving always to penetrate furthe;r
into the spirit of the langua3;e and the mind of the people of
Persial it is possible that I may have entered more fully
into Elicir thoughts! hopes and ideals than many foreigners who
have spent a much longer time in the country than myself.
Moreover the publication of this book will certainLy elicit
information which would otherwise remain hidden and eventually
be lost, just as the publication in Januaryl 1909, of my
Short Ac`:oz~n~ of Recen' ~vents iJZ Persia led directly to the
publication of the excellent"History of the Awakening of the
Persians"(7~a'ri~h-i-Biciariy-i-/raniyaiz) which I have so often had
occasion to cite in these pages.
The system of transliteration of E;ersian names and words
adopted in this book is essentially the same as that which
I have employed in previous works, but I have been more consistent
of my critics will, no doubt, say ' more pedantic")
in its application than heretofore. Persian phonetics are very
simple-simpler than Arabicl where the hard or"coarse"consonants
modify the vowel-sounds! and much simpler than
Turkish-and there is no occasion to complicate them by

adopting on the one hand Arabic and Turkish pronunciations
such as "Mohammed"(Mahommed," and, still worse, "Mahomed," 
"Mahomet," "Mehmed," end the like, are monstrosities
of which no Orientalist should countenance the use), or, on the
other hand, usages based upon the phonetics of French and
German. There are in Persian only three vowel-sounds, each
of which may be long or short; and it is essential, both to
correct pronunciation and to correct comprehension, to distinguish the
long vowels either by a long mark, or (which I
prefer) by an acute accent. These vowels are:
a (short) as in "man "; a (long) as in "all ";
i (short) , "sin"; ~ (long) , "machine";
~ (short) , "pull"; ~ (long) , "rule"or "pool."
There are also two so-called diphthongs, consisting of the short a
followed by one or other of the weak consonants zo and y.
Of these aw is pronounced exactly as the same combination
is pronounced in Welsh (t' mawr "), or like the English on
("house," "out"), or like the German au ("auf," "aus"); while
ay is pronounced like the English ey in "hay," "may." There
is therefore no occasion to use e and o at all, nor, as a matter of
fact, do those who use them do so consistently. ~hose who
write "Yezd," "Resht," "Enzeli," and the like (to indicate,
that the vowel is short), should, to be consistent, also
write "Tebriz," "Hemedan," and "Isfehan. "And if it be said
that some of these inconsistencies are sanctioned by usage, and
that they ought not to be altered, the answer is that it is both
and more philosophical to transliterate on a fixed and
definite principle than to decide in each case whether a given
spelling has or has not been sanctioned by usage. Therefore
even in the case of the most familiar place-names I have rigorously
applied the system which I have adopted, writing always
"Tihran" (not "Teheran"), "Anzal "(not "Enzeli "), "Najaf"
and "Karbala "(not "Nejef" and "Kerbela"). Similarly, in
speaking of the Babis, I have abandoned the spellings "Ezeli"
and "Beha'i," which I formerly used, in Favour of "Azali" and
"Baha'i." It must also be borne in mind that in the case of
Arabic derivatives, which are of constant occurrence in Persian

and enter into almost all Persian titles, not only the pronunciation
but also the meaning is often altered by an alteration
in the quantity of a vowel. Thus from the root 7lasara, "to
help,~' we have the verbal noun ?tasr, "help"; the active participle
Hasir, "helper"; and a passive form nasfr, "helped";
and each oF these forms commonly occurs as a component part
of such names or titles as lVasn''d-D~z ("the Help of Religion"),
lVasir'~'a`-Dfiz ("the Helper of Religion "), and Nasirz~'d-Dfn
t' Helped bv Religion "). Were there only the one form, it
would not so much matter if it were inaccurately spelt, since
any scholar who wished to look the word up in the index of an
Oriental history or biography would know what the correct
spelling was; but in the case under consideration the slovenly
transliteration "Nassr-ed-Din"(favoured by the 7~i'~es) leaves
it quite uncertain (apart from particular knowledge of the person or
titles is
meant, and so, in consulting an Oriental index, the three
possibilities must all be kept in view, a circumstance which
causes needless embarrassment to anyone using Oriental as well
as European books. It is not, therefore, mere pedantry which
demands an adequate discrimination.
Although he Persian alphabet comprises 3z letters (ie. the
28 letters of the Arabic alphabet with four additional letters,
~ _ _
,t cJz, zYz and hard ~, required to express sounds occurring ig
but not in Arabic), the number of consonantal sounds
actually distinguishable does not exceed, if it reaches, ~4, since the
modern Persians (as their own grammarians admit) do not
(unless they affect, as some of the learned do, somewhat of the
Arabian pronunciation) distinguish between ~ (~), , (s) and
,~o (s), ail of which they pronounce like English s in "sin "(never
s?; or between ~ (0 and ~ (~); or between S (dJ~), j (z),
'o (z) and ~ (z or dJ2); or between ~ (~) and ~& (~); while the
guttural consonant 'ay'i (') is pronounced feebly, if at all, save by
those who have been influenced by Arabic. Leaving this
out of account, the following 23 symbols represent all tl~e con
sonantal sounds actually employed in Persian: [, ,t, d, t, j (as in
"), cJ' (as in "churcl1 "), ~ (always aspirated, not only at the
beginning but in the middle and at the end of words), ~ (like
alluded to) which of these equally possible names

Welsh or German ch, Spanish j or x, or modern &reek X, never
like k), z, zh (French ,; or the z in "azure "), s, ski, ~ (always
as in "garden "), B;~ ~ like modern Greek, something like the
Northumbrian r or French rg:rasse,~ri), ~ (much harder and
produced much more deeply in the throat than k), f, r (always
trilled, as in Italian, and never affecting the quality or quantity of
the preceding vo~vel, as in English), f, "z, n, w (inclining to u when
placed between two vowels), and y. Of these sounds
the gutturals kh, gh ano especially 4 are the only ones which
present an), difficulty to an Englishman, and a correct pronunciation
of these is most important if it be desired to avoid
some very grotesque and awkward confusions of "ords It is
best for one who cannot master the correct pronunciation of
these letters to pronounce ~ like, not like k; and gh and y
like hard g, as in ' gold," l~ut these are, of course, only
approximations. The aspiration c~f the h in the middle and at the end
of words also needs attention.
Something must also be said concerning Persian names and
titles, which are ~ery con fusing to foreigners. There are in
Persia no surnames and the number of names in ~eneral use
is not very lar~e, the commonest being those of the Pronhet and
the twelve llrams; the same with a prefix or suffix indicatin~
"servant of..."(eg:. Ghulam 'All, 'Ali-qull, Husayn-qull, Mabdiq~.);
the combir~ation of 'Abd (servant or slave) u ith one of
the Names or Attril~utes of God (e.g. 'Abdu'llah, 'Abdu'r-Rahman,
'Abdu'l-Wahhab, etc.); so~ne names of months (e.g. Ramazan,
Safar, Rajab, generally in combination with a name like 'Ali,
such as Rajab'Alf, Safar 'All); and some old Persian na;nes,
like llustam, Isfandiyar, Elahram, Bahman, etc. Thus ~the
number of Persians bearing na~ncs like Muhammad 'A1l, 'All
Muhammad, MuhalT~mad Hasan, Muhammad Husayn, etc., is so
lar~e that further d~stinction is essential, and this is effected
by prefixing such titles as lJsta, Aqa, Mirza (which, however,
if it iO/f~US the name instead of preceding it, means "Prince "2,
Siyyid, Ha~ji, Kart~ala'i, Mashhadl, and the like; partly by adding
after the name an epithet indicating the town tr,
which the person in question belongs (as Isfahanl, Shiraz;,
S'azd~ or the trade which he follows (as Kit~-f~`rdsh, "the

bookseller," Nu~z~d-biriz, "the pea-percher," Pfa-dde, "the
cobbler," Sarr4, "the saddler "), or a nick-name, derived from
some personal peculiarity (as Kay-kz~ldh, "Crooked-cap ").
A large proportion of Persians belonging to the official and
learned classes have a title as well as a name and the multitude and
grandiloquence of these titles ~vere severely criticized even in the
eleventh century of our era by the ~reat historian, antiouarY and
mathematician Abu Ravhan aE Blrunl. Those conferred
~ on off;cks are generally compounded with the words ~z~
("Kingdom "), Oawla ("State "), Saita7za ("Sovereignty "),
Sz~ltan ("Sovereign"), etc., e.g. A'nz'~z~c's-S~Ifan ('~he Trusted of
the King"), A)~fn~'d-Dawla ("the Tr~sted of the State",
Wasir'~'l-AluIk "the Helper of the Kin~dom "), 'Ayn?''d-Dawla
("the Eye of the titate "), Mushit7`'d-Sallana ("the Counsellor of the
Sovereignty "), Sa'dz~'d-Dawla ('' the Fortune of the
State"), A?`'tarnad-i-~ian ("the Confidant of the Prince"),
and the like. Military officers have such titles as Sardar-i-As'ad
Most Fortunate Captail'") and Sipal~dar-i-A'~am. ("the
Most Mighty General"), while for doctors of Divinity titles like
Sha~ns?`'l-'lJ/ama ("the Sun of the Learned "), and for physicians
titles like 17akhr'~'l-Atib~ (4'the Pride of Physicians") are deemed
more appropriate. One who possesses a title is generally known
_by_rather than bv his nam~ but if he dies, or is disgraced, or
promoted to a higher title, his original title becomes free, and may
conferred on somebody else. This adds greatly to the
difficulty of studying Persian history, for we shall generally find,
any period, a N=ama'l-Mulfe, a Mu'`ama^'d-Dewla, etc.,
and it is always necessary to consider what particular person
bore that title at the time in question, To make matters quite clear,
the whole name and title of each person ought to be given, but this
only conduces to undue prolixity, but has a somewhat forbidding effect
on the foreign reader. Thus the name of
my friend the Wabl~f~'l(-M'`~z ("Unique one of the Kingdom "),
who was for a time l'ersian teacher at Cambridge, is'Abdu'l-Husayn; he
is originally of the town of Kashan; he has made
the Pilgrimage to Mecca; he has the title of ~fr~a (corresponding
roughly to "Esquire"~vhen placed l~efore the name); and
also the higher title of King" (which always follows the name);

so that his full designation is "Hajji Mirza 'Abdu'l-Husayn
Khan-i-I(ishan! Wah~''f-At2~. "This appallin~ complexity
of normenclature is no doubt one of the ~reat obstacles to the
popularization of Persian history. Nor are the titles easily
remembered unless their signification be understood, and the
only alternative would appear to be to translate them and use
their English equivalents, though the e~ect of this would he
rather quaint, as may be seen by applying this operation to
five lines (~4-~8) on p. ~65 of this book, which would then read: "The
King then moderated his demands, merely asking for
the expulsion of some of tl~e deputies (Taqf's son, He-whose-
counsel-is-sought-by-the-State, and Master Help-of-God), and
the great preachers Mastcr Beauty-of-the-Faith and Pilgrim
Throughout this book I have, as a rule, placed titles in italics, but
not always, else the name of the lately deposed Sh~h,
Muhammad 'Ah, would have been in roman type, and that
of his grandfather ~Ja's~rn'd-~ ("the Helper of the Faith")
in ilalics, whicll seemed to rne incongrnous.
I should like in conclusion to thank the numerous friends
who have aided me in the co[npilation of this work, and especially
Muhammad of Q;`zwin, wllo read all the proofs and
supplied me w ith numerous valuable notes and corrections;
Shayl~h Hasan of Tal~nz, who gave me similar assistance for
part of the book; and~Mr Alfred llogers, who l~indly undertook
the laborious task of preparing the Index. My thanks are also
due to the University Press for the care and taste to which this book,
and the illustrations wllich it contains, owe so much, and to many
friends and correspondents in Persia who have supplied
me with information, suggestions and illustrative materials.
The warm sympathy with the Persians by which several of
them are animated has done much to kindle and sustain my
own enthusiasm' and it is my earnest hope that tbis book may
do the same for others.
                             EDWARD G. BROWNE.
  September 3, 1910.
                    CHAPTER I.
                 OF PAN-ISLAMISM.

  In the summer of 1902 I was requested to deliver a lecture
on Pan-Islamism to the University Extensionists who were then
visiting Cambridge. In that lecture I expressed some doubts as
ta the existence of Pan-Islamism, which I defined, somewhat
flippantly perhaps, in the words of a Muhammadan friend, as
"a mare's nest discovered by the Vienna correspondent of the
Times. "I still think the term open to objection, since Pan-
Islamism is generally understood in the West as connoting a
certain quality of "fanaticism," and it is certainly no more
fanatical than Pan-Germanism, or Pan-Slavism, or British Imperialism,
and, indeed, much less so, being, in the first place,
defensive, and, in the second, based on the more rational ground of a
common faith, not on the less rational ground of a common
race. But without doubt recent events have done much to
create amongst the Muslim nations a sense of brotherhood and
community of interests. Just as the activity of Trades Unions
led to the formation of Masters~ Unions, so the threatened
spoliation of the few remaining independent Muhammadan
States (Turkey, Persia and Morocco) by European Powers,
acting singly or in conjunction, has awakened these states to
a sense of their common dangers, and is gradually but inevitably
them towards a certain solidarity. In this sense we
may, if we choose, speak of a Pan-Islamic movement.
The awakening of the Muslim world, of which more or less
striking manifestations, political or religious, have taken place
the last thirty or forty years in Turkey, Persia, Egypt'
Morocco, the Caucasus, the Crimea and India, was, without

doubt, greatly accelerated and accentuated by the Japanese
victory over Russia, which demonstrated that, equally armed
and equipped, Asiatics were perfectly capable of holding their
own in the field against even the most formidable armies of
Europe. But that awakening goes back very much further.
The Turkish reform movement, inaugurated by Shinas~ Effendi,
~iya Pasha and Kemal Bey, the first of the so-called "Young
Turks"( Ye,~i 7~urkler, more correctly "New Turks "), goes back
nearly fifty years', culminated in the granting of the Constitution on
l~ecember z3, '87G, languished during the dark days of the
Russo-Turkish war, and appeared to have been completely
stifled under the repressivre rule of Sultan 'Abdutl-Hamld until its
sudden, glorious and utterly unexpected revival on July 24'
1908, almost exactly a month after the destruction by the Shah
and his Russian mercei~aries of the first Persian Parliament.
The Egyptian national movement, which began about ~87' and
culminated in the revolt of'Arab1 Pasha and the British Occupation of
Egypt in :88z, is still very far from extinction, and has
shown various signs of activity during the last few years. The
Persian "Risorgimento," which culminated in the granting of
the Constitution by the late Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah on August 5,
1906, and was checked, though only for a time, by the co~p d'/iat of
~une z3, '~o8, really dates back, so far as its outward mani
festations are concerned, to the successful agitation against the
Tobacco Monopoly in ~89~, while the ideas which gave rise to
that unexpected outburst of popular discontent began to be
promulgated h~ Persia, at least five or six years earlier, by the
remarkable man of whom I propose to give some brief account
in this chapter.
It is a matter still open 'to discussion wilether great men give rise
to great movements, or great movements to great men, but
at least the two are inseparable, and in this movement towards
the unity and freedom of the Muslim peoples none played so
conspicuous a ?~OA/e as Siyyid Jam~'tlu'd-Dhl, a man of enormous force
of character, prod~glous learning, mltiril]2, activity dauntless For
excellent account oF the literary aspects of the "Young Turkish "mo~e
ment, see Vol. Y of the late hIr E. J V. Gibb's History of Ottoman
Poetry (London: Luzac, '907), especially Chapter I on "The Dawn of a

courage, extraordinary eloquence both in ~eech and writing, and
an appearance equally strikin~ and majestic. He was at once
philosopher, writer, orator and iourrialist1 but above all politician,
and was re~arded by his admirers as a great patriot and by his
antagonists as a dan~erous agitator. He visited, at one time or
another, most of the lands of Islam and a great many European
capitals, and came into close relations, sometimes friendly, more
hostile, with many of the leading men of his time, both in the East
the West.
The materials for his biography are fortunately copious, but
are mostly in Arabicl. There is a short account of his life
prefixed to the Arabic translation of his Refutation of ~the
Maferzalists (originally composed in Persian at Haydar-abad
in the Deccan about ~ 880), published at Beyrout in ~ 885-6
(A.H. ~303). Another biography, carried down to his death in
t8g7, is given in the second part of Jurji Zaydan's Mash~hiru'sh-Shar~
(`'~astern Celebrities"), pp. 54-66, published at Cairo
in 1903. Still more recently the Egyptian magazine ai-Mandr
has published, and is still publishing, new and copious materials
illustrating almost every phase of his active and eventful
career. His greatest and most eminent disciple was Shaykh
Muhammad 'Abduh, the late Grand Muft' of Egypt, who,
though undoubtedly one of the greatest Muhammadan thinkers
and teachers of our time, was proud to call Siyyid Jamalu'd-
Din his master. They first met in Egypt about 1871, and
from this date onwards we have ample and trustworthy materials
for the Siyyid's biography, but for his early life and adventures we
have practically but one account, which is not only somewhat
meagre, but presents this difficulty, that while it represents
Afghanistin as his birth-place and the scene of his youthful
ac~evements, it is affirmed by all Persians. and by so great
an authority on Persian affairs as General Houtum Schindler,
Since this chapter was written I have received from Persia the
opening portion of a most admirable flis~o?y of ~h' Azoakei~ of thr
Pcrsians (7a'rikh-i-13f~, t-i ~iy3~, compiled by ~drimu'f-lsidm of
Kirman, and enriched with riumerous documents of great historical
importance. The Introduction to this work, of which 11: pages are now
in my hands, contains a long account of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din. I shall
refer to it in the foot~notes as "rhe Awaksnig," and shaU quote more
fully from it in a Note at the end of the volume.

that he was in reality born not at As'ad-abad near Kabul, but
at Asad-ab~`d near Hamadan in Persia, in which case he can
[ardly have been so closely associated with Afghan politics in
iSS7~8 as he asserts. It has been suggested that, bein'~r in
reality a Persian, he claimed to be an Nfghan, partly in order
to be able to pass more conveniently as an orthodox SunnL
Muhammadan, and partly ir~ order to withdraw himself fror,1
the dubious "protection" accorded by the Persian government
to its subiectsl.
  According to his own account, then, Siyyid Muhammad
Jamalu'd-Din was born in the village of As'ad-~`bad near Kanar,
a dependency of Kabul, in the year A.H. 1254 (= A.~. 1838-9~.
His father was Siyyid SaDdar, who claimed to be descended
from the great traditionist Siyyid 'All at-Tirmidhi, and ultimately
the Prophet's grandson al-Husayn, the son of 'Al',
the son of Abu Talib. While he was still a ch~ld, his father
moved to Kabul2, the capital of Afghc'mistan. From his childhood he
shewed great intelligence and quickness of apprehension,
and when he was eight years old his father himself undertook
his education9. During the succeeding ten years his studies
embraced almost the whole range of Muslim sciences, namely,
Arabic grammar, philology and rhetoric in all their branches,
~ This question is fully discussed i'1 the Awe~ni?`gaf `fic P=ssas
96-97, etc.~. The author of that work gi~es a Persian translation of
account which appears in the Arabic sources here cited, and then
produces evidence to show that Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din was really a
and only assumed the title of Afghan from the motives which I have
suggesle~l in the text, regarding Persian nationality as but poor
guarantee of security. It is stated in one of the biographies that
Muhammad Khan,
the grandfather of the Arnir 'Abdu'r-Rahman Khan, cor~fiscated Siyyid
Safdar's property and c'?mpelle~l hin~ to reside at ICabul, presumably
in order that he might keep him under closer super`-ision. 3 According
to the A~ua~nsag of ~hc Pcrlia~sr, Siyyid Jan~alu'd-Din's birth~place,
Asarl-abad, is situated 7 parasangs from Hamadan and 5 from
Kangawar, and contains about 8r~o households con~prising some 40co
souls. Many of Ja~nalu'd-Din~s rel:rlio~'s still liv-e tl~ere. Iiis
father, Sayyirl .SaRlar, was poor and illiternte. I rorrZ his fifth to
his tenth ye:`r Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din stl'dierl in tl~e local school.
:~t eight coulc, read and u rile Persian and also knew Turhish. At the
age of ten he ran away from his father, and went successively to
Hamadan, Isfahan, and bIashbad, and later to Afghanistan, where he
learned some English. He refused, however, to a~ln~it his Persian
nalionality, and disliked any reference to his conneclion ~vith Asad-
abad near Hamadan.

history, Muslim theology in all its branches, Sufiism, logic,
philosophy, practical and theoretical, physics and metaphysics,
mathematics, astronomy, medicine, anatomy, etc.
At the age of eighteen he visited India, where he remained
or a year and some months, during which time he learned
something of the European sciences and their methods. From
India he performed the pilgrimage to Mecca' whither he journeyed in a
leisurely fashion, ultimately reaching the sacred city
in A.H. 1,73 (=A.D. 1887). He then returned to his own
country and entered the service of Dust Muhammad Khan,
whom he accompanied in his campaign against Herdt, which
was occupied by his cousin and son-in-law, Sultan Ahmad
  Dust Muhammad died and was succeeded by Shar 'Ali in
A.H. 128O (=A.C. 1864). At the advice of his woz~r, Muhammad
Raflq Khan, the new Amir prepared to seize and imprison his
three brothers, Muhammad A'zam, Muhammad Aslam, and
Muhammad Amin, to the first-named of whom Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
had attached himself. The brothers fled, each to his
own province; civil war ensued; and ultimately Muhammad
A'zam and his nephew, ~Abdu'r-Rahman (the late Amir), occupied
the capital, released Muhammad Afzal, the father of
fAbdu'r-Rahman, from the prison in which he was confined at
Ghazna, and proclaimed him Amir. He died, however, about a
year later, and was succeeded by Muhammad A'zam, who made
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din his prime minister, and, guided by the
Siyyid's wise statecraft, might have succeeded in bringing the
whole country under his control but for his jealousy of his
relatives and his unwillingness to employ any of them, save
the youngest and most inexperienced of his own sons, in his
Meanwhile the rival Amir, Shir 'All, continued to occupy
Qandahar, where he was presently attacked by one of his
nephews, a son of Muhammad A'zam, who hoped by some
doughty deed to secure his father's special favour. Instead of
this, however, he rashly isolated himself, with some two hundred of
men, from the bulk of his army, and was taken prisoner by Ya'qub Khan,
one of Shir 'All's generals. Thus encouraged, Shir

All renewed the war with vigour, and, supported by the English,
who supplied him liberally with money, he ultimately succeeded
in vanquishing his brother, Muhammad A'zam and his nephew
'Abdu'r-Rahman, of who~ the former escaped to Nishapur in
Persia, where he died a feu, months later, and the latter to
Siyyid Jamalu'd-D;n, however, remained at Kabul, protected
from Shir 'Al`'s vengeance alike by his holy descent and his
personal influence with the people; but after a while he deemed
it prudcut to leave his country, and so asked and obtained permission
to perform again the pilgrimage to Mecca. This was
accorded to him, on condition that he avoided passing through
Persia, where it was feared that he might foregather with his
late master Muhammad A'zan1, and he accordingly set out for
Mecca by way of India in A.H. 1285 (A.~. ~86g). There he was
received w ith honour by the Indian gosernment, which, however,
prevented him from meeting the leaders of Muslim opinion save
under its supervision, and, a month after his arrival, sent him in one
of its ships to Suez. Thence he visited Cairo for the first
time, and remained there forty days, frequenting the great
11niversity of al-Azhar, holding cmlverse with many of its
teachers and students, and lecturing to a chosen few in his
own lodging.
Instead of proceeding to Mecca, Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din decided
to visit Constantinople, where he was ~vell received by'5ll Pasha, the
Grand Wazlr, and other notables of the Ottoman capital.
Six months after his arrival he was elected a member of the
~4?yi`'''an-i-DAn~s12, or (urkish Academy, and in Ramazan,
A.H. ~87 (Nov.-Dec., 1870) he was invited by Tahsin Effendi,
the director of the Dff,~c'l-ti`~' or University, to deliver an
to the students. At first he excused himself, on the
ground of his inadequate knowledge of Turkish, but ultimately
he consented He wrote out his speech in Turkish and submitted
it to Safvet Pasha, who v~as at that time Minister of Pul~lic
Instruction, and also to Shirvam-Zade, the Minister of Police,
and Mun~f Pasha, all of whom approved it. Unhappily the
Shaykhu'l-Islam, Hasan Fehml Effendi, was jealous of the
Siyyid, whose influence he was eager to destroy, and when

the latter delivered his address to a large and distinguished
audience, which included many eminent Turkish statesmen and
journalists, he was watching carefully for some expression on
account of which he might be able to impugn the speaker's
orthodoxy. Now the Siyyid in his address compared the body
politic to a living organism, of which the limbs were the different
crafts and professions, and he described the king, for instance, as
corresponding to the brain, iron-workers to the arms, farmers to the
liver, sailors to the feet, and so on. Then he said: "Thus is the body
of human society compounded. But a body cannot live
without a soul, and the soul of this body is either the prophetic or
philosophic faculty, though these two are distinguished by the fact
the former is a divine gift, not to be attained by endeavour, but
vouchsafed by God to such of his servants as He
pleases..., while the latter is attainable by thought and study. They
are also distinguished by this, that the prophet is immaculate and
faultless, while the philosopher may go astray and fall
into error...."
The Shaykhu'l-Islam, Hasan FehmI Effendi, seized upon these
words, and accused Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din of describing the prophetic
office as an "art "or "craft," and the prophet as an
"artificer'? or "craftsman."The matter was taken up in the
pulpit and the press, and warmly debated on both sides, the
Siyyid insisting upon defending himself and refusing to let the
agitation work itself out, until finally, for the sake of peace
and quietude, the Turkish Government ordered him to leave
Constantinople for a time. Thereupon he again returned to
Egypt, where he arrived on March ~, ~87~.
Siyyid Jamalu'd-D[n's original intention was to remain in
Egypt only a short while, but Riy~z Pasha met him, was greatly
impressed by his abilities, and obtained for him a government
allowance of a thousand piastres a month, "not for any specific
services, but to do honour to an illustrious visitor."Students

and others whom his fame had reached Rocked to him and
persuaded him to lecture to them in his house, and he expounded
to enthusiastic audiences some of the most advanced
text-books on various branches of Lluhammadan theology,
philosophy, gunsprudence, astronomy and mysticism. His influence

and fame continued to increase in Egypt, and he began
to direct his attention to teaching his students the art of literary
expression, encouraging the~n to write essays and articles on
various subjects, literary, philosophical, religious and political.
Hitherto there had been but few capable writers in Egypt, the
most eminent at that time teeing 'Abdu'llah Pasha Fikn, Khayn
Pasha, Muhammad Pasha, Mustafa Pasha Wahbf and a few
others; but now, thanks to the Siyyid's efforts, the number
of able young writers increased rapidly.
Here again, however, he aroused enmity and 3ealousy in
certain quarters. The old-fashioned theologians reprobated his
attempts to revive the study of philosophy, while Mr (afterwards Lord)
Vivian, the British Consul-General, suspicious of his ~oolitical
activities, succeeded in inducing Tawftq Pasha, who had
recently succeeded as Khedive, to order his expulsion from Egypt,
together with that of his faithful disciple, Abu Turabl.
This happened in September, ~879, and the Siyyid again made
his way to India, and took up his abode at Haydar-abad in the Deccan,
where, as has been already mentioned, he composed his
Refilmlion of ll~e Materialisis, of which the original Persian text
lithographed ill A.H. 1298 (= A.n. 1881).
In ~882 the' Young Egyptian"movement, with which Siyyid
Jamalu'd-D1n had identified himself, and which aimed primarily
at limiting the Khedive's e~ctravagance and autocratic power and
checking foreign intervention and control, culminated in the revolt of
'Arab; Pasha, the bombardment of Alexandria, the battle of
Tel-el-Keb~r and the British occupation. Before hostilities broke out
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din was summoned by the Indian Government
from Haydar-abad to Calcutta, and there detained until
the struggle was over and the Egyptian Nationalists were
defeated, when he was permitted to leave India. He came
first to London, where he remained only a few days, and then
went to Paris, `~,here he abode for three years.
While at Paris he was joined by his friend and disciple

1. According to the Awakening of Persia, (p. 98), Abu Turab
was originally in the service of the great Mujtahid Aqa Siyyid
bluhan~mad Tabataba'i but was led by his devotion to Siyyid
Jamal'u-Din to attach himself to him and accompany him on his

Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh, the late MuftI of Egypt', who had
been exiled from his country on account of his participation in
the Nationalist struggle of ~88z, and these two started an Arabic
newspaper entitled al-'Ur:oatu'l- Wuth~7a, mainly political and
anti-English. Of this paper, which also bore the
French title Je Lie?` ~disso~6Ce, and was edited from No. 6 in
the Rue Martel, I possess only one copy, No. ~7, dated September z5,
~884, from which date it may be inferred that it was
founded about hiay of that year. The next number (No. t8)
was the last, for the British Government, alarmed at the fierceness of
its attacks, and at its growing influence, stopped its entrance into
India and probably employed other means to put an end to
its existence. While in Paris, Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din, who had
succeeded in learning a certain amount of ~ rench, gave publicity to
views in the European Press, and also carried on a philosophical
controversy with Renan on '` Islam and Science."His
political articles on England, Russia, Turkey and Egypt were
largely quoted in the English Press, and he was regarded by the
leading English politicians of that time as a personality equally
remarl;able and formidable. In spite of this, he came to London
during this period (in ~ 885) and was interviewed by Lord
Randolph Churchill, Sir Drummond Wolff' and I think Lord
Salisbury, who wished to learn his views as to the Mahd! who
had appeared in the Sudan, and especially, as would appear from
Mr Wilfrid Blunt's narrative, as to the possibility of coming to terms
with him.
On the collapse of aJ-'Urwatu'l-W'`/J~qa, Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
left Paris for Moscow and St Petersburg, where he was
accorded a very favourable reception, and where he remained
four years2. During this period he rendered a great service

1. An excellent and very full biography of the late Mufti by his
and disciple Siyyid Muhammad Rashld Riza, editor of the
monthly Arabic review al-Mandr. was published at Cairo in A.H. 1334
(A.D. 1906). I possess only Vols. II and Ill, of which the fonner
contains 560 and the latter 428 pages.
2. He appears to have visited Russia twice at least, once in 1885,
his failure to arrive at any satisfactory understanding with the
Govemment, and again in 1889, after his meeting with Nasiru'd-Din Shah
at Munich, when the Aminu's-Sultan entrusted him with a confidential
mission to the Russian Foreign Office. According to the biography in
Mashahiru'sh-Sharq (p. 62), the Siyyid first visited Persia in
to a telegraphic invitation from Nasiru'd-Din Shah ear]y in 1886, was
made Minister of war, visited the Zillu's-Sultan at Isfahan, and was
finally permitted to leave the countr`y ror change Gf a;r,' whereupon
be went to Russia. His second visit to Persia was in '889, and his
second expulsion in 1890.

to the Muslim subjects of Russia by inducing the Tsar to allow
them to print the Q''r'nn and other religious books.
While the Siyyid was still resident at the Russian capital, it
was visited by Nasiru'd-lDin Shah of Persia, who expressed a
desire to meet him, but he ignored the royal intimation, though
shortly afterwards a meeting between the two took place at
Munich. The Sh'th urged the Siyyid to retur~j~h~jm~o
Persia, offering to make hi rn Prime Minister, but he at first
~ed, on the ground that he wished to visit the Paris Exhibition, until
l~e was finally overcome bv the Shahts insistencg, in spite of the
warnings of his friend Shaykh ~Abdu'l-Qadir al-MaghribL
who said to him," How can he invite you to fill such a position,
that you are notorious for your efforts to strengthen the Sunni faith
7"To this the Siyyid replied, `'DIere fancy and
folly on his part," but nevertheless he accompanied the Shah to
Persia and remained there for some time. After a while, however,
observing an unf;~vourable change in the Shah's attitude
towards him, he asked perInission to return to Europe, which
was refused him with some discourtesy. Thereupon he took
roast in the Shrine of Shah 'Ahdu'L-'Azim, where he remained
seven months. His hostility to the Shah was now declared:
he denounced him in speech and writing, advocated his
deposition, and gathered round himself a number of disciples,
of whom twelYe were esp~p~t. Amongst these were
included Shaykh tAlf of Qazwin, one of the chief judges (~oyndi-
i'~liyra) in the time of the fi rst National Assembly of Persia, and
one of the captives in the Bagh-;-Shah, oh whom the ex-Shah's
wrath fell most hea`'ily; Mirza ~qa Khan, afterwards sub-editor
of the I,ersian ~kiztar,r"Star") at Constantinople, ultimately put to
death secretly at Tabrtz with Shaykh Ahtmad of Kirman on
July 17, 1896; Mirza RizI of Kirman, who shot N7asiru'd-D'n Shah on
1, 1896, and was hanged at Tihran on Au~ust 12 of the
same year; and Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Khan of Tibrin, who
composed a work in refutatiotl of religions (Radd-i-Madhahib).
Finally the Shah decided on deporting him from the country,

though it involved the serious step of violating the renowned
sanctuary in which he had taken refuge, and sent a body of
500 horsemen to arrest him (though he was at the time confined
to his bed by illness), and convey him under escort to the
Turkish frontier. This act caused great indignation amongst
the Siyyid's admirers, and, as will appear from a later chapter, was
of the chief causes which brought about the death of
Nasiru'd-~In Shah in '8g6.
I do not know the date of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's expulsion
from Persia, but it must have been about the end of '890 or
in the early part of 189~. In the autumn of ~89~ he was in
London, and I met him by invitation of the late Prince Malkom
Khan at the house in Holland Park which, until that eminent
diplomatist's quarrel with the Shah in- ~889, was the Persian
Legation. My personal impressions of the Siyyid will be given
in the subsequent chapter dealing with the Tobacco Concession.
Durin~ his stay in London he addressed several meetings and
wrote sundry articles on_"the Rei~n of Terror in Persia," 
attacking the Shah's character, and even his sanity, with ~reat
In ~892 the Siyyid again went to Constantinople. where the
remainin~ five years of his life were spent. The Sultan
'Abdu'l-Hamid, with whom he stood in high favour, at any rate
until a year before his death, asked him to discontinue his
attacks on the Shah of Persia, saying that the Persian Ambassador had
thrice approached him on the subject, and that, though
he had excused himself from intervening on the first two
occasions, he had finally promised to use his influence in the
way proposed. To this the Siyyid replied, "In obedience to
the commands of the Caliph of the age, I forgive the Shah of
Persia, I forgive the Shah of Persia."Then the Sultan said,
"Verily the Shah of Persia stands in great fear of you."This
fear, as subsequent events showed, was not unfounded.
On the assassination of Nisiru'd-Din Shah on May 1, 1896,
by Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman, suspicion, which had at
first (unjustly enough) fallen on the Babis, soon fell qo Siyyid,
Jamalu'd-Din, on another of his disciples Mirza Aqa Khan, and
on Shaykh Ahmad of Kirman and Hajji Mirza Hasan Khan

Khabiru'l-Mulk, and the extradition of these four was demanded
by the Persian from the Turkish government. The
three last-named were finally surrendered to the Persian
authorities, and were secretly put to death at Tabriz, as will be more
fully narrated in the subsequent chapter dealing with the
assassination of Nasiru'd-Din Shah, but the Sultan refused to
surrender Siyyid lamalu'd-Dm. The question of his nationality
was raised at this time, for if he had been really an Afghan, he would
have been entitled to claim protection, or at least a fair trial, from
the British Embassy, since Afghinistan has no representatives abroad,
and England is responsible for safeguarding
the interests of her subjects in foreign countries. The Siyyid,
however, whether because he was not really an Afg,han, or
because he did not wish to be indebted for his safety to a Power of
which he had consistently proclaimed his detestation, seems
to have left himself in the Sultan's hands' and the Sultan, as
already said, declined to give him up.
Touards the end of ~896 he was attacked by cancer of the
jaw, w-hl~h soon spread to the ne~,
t8~7, and he was buried with great pomp and circumstance m
the "ShavEhs' Cemetery"(SIzeyieJ~ler Mezarlif:J:i) near Nis~
Tash. It is asserted by most Persians, and denied by most
~s, that he did not die a natural death, but was inoculated in
the lip with some poisonous matter, which caused a pathological
condition superficially resembling cancer, by one of the Sultan's
courtiers named Abu'l-Huda. Al-'ilmn 'inda'll~-"God alone
  Such, in brief outline, was the career of this remarkable
man, who, during a period of at least twenty years, probably
influellced the course of events in the Muhamlnaclall East more
than any other of his contemporaries. To write his history in
full would be to write a history of the whole Eastern Question
in recent times, including in this survey Afghinistan and India, ancl,
in a much greater degree, Turkey, Egypt, and l~ersia, in
wllich latter countries his inRuence is still, in different ways, a
living force. A bare record of the events of his life does not
adequately reveal him. Ha~ing striven to describe his career
impartially, concealing nothing that I know, and extenuating

nothing, I am conscious that a majority of those of my country
men who have read this chapter thus far will unhesitatingly put
him down as a singularly dangerous and unscrupulous intriguer,
who was prepared to go to any length to attain his ends.
Before discussing more fully his political ideas, and the one
deep and passionate conception which consistently underlay
them, I shall, in order to pourtray the man more clearly, give in an
abridged form the account of his personal characteristics
which concludes his biography in the Mash~lYu'sh-Sharq.
In appearance he was of dark complexion, like an Arab of
the Hijaz, squarely built, thick-set and sturdy, with Rashing
black eyes. His glance was penetrating, notwithstanding the
fact that he was short-sighted, and, since he would not wear
glasses, he was obliged to hold any book which he read close to
his eyes. He wore his hair long, did not shave, and habitually
dressed in the fashion prevalent amongst the 'ulamd of Constantinople.
He ate sparingly, generally once a day, but drank tea,
in true Persian fashion, continually. He was also a confirmed
smoker, and so particular as to the quality of his tobacco that he
always bought it himself. Unlike most Asiatics, he preferred
cigars to cigarettes. During his final residence in Constantinople he
received (75 T. a month from the tiuitan, who also
provided him with a house at Nishan Tash, with furniture,
and a carriage and horses from the Royal stables. He generally
stayed at home all day, and only drove out to the Sweet Waters
of Europe (Kyaghid-Khand), or some other pleasure-resort of
the Turkish capital, towards evening. He slept little, retiring
late and rising early. He received those who came to visit him
with kindness and courtesy, the humblest as much as the most
distinguished, but was chary of paying visits, especially to
persons of high rank. In speech he was clear and eloquent,
always expressing himself in choice language, and avoiding
colloquial and vulgar idioms, but carefully adapting his words to the
capacity of his hearers. As a public speaker he hacl har(lly a rival
the East. He was serious and earnest in speech and
little given to jesting or frivolous talk. He was abstemious in
his life, caring little for the things of this world; bold and
in face of danger, frank and genial, but hot-tempered, affable

towards all, but independent in his dealings with the great. It
is related that when he was expelled from Egypt, he arrived at
Suez with empty pockets. The Persian Consul, accompanied by
several Persian merchants, offered him a sum of money, either
as a loan or a gift, but he refused it, caying, "Keep your money, for
you need it more than I do. The lion, whithersoever he goes, will find
the wherewithal to eat."His intellectual powers and
his quick insight and discernment were equally remarkable,
so that he seemed able to read men's thoughts before they had
spoken. He possessed a wonderful personal magnetism and
power of carrying his hearers with him. His knowledge was
extensive, and he was especially versed in ancient philosophy,
the philosophy of history, the history and civilization of Islam, and
all the Muhammadan sciences. He was a good linguist,
and learned l;rench in three months without a master sufficiently well
to read and translate. He knew the Arabic, Turkish,
Persian and Afghan languages well, together with a little
English and Russian'. He was a Yoracious reader, especially of
Arabic and Persian books. He appears never to have married,
and to have been indifferent t~_
The~concluding E~aragraph of his biography in the
which summarizes his political aspirations, runs
as follows (pp. 65, 66):
"It will be gathered from this brief summary of his life and
deeds that the goal to~vards which all his actions were directed, and
the pivot on which all his hopes turned, was the unanimity
of Islam and the bringing together of all Muslims in all parts of the
world into one Islamic Empire under the protection of one
Supreme Caliph2. In this endeavour he spent all his energies,
and for this end he abandoned all worldly ambitions, taking
to himself no wife and adopti'~g no profession. Yet withal he
failed in his endeavour, and died without leaving any written

1. So also in the Awakening of the Persians (p. 98) it is stated that
he knew these seven languages, and of Turkish two dialects, that of
Ottoman Empire, and the Persian-Turkish dialect of Hamadan.
2. According to the A'un~ni~sg (p. IO]) he found~ at Mecca a
Society named Umn:~`'i-Qurd, which 3 imed at creating one Caliph ot
whole Muslin' world, either at Constantinople or KuFa. It printed and
circulated its rules and constitution, but was suppressed by Sultan
'Abdu'l-Hamid within a year of its foundation.

record of his thoughts and aspirations save his treatise in
refutation of the materialists and sundry isolated letters and
pamphlets on various subjects, of some of which mention has
been already made. But he raised up a living spirit in the hearts of
friends and disciples which stirred their energies and
sharpened their pens, and the East has profited and will profit
by their labours '."
Siyyid Muhammad Rash1d' the editor of al-Mazzar, has
published three noteworthy documents from the pen of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-D~n, which illustrate in a remarkable manner both the
nature and the extent of the influence exerted by him on the
course of the events in Persia which will be dealt with in the
following chapters. The first of these documents is the letter
which he addressed to Hajji M;rza Hasan-i-Shlrazi, one of the
chief Mzzjtabid~s at Samarra', whereby that high ecclesiastic was
stirred to take action in the matter of the Tobacco Concession,
and so to take the first step in identifying the powerful clergy of
Persia with the popular or Nationalist party. The two others are
articles contributed in February and March, 1892, to an Arabic
periodical entitled .Ziya'u'l-K/zafiqayn i~"The Light of the Two
Hemispheres "), both of which deal with the state of Persia at
that time. To each of these the editor has added a few pregnant
remarks, which I shall translate, together with selected portions of
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's letters, since these are too long to be
here in full.
                 BASRA TO SAMARRA 3.
      In the Name of God the Merciful the Forgiving.

"The truth I tell: verily this letter is an invocation to the
spirit of the Muhammadan Law, wherever it is found and

1 It is worth noting that these words vvere written by a Syrian
Christian, not by a Muslim. They vvere published five years ago, since
when it has been abundantly Shown-especially in Persia-that the forces
set in motion by Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din are still actively at work.
2. He died in March, 1895.
3. The text of this letter, ~Yhich must ha~e beeli written
after Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's expulsion from Persia in 1891, is also
in the Awakening of the Persians (pp. 108 et seqq.). The mujtahid's
fatwa, ordering all true believers to abstain frun1 tobacco until tl~e
Concession was withdrawn, was issued early in December in that year,
the agitalion against the Concession was aIready violent in the
preceding June. The texl of this brief but importantfatwa is given on
p. 16 of the Awakening.

wherever it dwells, and an appeal made by the people to all true souls
~vho believe in this La`v and strive to give it effect, whencesoever
they have arisen and wheresoever they flourish, to wit
the doctors ('uicz?~za) of Islam. And this appeal I desire to make
all of these, though it be addressed to one in particular.
"Pontiff of the people, Ray of the Imams' Light, E,illar of
the edifice of Religion, Tongue attuned to the exposition of the
Perspicuous Law, Your lleverence Hajji MIrza Muhammad
Hasan of Shiraz-may God protect by your means the fold of
Islam, and avert the plots of the vile unbelievers!
"God hath set thee apart for this supreme vice-gerency, to
represent the Most Great Proof, and hath chosen thee out of the
true communion, and hath committed to thy hands the reins to
control the people conformably to the most luminous Law, and
to protect their rights thereby, and to guard their hearts from
errors and doubts therein. He 1lath entrusted to thee of all
mankind (so that thou art become the heir of the Prophets) the
care of those weigllty interests wherel?y the people shall prosper in
this world and attain happiness hereafter. He hath assigned
to thee the throne of authority, and hath bestowed on thee such
supremacy over his people as empowers thee to save and defend
their country and testify for them to the ways of those who
have gone before.
"Verily the people, high and low, settled and nomad, noble
and simple' have submitted themselves to this thy high and
divine authority on bended kr~ees and with prostrate bodies, their
looking towards thee in every emergency which befalls
them, their glances fixed on thee in every calamity which overtakes
them, believing that their happiness and welfare are from
thee, and their salvation and deliverance by thee, and their
security and the accomplishment of their hopes in thee."
The writer then goes on to say that the Persian people are
rendered desperate by the oppressions which they suffer and the
sight of their country-"the E lome of Religion "(~trin'd-~*~)sold to
overrun by foreigners and unbelievers, but that, in

the absence of a leader, they are distracted, divided and impotent,
that they begin to murmur and lose faith because
no sign or direction comes from the M'~ylabid whom they
regard, and have a right to regard, as their guide an`1 leader in all
things touching the welfare of 3 slam. "They think," ' he
adds, "and this is the truth, that shine is the word which will
unite them and shine the proof which shall decide, that thy
command is effective, and that none wili contest thy authority,
and that, didst thou so desire, thou couldst combine their
scattered units by a ~vord on thy part..., thereby filling with fear
God's enemy and theirs, guard them from the malice of the
infidels, dispel the trouble and misery which surround them, and raise
them [rom their hard life to what is more ample and easy.
So shall the Faith be defended and protected by its adherents,
and Islam exalted and uplifted."
He then continues, after an intervening paragraph
4'O most mighty Pontiff! Verily the King's' purpose
wavereth, his character is vitiated, his perceptions are failing ancl
his heart is corrupt. He is incapable of governing the
land, or managing the affairs of his people, and hath entrusted
the reins of government in all things great and small to the
hands of a wicked freethinker3, a tyrant and usurper, who
revileth the l'rophets openly, and heedeth not God's Law, who
accounteth as naught the religious authorities, curseth the
doctors of the Law, rejecteth the pious, contemneth honourable
Siyyids3 and treateth preachers as one would treat the vilest of
mankind. Moreover since his return from the lands of the
Franks he hath taken the bit between his teeth, drinks wine
openly, associates with unbelievers and displays enmity towards
the Yirtuous. Such is his priYate conduct; but in addition to
this he hath sold to the foes of our Faith the greater part of
the Persian lands and the profits accruing therefrom, to wit the
the ivays leading "hereunto, the roads connecting them
1. i.e. Nasiru'd-Din Shah.
2. i.e. the A"r~n't's-Sullfin, who ~,as at this time PrinZe Minister
Persia. 3. i.e. descendants of the Prophet.
4. The concession granted to Baron Julius de Reuter in January, 1889,
included the right of exploiting the nnineral `~,ealtl, of Persia,
though this u-as ceded in the following year to the Persian Bank
Rights Corporation.

with the frontiers of the country, the inns about to be built by the
side of these extensive arteries of communication which will ramify
through all parts of the kingdom, and the gardens and
fields surrounding them. Also the river Karun' and the guesthouses
will arise on its banks up to its very source, and
the gardens and meadows which adjoin it, and the highway
from Ahwaz to Tihran, with the buildings, inns, gardens and
fi elds surrounding it. Also the tobacco (tun~)', with the chief
centres of its cultivation, the lands on which it is grown, and the
dwellings of the custodians, carriers and sellers, wherever these are
found. He has similarly disposed of the grapes used for
making wine, and the shops, factories and wine-presses appertaining to
this trade throughout the whole of Persia; and so
likewise soap, candles and sugar, and the factories connected
therewith. Lastly there is the llank: and what shall cause thee
to understand what is the Bank ? It means the complet
handing over of the reins of gover~lment to the enemy of Islam3, the
enslaving of the people to that enemy, the surrendering of
them and of all dominion and authority into the hands of the
foreign foe.
"Thereafter the ignorant traitor, desiring to pacify the people
by his futile arguments, pretended that these agreements were
temporary, and these compacts only for a limited period which
would not exceed a hundred years! God! what an argument,
the weakness of which amazed even the traitors ~
"Then he offered what ~vas left to Russia4 as the price of her
silence and acquiescence (if indeed she will consent to be silent),
namely the Murdab (lagoon) of Rasht, the rivers of Tabaristan,
and the road from Anzall to Khurasan, with the houses, inns
and fields appertaining thereto. But Russia turned up her nose
at this offer, and declined to accept such a present; for she is bent
on the annexation cf Khurasan and the occupation of

1. The boasts uttered by Lord Salisbury at the Guildlhall Banquet on
Nov. 9, 1888, concerning the Karun River Concession greatly alarmed
Persian Government, and caused some restuctions to be introduced into
the original scheme.
2.  The Tobacco Concession was granted on March 8, 1890, and
at the British Legation on May 9 of the same year.
3. He means England.
4. This refers to the concessions made to Prince Dolgorouky in

Azarbayjan and Mazandaran, unless these agreements be cancelled
and these compacts rescinded-agreements, namely, which
involve the entire surrender of the kingdom of Persia into the
hands of that most contentious foe. Such is the first result of
the policy of this madman.
"In short this criminal has offered the provinces of the
Persian land to auction amongst the Powers, and is selling the
realms of Islam and the abodes of Muhammad and his household
(on whom be greeting and salutation) to foreigners. But
by reason of the vileness of his nature and meanness of his
understanding he sells them for a paltry sum and at a wretched
price. (Yea, thus it is when meanness and avarice are mingled
,with treason and folly!)
"And thou, O Proof, if thou wilt not arise to help this
people, and wilt not unite them in purpose, and pluck them
forth, by the power of the Holy Law, from the hands of this
sinner, verily the realms of Islam will soon be under the control of
foreigners, who will rule therein as they please and do what
they will. If this opportunity is lost by thee, O Pontiff, and this
thing befalls while thou art alive, verily thou wilt not leave
behind thee a fair record in the register of time and on the
pages of history. And thou knowest that the '~la,72a of Persia
and the people thereof with one accord (their spirits being
straitened and their hearts distressed) await a word from thee
wherein they shall behold their happiness and whereby their
deliverance shall be effected. How then can it beseem one
on whom God hath bestowed such power as this to be so chary
of using it or to leave it in abeyance ?
`'I further assure Your Eminence, speaking as one who
knoweth and seeth, that the Ottoman Government will rejoice
in your undertaking of this effort and will aid you therein, for it is
well aware that the intervention of Europeans in the Persian
domains and their ascendancy therein will assuredly prove
injurious to its own dominions. Moreover all the ministers and
lords of Persia will rejoice in a word in this sense uttered by
thee, seeing that all of them naturally detest these innovations and
constitutionally averse from these agreements, which your endeavour
give them the opportunity to annul, that perchance

they may restrain this evil of covetousness which hath been
sanctioned and approvecl ...AII is from thee, by thee and in thee, and
thou art responsible far all before God and men....
"No doubt the Pontiff of the people hath heard what the
ring-leaders of infidelity and the confederates of unbelief have done
to that learned, accomplished and virtuous Hajji Mulla
Fayzu'llah of Darband; and thou wilt shortly hear what these
cruel miscreants did to the learned, pious and righteous muj~ahid
Siyyid 'A1; Akbar of Shlraz. Thou wilt also learn what
killing, beating, branding and bonds have been inflicted on the
defenders of their country and their faith. Of such victims was
that virtuous youth MIrz~ Muhammad Riza of Kirman', whom
that apostate [i.e. the A m2'nn's-SuI~] killed in prison2, and the
eminent and virtuous Hajji Sayyah. (MahallatI), the cultured
and accomplished Mirza Furughi, the noble and talented Mirza
Muhammad 'Ah Khan, the well-proved and accomplished
I'/i~'ad~'s-Sal~a?2`z3 and others.
"As for my own story and what that ungrateful tyrant did to
tne...the wretch commanded me to be dragged, when I was in
sanctuary in the shrine of Shah 'Abdutl-'Azim and grievously
ill, through the snow to the capital with such circumstances of
disrespect, humiliation and disgrace as cannot be imagined for
wickedness (and all this after I had been plundered and
despoiled). ~Jerily we belong to God and verily unto Him
do we return !
"Thereafter his miserable satellites mounted me, notwithstanding my
illness, on a pack-saddle, loading me with chains,
and this in the wirlter season, amidst the snow-drifts and bitter, icy
blasts, and a company of horsemen conveyed me to
Khaniqln4, guarded by an escort. And he had previously

1. The same who afterwards killed Nasiru'd-Din Shah, as will be fully
set forth in the next chapter but one.
2. This is, of course, an error, but it is not easy to ascertain the
fate of political prisoners in Persia until long after their arrest.
3. Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timadu's-Saltana, of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's
disciples, was a man of letters, and was for a time Minister of the
Press and of the Translation Bureau. He wrote several useful works,
as the Kitab't Ma'~f~ir sua'l-Athdr (on the Institutions of Nasiru'd-
Din Shah, the chief events and most notable men of his reign, etc.),
lithographed at Tihran in A.H. 1306 (A.D. 1888). 
4. This is the Turkish fro'Ztier-post on the road between Persia and

written to the Wali (Turkish governor), requesting him to
rcmovc me to Ba.sra, knowing well that, if he IcEt mc alone,
I should come to thee, O Pontiff, and inform thee of his doings
and of the state of the people [of Persia], and explain to thee
what had befallen the lands of Islam through the evil deeds of
this infidel, and would invoke thy help, O Proof, for the True
Faith, and induce thee to come to the succour of the Muslims.
For he knew for a certainty that, should I succeed in meeting
thee, it would not be possible for him to continue in his office,
involving as it does the ruin of the country, the destruction of the
people, and the encouragement of unbelief....Moreover his
conduct was made more culpable and mean in that, in order to
avert a general revolt and appease the popular agitation, he
accused the party whom zeal for religion and patriotism had
impelled to defend the sanctuary of Islam and the rights of the
people of belonging to the Babi sect. So also (may God cut out
his tongue !) he spread it abroad amongst the people that I was
uncircumcised (alas for Islam !~. What is this weakness ? What
this cowardice ? How is it possible that a low-born vagabond
and contemptible fool should be able to sell the Muslims and
their lands for a vile price and a paltry sum, contemn the
'2cla?J2a, treat with disrespect the descendants of the 1,rophet, and
slander in such fashion Siyyids of the House of 'All? Is
there no hand able to pluck up this evil root and so to appease
the wrathful indignation of the Muslims, and avenge the descendants of
the Chief of God's Apostles (upon whom and whose
household be blessings and salutation)?
"Wherefore, seeing myself remote from that high presence,
I refrained from uttering my complaint....But when that learned
leader and ~nz~ylab~t FIajji Siyyid 'All Akbar came to Basra, he urged
me to write to that most high Pontiff a letter setting forth these
events,misfortunes and afflictions, and I hastened to obey his
knowing that God will e~ect something by thy hand.
"Peace be upon thee, and the Mercy of God, and His
  And in truth Savyid Jamalu'd-Din's hopes and expectations
were not deceived, for it was apparently this letter which induced

the great mujtahid, Hajji Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, to issue his
fatwa declaring the use of tobacco to be unlawful until the
obnoxious concession was withdrawn; it was this iatwe' which
gave to the popular resentment the sanction of Religion, thus
enabling it to triumph over the Shah, ;he Am;nu's-Sultan and
the foreign governments and co?Icessio?zaires; and amongst the
ultimate results of all this were the violent deaths of Nasiru'd-Din
Sh~h and the Aminu's-Sultan, the successful demand for a
Constitution, rendered possible only by the alliance between the
and the people, and the whole momentous struggle which
has convulsed Persia during the last four years, and of which the
history will be traced in these pages.
The remarks appended by Siyyid Muhammad Rashid to the
text of this letter are wortl1 quoting, and run as follows:-
"This letter insl~ired a spirit of heroism and enthusiasm in
that great doctor, who possessed so strong a spiritual infIuence over
the Persian people, and he accordingly issued an edict
(fatwa) forbidding the use and cultivation of tobacco'. The
'ulan~a published hisJa`~,a abroad with lightning speed, and the
bowed their necks to it to such a degree that it is related that on
morning of the day succeeding the arrival of the
Jaswa' at Tihr;in the Shah called for a ?ia?'gi~ (]alya7', or
waterpipe), and was told that there was no tobacco in the Palace, for
it had all been destroyed. He demanded with amazement the
reason of this, and was informed of theiatzoe of the Proof of
Islam (i.e. Hajji Mirza Hasan-i-Shiraz;, the '~izJlahzd); and
when he asked why they had not asked his permission first,
they replied, 'It is a religious question concerning which there was
need to seek such permission!' Thereafter the Shah
was compelled to rescind the concession and satisfy the English
company by a payment of half a million pounds. Thus did
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din save Persia from an English occupation by
abolishing the cause which would have led to this, namely this

I See the A?~aken~ng of ~e ~,RSM"S, p. ~6. The translation of
as ~ere given, runs as follows:-"In the Name of Cod the Merciful, the
Forgiving. To-da, the use of tunbJ~ anti tobacco, ir~ whatever
is reckoned as vvar against the Imam of the Age (may God hasten his
Advenl ')."This f=wa uas published in Persia by Hajji M;rza
Hasan~i-Ashtiyan;, and, though confirmed later by Mirzi
Hasan-i-Shirkl, il has been asserted that it originally emanated from

concession, and the other concessions of which you have read
the description in his letter. Such are true men and such are
true 'ulamaa!
  "Now1 the effect of the influence of the clergy is fully
manifested in Persia, inasmuch as it hath changed the order of
government and converted it from despotic to constitutional
rule. Perhaps this event is the first intimation to the 'uiaI?la that
the matter is in their hands. Yet none the less Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din was the prime mover in this revolution, as he was
also the cause of the revolution which took place in Egypt,
where the action of his Society was the first effort made to resist
destroy the authority of Isma';l Pasha, and to inspire in
TawEiq the spirit of progress, so that he assured the Siyyid and his
supporters that' if he succeeded to the throne, he would
establish a Chamber of Deputies and effect other reforms. But
thereafter the intervention of the army in politics brought the
plan to naught.
"But the success of the 'u~a?ne, prompted by his efforts and
guided by him, in hindering foreign intervention in Persia, was
not the only indication that the power of the clergy and the
people transcended the power of kings; the warning was completed
thereafter by the killing of the Shah, and what was
asserted as to the slayer being one of the followers of Siyyid
"The Siyyid did not content himself with urging the chief
m'`,ifebid and the other 'ulame' to withstand the Shah and his
Minister, nor with his success in arousing them against him. He
went from Basra to Europe and began to censure them in speech
and writing. He founded, or helped to found, there a bilingual
monthly magazine, published in Arabic and English, named
.Ziya iz'l-Khaf57ay?' (' the Light of the two Hemispheres '), to each
number of which he used to contribute an article on Persian
affairs, over the well-known signature ' the Siyyid,' or 'the
Husayn; Siyyid.' Its remarks on Egypt were, ~Ico ~mon~ct itc
most important topics.

In his articles on Persia he used to censure unsparingly its
These Y ords ~vere written about the beginning of the year ~908. I
received the sheet in u~hich they occur on lIurch ~ of that year.

government and Shah, so that the Persian Minister in London
sought him out and strove to win hi~n over and pacify him, that
perchance he might desist from speaking and writing about this,
offering him a large sum of money to do so. But the Siyyid
said to him, 'Naught will content me save that the Shah shall
~oe killed, and his belly ripped open, and his body consigned to the
tomb.' This saying of his lends colour to the belief that
the Shah's assassin was one of the Siyyid's follo~vers.
"Here we shall reproduce," the editor concludes, "some of
what he ~vrote about Persia i n the ' ~ igh! of ~e two ~c~n'zs,
in order to ~mmortalize him in history. This is what he wrote
in the second number of that periodical, published on March I,
~892, urging the 'nia'~a to depose the Shah and devote themselvcs to
intcrcsts of the people."
The article to which reference is made above is addressed to
a numl~er of the principal 'niama of Persia, who are mentioned
by name in the exordium. They are the Chief m?cjtabia, of
Karbala, Hajji Mirza Muhammad Hasan of ShirazJ Hajji Mirza
HaLfbu'llah of Rasht, HaJji MIrza Abu'l-Qasim of Karbala,
[qa Hajji M;rza Jawad of Tabriz, Hajji Siyyid'Ali Akbar of
Shlraz, Hajji Shaykh Had' of Najmabad, Mirza Hasan of
shtiyan, the Sadrn'l-'L~na, Hajji Aqa Muhsin of'Ir~q, Ha~ji
Shaykh Muhammad Tagl of Isfahan, Hajji Mulla Muhammad
Taqi of Bujnurd, and others not specified.
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din begins by emphasising the danger to
~vhich Muslim countries are exposed by the greed of European
Po~vers, to whose sinister designs, he declares, the 'u~)na offer the
chief obstacle. Where their power was restricted or broken
by the rulers of the country, as in India and Transoxiana,
Europeans easily succeeded in intervening in the affairs of the
country, and finally taking passession of it; while, on the other
the strength of Afghanistan in resisting the attacks of the English
after time is due to the influence wielded by the
m'`lfas in that country. He then proceeds to describe the policy of
Nasiru'd-Oin Shah as follc~vs:-
"When this Shah, this viper and man of sin, obtained control
of the 3`ingdom [of Persia], he began gradually to infrdlge the
rights of the '~iame, lo~ er their status, and diminish their

influence, on account of his desire to exercise despotic authority in
his vain commands and prohibitions, and to extend the
scope of his tyranny and oppression. So he drove forth many
from the country in disgrace, and by contempt prevented others
from maintaining the Holy Law, and brought others from
their homes to the Abode of Tyranny and Abuses (Tihran),
where he compelled them to abide in humiliation. Thus the air
was cleared for him, and he crushed down the people, ruined the
country, ran through a whole cycle of shameful deeds, publicly
indulged in all manner of vices, and expended on his vile
pleasures and beastly indulgences what he had ~vrung from the
blood of the poor and needy and extracted by force from the
tears of wido~vs and orphans. (Alas for Isl;im!)
"Then when his [oily h;lcl increased in all its various forms,
he choose as his Minister, a foolish wretch, who had neither
religion to control trim' understanding to check him, nor personal
honour to restrain him. No sooner had this man of sin become
invested with authority than he set himself to destroy religion
and make war on the Muslims, while his low origin and mean
extraction impelled him to sell the lands of Islam for a paltry
"So the Franks supposed that the time had come to take
possession of the Persian realm, without opposition or war' end
imagined that the power of the '~lamci, who used to defend
the citadel of Islam, had waned, and their influence departed,
and all rushed open-mouthed, eager to gobble up a portion of
this kingdom.
"Then the Truth arose, angered against the False, and
crushed it' disappohlting its endeavour and humbling each
obstinate tyrant. I speak truly: you, O leaders, have glorified
Islam by your resolve, have exalted its authority, and have filled
hearts ~vith fear and awe. All foreigners have learned
that yours is an authority not to be resisted, a strength not to be
overcome and a word not to be ignored; that you are the salt
of the earth and that you control the people. But the danger
is now great and the emergency critical, [or the devils have
1 hlirza 'Alf Asghar lChan A,nrn~'s-Sr`Itan, on ivEom at a later date
was con ferred the higher title of AMbak-i-.4'2arn.  ~

combined to repair the hurt which they have sustained, and are
eager to attain their end, ancl they are determbled to mislead that
of sin into the expulsion of all the'~flamf from the country. So they
have explained to him that only by the obedience of
the officers of his army can effect be given to his commands,
and that these officers [being at present Persians and Muslims]
will not act contrary to any command emanating from the
'ulen~a, and will not consent to inflict on them any injury, so
that, in order to establish th~ authority of the government, they must
be replaced by European officers; and they have exhibited
to that foolish traitor as a specimen [of what they propose] the
of the Royal Body-guard and the control of the
Cossack Brigadet. So now this infidel and his counsellors in
heresy are exerting themselves to introduce foreign officers, and the
Shah in his chronic madness approves this plan and is filled with
delight thereat.
"By God's Life! Madness and infidelity are leagued together,
and folly and greed are allied to destroy religion, to abrogate
the Holy Law, and to hand over the Home of Islam to foreigners
without striking a blow or offering the least resistance.
"O guides of the people! If you leave this wretched
l'haraoh, or suffer him to continue on his throne of madness,
and do not hasten to depose him from the high place of his
error, then the matter is finished, and will be hard to cure and
difficult to remedy."
The remainder of the article deals with the deposition of
Nasiru'd-Dm Shah, an achievement which it declares to be not
difficult of accomplishment on account of the general discontent at
rule and the prestige enjoyed by the '~lama since they
espoused the cause of the people in opposing the obnoxious
Tobacco Monopoly. The editor, Muhammad Rash~d, adds a
note on the great influence wielded by the '`~lam~z in Persia, and
observes how necessary it is for the welfare of Islam that they
should not receive payment or pensions from the government.

It s:lys much for the Say7~d's foresight that Colonel Liakhoff stad
other Russi:ln officers ~r~ the service of the present Shah should
been the instruments wherewilh the deplorable roup a'`tot of June :3,
1908, was effected. The Cossack Brigade ~vas originally instituted in
1 882, and Colonei Kozakofski was the first officer to command it.

"Islam cannot prosper," he concludes, `'unless the `nlama be
independent, and not obliged to rely for their daily bread, in
learning, teaching and directing, on kings and nobles, as has
hitherto been the case."
The last article quoted is from the February number of the
above-mentioned Ziy~'u'l-Kh4fiqayn for ~8gz. Though shorter
than the two preceding documents, it is too long to quote in full, and
a short specimen must suffice. It deals with the miserable
condition of Persia, the tyranny and exactions of the go~erning
classes, whicl~ are depopulating the country and driving numbers of
people into exile, the corruption of all branches of the
administration, the sale of governments and government offices,
the absence of all law, the prevalence of every kind of cruelty
and torture, and the lack of discipline amongst the unpaid and
vagabond soldiery, who live by plunder and robbery, and are
dangerous only to their peaceful and industrious compatriots.
"The government has over-ridden and destroyed the Holy
Law, detests and repudiates civilized administration, despises
and ignores the laws of reason and common sense. Passion
alone holds sway, greed alone dominates, violence and brute
force alone rule. The sword, the scourge and the branding-iron
only govern. It delights in the shedding of blood, glories in
dishonour, and exults in robbing widows and orphans of their
possessions. In those lands is no security,and their inhabitants see
means to save their life from the teeth of tyranny save by flight.
"A fifth of the Persians have fled into Turkish or Russian
territory, where you may see them wandering through the streets
and markets as porters, sweepers, scavengers and water-carriers,
rejoicing in spite of their tattered garments, their sombre
countenances, and the meanness of their avocations, in their
deliverance, and thanking God for sparing tneir lives....
"The governor and his satellites, in order to recover srhat
they disbursed at first [in bribes to the Court] and to ol~tain
what they have undertaken to remit [to the capital], during the
whole period of their authority (which is undetermined) leave no foul
deed, or disgraceful act, or horrid iniquity undone....They hang up
women by their hair, put men in sacks with savage

dogs, nail their ears to wooden boards, or put a leading-rein through
their noses and then parade the wretched victim in such pitiful plight
through the streets and markets. Their lightest punishments are
and scourging with whips."
  The editor adds that he has heard of, but not seen, another letter
which the Siyyid advocates the deposition of both Sultans (i~. of
and Persia), which he declares to be "easier than taking off one's
The following extract from an undated letter' written by Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din to one of his friends (unnamed) is given in the Hisiory
tize Az~ekening of the Persia7's (~pp. iO7-108). This letter is
in Persian, and the translation is as fol lo~vs:- 
I write this letter to my own dear friend, being a captive in prison
debarred from meeting my friends, neither expecting deliverance nor
hoping for life, neither afflicted by my captivity nor fearful of
slain. Nay, I rejoice at my captivity and impending death, for my
imprisonment is for the freeing of my kind, and I shall be slain for
life of my people. Only on this account am I grieved, that I have not
lived to reap what I have sown, and that I have not fully attained to
that which I desired. The sword of unrighteousness has not suffered me
to see the awakening of the peoples of the East, and the hand of
ignorance has not granted me the opportunity to hear the call of
from the throats of the nations of the Orient. Would that 1 had sown
the seed of my ideas in the receptive ground of the people's thoughts
I Well would it have been had I not wasted this fruitful and
seed of mine in the salt and sterile soil of that effete Sovereignty!
For what I sowed in that soil never grevr, and what I planted in that
brackish earth perished away. During all this time none of my well-
intentioned counsels sank into the ears of the rulers of the East,
selfishness and ignorance prevented them from accepting my words. I
hopes of Persia, but the reward of my labours was entrusted to the
public executioner! With a thousand threats and promises they summoned
me to Turkey, and then 

1. From internal evidence it would appear to have been written
from Constantinople a little before the writer's death. 

fettered and constrained me thus, regardless of the fact that to
the messenger is not to destroy the message, and that the page of Time
preserves the word of Truth. 
  "At all events I desire my honoured friend to submit this my last
letter to the eyes of my dear Persian friends and fellowworkers, and
communicate to them verbally this message:- 'You, who are the ripe
of Persia, and who have zealously girded up your skirts for the
awakening of the Persians, fear neither imprisonment nor slaughter !
not wearied by I'ersian ignorance! Be not frightened by the ferocious
acts of Sultans! Strive with the utmost speed, and endeavour
with the greatest swiftness! Nature is your friend, and the Creator of
Nature your ally. The stream of renovation flows quickly towards the
East. The edif~ce of despotic government totters to its fall. Strive
far as you can to destroy the foundations of this despotism, not to
pluck up and cast out its individual agents. Strive so far as in you
lies to abolish those practices which stand between the Persians and
their happiness, not to annihilate those who employ these practices.
you merely strive to oppose individuals, your time will only be lost.
If you seek only to prevail against them, the evil practice will draw
to itself others. Endeavour to remove those obstacles which prevent
friendship with other nations."' 
   Much more might be written concerning this remarkable man, who, a
wandering scholar with no material resources save only an eloquent
tongue and pen, learning both wide and deep combined with
considerable political insight and knowledge of affairs, and a
sincere and passionate love of Islam, of which he acutely felt
the present decadence, literally made kings tremble on their thrones
and defeated the well-laid plans of statesmen by setting in motion
forces which he knew how to evoke and with which secular politicians,
both European and Asiatic, had utterly failed to reckon. He it uas, as
has been already said, who was the chief agent in bringing
about the Egyptian Nationalist movement, which, though defeated in
is still a force to be reckoned with; and he it was to whom
the present Constitutional Movement in Persia in large measure
owes its
inception. He also did much to awaken the independent Muslim States to
a sense of their imminent peril and the urgent need of combination to
withstand the constant aggressions of the great European Powers, and
might with justice be termed the founder of Pan-Islamism in the ser,se
in which I have defined it. He might have effected much more had he
able to find a Muslim sovereign sufficiently intelligent to
understand the full scope of his ideas, and sufficiently inspired by
patriotism and enthusiasm for Islam to carry them out. Of Nasiru'd-Din
Shah, a selfish and cruel despot, caring only for his personal
authority and material pleasures, he must needs despair after I
a brief trial. Of the Sultan of Turkey he had greater hopes,!;
and he set on foot a real movement, which still counts innuential
supporters in Persia, to bring about a working understanding
between the Turkish Sunnls and the Persian ShI'a, based on the
recognition by the Persians of the Ottoman Caliphate, and
a recognition by the Turks of the King of Persia as head of the
Shi'ites, and including the abolition of sundry practices on both
tending to keep alive the existing hostility between these two great
divisions of Muslims.l For he saw clearly that the
same dangers threatened the tv~o Empires, and that only by
uniting against the common foe, instead of wasting their strength in
vain bickerings and occasional armed conflicts, could they
hope to escape the impending doom. Even some influential
m~`J`ab~ds and ,~las were gained over to this policy, but when
these, in the recent revolution in Persia, partly from choice and
natural sympathy, partly from necessity, threw in their lot with the
Constitutional movement, Sultan 'Abdu'l-Hamid, in whose
presence, until July, ~go8, none dared breathe the hated word
"Constitution"(MasJzrd~z7ya'), broke off all relations with
them, and, by permitting his troops to cross the North-West
frontier of Persia, added to her difficulties and distress. ~ Yet in
the new and brighter era which has now dawned in Turkey| the
ideas of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dln may perhaps find a fuller measure
of success.

  THE misfortunes of Persia which overshadowed the last six years of
Nasiru'd-Din Shahts reign, and ultimately led to his destruction, may
be said to date from the granting of the Tobacco Concession to an
English company on March 8, 1890. 
  During the preceding summer the Shah had visited Europe for the
time1. Hitherto these journeys, though costly and useless (for no
benefit to his subjects accrued from them), had done no particular
But this year was a year of evil: even before he left Persia in
April, the ~hah. had grante~ January~L88gito Baron Julius~de Reuter a
concession for the fQrmation of a State Bank, witllLexclusive rights
issuing bark notes and exploiting the mineral resources of the
alla a month later Prince Dolgorouky obtained for Russia the first
refusal of any railway concession which might be granted during the
succeeding years. As if this did not suffice, the Shah fqrther granted
to a Persian subject (of whose identitylam ignorant) a Lottery
concession, which was subsequently bought by a British Syndicate for
40,0~ This was shortly afterwards revoked, but the money paid by the
Syndicate was not refunded, and this had the effect of discrediting
Persia on the Stock Exchange; a result, perhaps, not wholly to be
regretted from the Persian point of view, since the interest of the
Stock Exchangc is often of a somewhat sinister character, and by no
means wholly to be desired. On September 2 the Persian State Bank,
the title of the Imperial Bank of Persia, ~vas. establish~by British
Royal Charter
1. The first journey was in 1873, the second in 1878, and the third in

  The circumstances surrounding these concessions, and especially the
Lottery Concession, are obscure to me, but one effect of this last,
which had several important consequences, was a quarrel between the
and Prince Malkom Khan, who had, since 1872, represented Persia at the
Court of St James's. As a result of this quarrel Malkom Khan ceased,
November, ~889, to be Persian Minister in London', and was replaced by
Muh~ammad'AII Khan '~n's-Sal~nat. On October zo, 1889 the Shah re-
entered his capital, having re-crossed the Persiar; frontier on
September ~3, bringing with him his new French physician, Dr l;euvrier
(to wllom we owe a singularly illumblating account of events in the
Persian capital during the next three years, entitled Trois ~ns a IfZ
Co~cr ~e Perse) and
the celebrated protagonist of "Pan-Islamism," Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dm al-
Afghan, the former from Paris, the latter from Munich. 
  We now come to the year ~ 890, from which especially, as I have
already observed, the dangerEi and disasters which still threaten
may be said to date. "De concession en concesssion," wrote Dr Feuvrier
under the date April ~4 of this year, "la Perse sera hentAt to''t
er'`iere entre les Jnains des etrangers."The Imperial Bank of Persia
took up the scheme of constructing a carriageroad from Ahwaz to
and ceded its mbleral rights to a new company called the "Persian Bank
Mining Corporation,"  which, however, collapsed four years later.
all tending towards the same evil result of placing in foreigrl hands,
for a relatively
small irnmediatebe~lit tO the Sh_ his courtiers, and to the great
detriment of the Persian peopled the sources of Persia's actual or
potential ~ealth, belong to about the same period, and will be found
fully discussed in Lorini's excellent work, [a Persia Fconon~ica
conie??~ora?tea e la sua questro,~e ?noJ'e~aria (Roine, ~gco). llut it
was the Tobacco Concession which led to the most momentous results,
it is this especially  which will now be discussed. 
  This Concession, as already stated, was granted on March 8, 

1. The ~ilnes of hIarch '6, 18gl, announced, on the authority of the
Persian ran, that blalkom Khan had been deprivecl of all his titles by
the Shah. A spirited reply from hIalkom liban `~-as published on
zo, 1891, in the same paper. 
2. Till recently (Feb. 1910) the l'ersi:~n ~linister for Foreign
Aflairs. Ile resigned on Feb. 6 in consequence of ~ vote Or censure. 
1890, but the preliminary negotiations of which it was the outcome
probably began in the preceding year, while the Shah was in Europe.
concessioncaire, hIr G. F. Talbot, was thereby granted full control
the production, sale and export of all tobacco in l~ersia for a period
of fifty years, in return for which monopoly he undertook to pay to
Shah, or the Persian Government, an annual rent of ~s,ooo, in
to one-quarter of the annual profits, after the payment of all working
expenses and a five per cent. dividend on the capital. The capital of
the Company, which, under the title of "the Imperial Tobacco
of Persia," was subsequently formed, consisted of 6650,000 in (14,740
ordinary shares of ~o each, and 600 founders' shares at ' each. That
good profits were expected is sufficiently strewn by the following
statement in the Prospectus, dated November 3, 1890: "the Founders'
Shares will not receive dividends in any year until the Ordinary
shall have received ~5 per cent. dividend for that year. The remaining
profits will then be divided in equal moieties between the Ordinary
Shares and the Founders' Shares."The expectations of the
concessio'`na~res are still more clearly set forth in the prospectus,
where the net annual profits are estimated at 500,000 and the total
annual profits to the Corporation at 371,875. "Advantage was taken,'~
says the prospectus, " of the experience gained in the working and
administration of the Turkish Tobacco Regie...established in the year
~884..., and inasmuch as the rent payable by them (i.e. the Persian
Tobacco Corporation) is only.~5,ooo per annum,as against (630,ooo per
annum payable by the Turkish Regie, and the term of their concession
for 50 years as against the term of only 30 years in the case of the
Turkish Concession, their business will be entered on under much more
favourable conditions."The Persian &overnment undertook "to support
protect the Corporation in carrying on their business," in which
undertaking, adds this alluring document, "it has a direct interest,
it will share in the profits realized."It is interesting to observe
"should any difference arise between the Imperial &overnment and the
Corporation, it shall be determined by an Arbitrator to be appointed,
in default of agreement, by one of

the representatives of the United States of America, or of
Germany or Austria, resident at I ihr;SIl.'' For this was before the
days when we had bouncl ourselves by ententes and rapprocheme?'ts to
dear friends France and Russia. Wlth the Prospectus from which the
information is derived was enclosed a glowing account, dated August 2,
~890, of the vast possibilities now Iying open before the
co~`cesszonnaires, drawn up by a gentleman named Antoine Kitabji (who,
if my memory serves me right, was responsible for that strange and
heterogeneous conglomeration of Levantine Christians and Syrian Jews
which constituted the cast of the so-called "Persian Theatre"at the
Paris Exhibition), describing himself as "Directeur General des
en Perse."It is hard to resist tile temptation of quothlg this
document in full, but we must content ourselves `vith the following
majestic, if somewhat cryptic, utterances.    "Moreover, the mere fact
of the reservation made by the Government of His Imperial Majesty the
Sl~ah, which, while accepting a minimum rent of .~5,ooo sterling per
annum to encourage the enterprise, has reserYed for itself one-quarter
of the profits, proves to ~-ou at once the importance of the
estimate of experienced persons in the country, who, by this indirect
means, and without being a charge on your Company, have been able to
secure so important a part for the Government. 
  "Now, as to the population, they will benefit by the Regie, because
at present the Tambal~ou passes through three or four hands before
reaching the consumers....The Octroi and intemal conveyance duties at
present existing...are of little importance...: therefore it is
certainly not these duties which are now the cause of the relatively
large overcharge of merchants and dealers; but the reason is-tllese
merchants, with the small capital they possess, are desirous of
much, and even make mixtures to raise their profits still higher. I
therefore, that the population wiLI be a true partisan of your Regie
because they will buy cheaper, and without admixture. 
  "The growers will be the most favoured in this matter, because the
merchants do them great injury by depreciating          
their goods, in order to purchase at reduced prices and long terms,
whilst your Company will be careful to encourage the production of the
better qualities by paying remunerative prices, and by, making

  "To sum up, the Regie has a very brilliant future before it. I t
realize large profits from the beginning; and all the parties
interested, such as the Government, your Company, the consumers and
growers,. will certainly find their share in the prL,fits. Of this I
convinced.,'    Thus everybody was to be happy and pleased, and to
derive a profit from this beneficent Corporation (which itself was to
be rewarded by a conscious sense of rectitude and a profit of anything
over 50 per cent. on its capital) except the wicked Persian tobacco-
yendors, who, "with the small capital they possess," were apparently
regarded as unworthy of serious consideration. The Concession was duly
registered at the British Legation at Tihran on May 9, ~890; the
subscription-list was opened on November 4-6; and all preparations
made to "take up"the Concession in the following year. 
  Here I must for a moment break the thread of my narrative to speak
a literary enterprise ~vhich undoubtedly was not without its effect h1
increasing the dissatisfaction at the Shah's extravagances and
of the interests of his people which began to prevail in Persia.
Kh;in, having quarrelled with the Shah and his ministers (especially
with the ~!NZ'flZI'SS~Itcz~z, after~vards entitled Atfjak-i-A'~am),
began to publish in London and to distribute in the East a Persian
newspaper entitled Qc~nz~rz ("Law "), of which No. ~ was issued on
February 20, 1890, To. 2 on March 22, No. 3 on April 20, No. 4 on May
20, No. 5 on June ~ 8, and No. ~ on ~ uly ~ 8. The remaining numbers
8, 9 and ~9) which I possess' are, unfortunately, undated, but since
numbers at least were issued, it is to be presumed that the paper was
continued for nearly three and a half years. It was vehemently
by the Shah, and those unfortunate Yersians who were known to have
received it or ~to be in possession of it were arrested, and in
1. Since writing this I have received, through the kindness of Prince
Malkom Khan's widow,an almost complele set of the 41 nambers of the
severely punished. Amongst these were two of my intimate friends, onc
an c:c-socrctary of the l'ersian Legation in London, the other my old
teacher and Mr (now Sir) Arthur Wollaston's coadjutor in the
of his two English-Persian Dictionaries, M[rz~ Muhammad Baqir. The
latter delivered himself out of the hands of Prince Na'ibu's-Saltana
(the son of Nasiru'd-Din and uncle of the ex-Shah) by recitations from
his mystical and religious "Islamo-Christian', poems which made the
Prince glad to be quit of him at any price; but the former suffered a
harsh and
prolonged imprisonment. 
  The first number of the Q4ndn was published, as already stated, on
February 20, 1890. It was entirely Islamic in tone, beginning with a
brief prayer in Arabic, and ending with a hope that any opinion which
should prove erroneous or contrary to the truths of Islam might be
forgiven. The greatest respect was expressed for Nasiru'd-Din Shah,
whose justice and clemency were extolled, and for the m~cilas and
?~`i~j~ailc~s. Emphasis was laid on the disordered and corrupt
of Persia, which was ascribed, firstly to the absence of any law, and
secondly to the misdeeds of the Prime Minister, the ~4m~n'sSullan, who
was described as a "muleteer's son "([ac~a-i-4e.CZrJi), and who is
throughout the special target of the paper's vituperations. "We must
be~in by writing very gently," observed the editor; but, so far as the
~'ninn's-SuI~t was concerned, the degree of this "gentleness "may be
judged by the following:- 
  "The Prime Minister will leap half a yard out of his seat as soon as
he sees the Q~nz`~. He will hurl his cap (kulaJ') on the ground, tear
his collar, and, after various other womanish outbursts of anger, will
run off to the foreign ambassadors, kiss their feet, and pledge them
whatever is still left of the rights of the State, so that perhaps, by
their help, the Qa?~?CH may be put on the proscribed list. So much the
better! In Persia a newspaper which is not proscribed means nothing.
more violently he behaves, the more important will the matter become,
and the more eager will the people of Persia grow to obtain and
circulate such a warrant of salvation."   The next number, dated
~z, ~890, contains the following summary of complaints, in the course
of a long description of the woes
of Persia:- 
  "The control of all affairs of State in the hands of ignorant and
base-born persons. 
  "The rights of the State bartered to please Legation dragomans.   
"The titles and offices of the State the playthings of successful
  "Our army the laughing-stock of the world. 
  "Our princes deserving of the pity of beggars. 
  "Our mujtahids and doctors craving the justice of the unbelievers. 
  "Our towns each a metropolis of dirt. 
  "Our roads worse than the tracks of animals."
  To the cry for a fixed Code of Laws is now added a demand for
a Parliament representing the people' free to discuss all matters
connected with the welfare of the State, the members of which shall
enjoy the privilege of immunity, whatever they may lawfully say or do
in the discharge of their functions. 
  "The number of councillors in the Council of State is now very

writes the editor; "as far as possible this Assembly must be enlarged.
Great divines, eminent men of learning, capable mnilas, and the chief
men of every province-even young men possessed of learning-must be
members of this supreme Council. 
  "The leaders of Church and State, and all persons of intelligence,
must, in response to the demands of this time for increased
watchfulness, unite to support this Assembly, and seek by every means
to make the Persian people understand that the regeneration of Persia
depends on carrying out the Law, and that carrying out the Law depends
on the consideration and authority enjoyed by this Assembly."
  The third number of the Qand n, dated April zo, ~ 890, emphasizes
veneration of law strewn elsewhere, even by the rulers of the most
autocratic states, such as Turkey and Russia, and deplores anew the
insecurity of life, property and honour in Persia. It congratulates
contemporary, the Persian ~khiar ("Star"), published at
for its services to the cause of Persian freedom, and warns the Shah's
sons that while    
they are jealously watching each other, each hoping that he may one
succeed to the throne, "the ignorance of the Prime Minister (i.e. the
A m~u's-Sulta?~), which has overshadowed Persia, will soon leave
worth quarrelling about."
  Certain passages, viewed in the light of later events, have an
prophetic strain, as, for example, the following, from No. 4, issued
May 20, 1890:- 
  "Certain nerveless and poor-spirited beings, who always judge the
character of c~thers by their own base nature, say that Persia has
all feeling and perception, and that these words can no longer produce
any effect. It is true that our smallminded grandees have, so far as
they were able, established the market of shamelessness in these our
days; but they will shortly see that Persia is not quite desolate, and
that the spirit of manhood still sur~rives in it."
  Mr Wilfrid Blunt, in his interesting Secret History of the English
Occupation of Egypt (pp. 82-87), gives an account of the impression
produced on him by Malkom Khan, whom he met on June z7, ~880, and whom
he describes as "a little old man with a long nose and very black
eyes.""I left him," adds the writer, "with the impression that he was
the most remarkable man I had ever met, and more convinced than ever
the superior intelligence of the Eastern mind."He also repeats some
of the account given him ~by Malkom Khan of his doctrines and
adventures, and of the "religion of humanity"which he endeavoured to
found in Persia, and for which he claimed to have gained 30,000
proselytes' until finally the Shah, jealous of his increasing power,
granted him "permission to travel," and conferred on him "the position
of Ambassador-General to all the Courts of Europe."It was some four or
five years later that I myself made the acquaintance of this eminent
diplomatist, but he talked to me less about the "religion of
humanity"than about a new plan for printing Persian, Turkish and
with unjoined letters, in the elaboration and perfecting of whicl1 he
was then engaged. The types for this experiment were actually cut
his supervision, and a small
printing-press, worked by an ingenious Persian named, I think, Hajji
Muhammad Kh~n, was established in Notting l~ill Gate, not far from

[A photograph of Prince Malkom Khan is bound between pages 38 and 39.]
Park, where the Persian Legation was at that time situated. The
Gz'l~sIdn of Sa'di and several small primers, of which ~ possess
were printed there, and the types were also occasionally used for an
article in Sabunji's Arabic journal an-lVabla ("the Bee") which was
appearing in London', but, so far as I know, they never obtained a
extended use, and I have not heard of anything being printed with them
for the last twenty years.    Mr Blunt, in his account of Prince
Khan's views, represents the Prince, according to his own narrative,
as exhorting his disciples not to be content with the name aa~a)n
("homo"), but to become worthy of the higher title of insa'` ("vir").
In the Qrfnzin, however, it is the first, and, according to Mr 131unt,
the lower of these two designations, which is applied to the body of
sympathisers and helpers in Persia at whose existence the paper hints.
The following extracts (from No. 4, dated May zo, 890) are typical:--
  "A Merchant of Tabriz writes from Erzeroum,' May I be the sacrifice
of Law! Tell me what I can do !' Our answer is this. 'Obtain
of the book of Humanity (ada'~zz.yyai). Read it. Become a man (rz~am),
and strive to further the cause of Humanity according to the measure
your understanding.'    "One of the 'ulat?ta of Fars writes, 'You are
continually repeating the words "man "(adam) and
What do you mean by them ? We, who thirst for justice and are the foes
of oppression, and who, by God's grace, consider ourselves to be
in order that, even in what concerns the name, we may differ from
of prey, proclaim ourselves everywhere as "men."' 
  "Whoever seeks after justice, is zealous for honour, loves
protects the oppressed, supports progress, and wishes well to the
community is a 'man.' 
  "One writes from 'Iraq, ' I regard myself as a "man," but from the
"humanity"of me alone what practical result can follow ?' 
1. See Blunt, op. cit. pp. 86, 87. A copy of this paper which I
published in 1887, describ"that year as the se~enteenth of the paper's
existence, so that it would appear to have been founded abont 1870.

  "If you are really a 'man,' the very moment that you open your eyes
and ears a little you will see that you are not alone in Persia."
  In the following passage from the same number Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din,
who, as we have already seen, returned to Persia with Nasiru'd-Dm Shah
in the autumn of 1889, is probably intended:- 
  "A certain eminent preacher, who has a minute knowledge of the
dispositions and characters of each individual servant of the Court,
who has for some time been occupied in promoting the cause of '
humanity' with enlightened discrimination and ripe experience, writes,
in the course of other communications:- 
  "'You have without doubt by this time received information from a
thousand quarters that most persons of intelligence in Persia, to a
greater extent than can be imagined abroad, are eagerly thirsting for
the advent of the reign of Law. Io not doubt that the people of this
country, great and small alike, will both inwardly and outwardly help,
sustain and strengthen you. But I regard it as incumbent on myself to
inform you particularly that you must carefully avoid one class of
animals in Persia....' (He alludes to the place-hunting sycophants
devoid of principles, ideals and honour' are ready to abase themselves
before the most detestable tyrants to gain money or decorations.) 
  "What, then," this number concludes, "must one do? 
  "One must be a man, find men, unite with men. 
  "What men and what union? 
  "Those who know will teach you. 
  "Who are 'those who know'? 
  "If you have not yet found them, they will find you!"
  The most notable points mentioned in the remaining numbers of the
~7zdn are as follows. 
  In No. 5 (June 18, 1890) a high tribute is paid to the then Crown
Prince (Wali-'aha), afterwards Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, who is described
as "concentrating in himself the hopes of Persia, and beloved by all
subjects."A description, purporting to be by an inteEligent and
observant European traveller, unofficially encouraged by one of the
great Western Powers to        

visit and report on the state of Persia, is given of the new movement
in favour of Law and Constitution "calied in the current terminology '
the World of Humanity' ~`AIa7r'-i-Ade7niyyat)."Some account is here
given of the organization, wide distribution, enthusiasm and methods
of proselytising of this quasimasonic organization, and of the funds
raised for its support. 
  In No. 6 (July 18, 1890) occurs the following denunciation (ascribed
to a merchant of Qazwin) of the ever-multiplying concessions to
foreigners which are the chief characteristic of this period:-- 
  "Is there none to ask of this noble youth1, 'By what law do you sell
these rights and privilege~ of our 5ta~ fo~gn ad-J
to the Holy Law of Islam and the law of all States, these commercial
transactions are the rightful property o,f the people of this
They are the mea-ns-wh-er-eby and the capitai whereon we subsist. How
do you dare to sell to unbelievers the means of livelihood of the
Muslims' Are the people of Persia, then, really dead that you thus put
up their inheritance to auction?"'    "Respected merchant," replies
editor, "these persons have reason to consider us dead. In a country
where one scintilla of life is visible, and amongst a people in whom
sensory nerve remains, what noble minister could impose the burden of
ail this misery and disorder?"
  No. 7 (undated, but presumably issued about August 118,18go)
a plea for the higher education of women, ~vhich concludes: "Now that
in Persia many men have become women, it is proper that the women
give their husbands some lessons in manhood."Tribute is also paid to
Mirza Yahya Khan Mushiru'd-Dawla.
  No. 8 (presumably published about September ~8, ~890) contains a
letter purporting to be from a young man of a noble family of Kirman,
in which for the first time the Shah himself is blamed for the
prevailing disorder. The writer censures the Qand~z for not abandoning
the habit of flattery, although it is printed in a free country, and
continuing to praise the Shah and criticize only his ministers. "Who


1. I presume that this is meant ironically, and that the
is intended.
what are these ministers?"he asks: "who chose them, and who except the
Shah could find such ministers in the world ? ""We have no right," he
adds, "to find fault with the Amlnu'sSultin. If he were tc' disappear,
the Shah himself would certainly produce someone of even more obscure
origin and detestable attributes. The Shah undoubtedly dislikes worthy
and capable men."As the editor prints this letter without comment, it
may be presumed that his own attitude towards the Shah has begun to
undergo a change.    Of the two remaining numbers of the Qan?`n, Nos.
9 and '9, which 1 possess', there is nothing special to be said. The
last was probably published about August ~89~, but as No. 6 is the
dated number, it is irDpossible to be precise. As remarked in a
foot-note, the paper seems to have lasted at any rate until about the
middle of ~893, t~ut certain allusions in the later numbers would
suggest that it continued until the reign of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah,
until 1896. 
  It is difficult to determine the importance of the rdle played by
Qafczin in the national a~vakening. We have seen that 
it did circulate in Persia to some extent, that it alarmed the ~ Shah
and his ministers, and that men of good position were l
imprisoned and punished for reading it or having it in their i
possession. How far there really did exist in Persia such an !
organized society of reformers (the "World of Humanity "), j
with pass-words and secret assemblies, as is hinted at in the I
pages of the (Qan~in, is another matter. But there was certainly | at
work in Persia another influence far more potent, that of
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din al-Afghan, svho, though he had been
expelled from Persia about ~886 or t887, returned thither, as
we have seen, at the Sh~h's invitation in the autumn of ~889.
  Of this incident in his career the following account is given in
Zaydan's llashahir,~'sh-Shary (~"liastern Celebrities"), part i~, p.
6~ :-    "It happened at this juncture that the Paris Exhibition of
was opened, and Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din visited it, and met the Shah at
Munich, the capital of Bavaria, as he was returning from Paris. And
Shah invited the Siyyid to 
1. See p. 35, suphra, note ad calc. 

accompany him, and the invitation was accepted. So he journeyed with
Shah to Persia, and had scarcely reached Tihran when the people again
began to gather round him, seeking to profit by his learning, while
Shah displayed no suspicion about his doings, as though his iourney in
Europe had dispelled many of his doubts. Indeed, he brought him near
himself, and employed him in discharging many important functions in
government, consulting him as to the codifying of laws and the like.
this was grievous to those who had hitherto enjoyed supreme influence,
and especially to the Prime Minister (i.e. the Aminn's-S~cltd?~~, who
secretly suggested to the Shah that these laws, even though they might
not be devoid of advantage, yet were not adapted to the actual state
the country, apart from what was likely to result from them as regards
the passing of the Shah's influence into other hands. These
were not without their effect on the Shah, until his sentiments began
to shew themselves on his countenance, and Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din,
perceiving the state of the case, asked the Royal permission to retire
to Shah 'Abdu'l~Azim, at a distance of 20 kilometres from Tihran. This
permission was accorded, and there followed him a great multitude of
'ula'~a and notables, and the Siyyid used to preach to them and exhort
them to reform their government. And ere eight months had passed his
fame was spread throughout the remotest parts of Persia, and it became
generally reported that he proposed to reform Persia. Then
Shah, fearing the outcome of this, sent five hundred horsemen to Shah
'Abdu'l-'Azim, and they arrested Jamalu'd-Dln, ~vho Yvas ill at the
time, and dragged him from his bed, and removed him, guarded by fifty
horsemen, to the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire'. This was grievous
his disciples in Persia, and they revolted in such manner that the
was afraid for his life."
  An interesting sidelight is thrown on the event last described by a
passage occurring in the cross-examination of 

1. The expulsion of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din from Tihran was announced in
the 7~inirs of Jan. Iz, 1891. He him~elf describes some of its
circumstances in his article on "the Reign of Terror in Persia ' in
Conten~tor~z~v JPrvi~ for Feb. 1892, pp. 238-248. See also pp. 11, 15,
etc., supra.           
Mirza Muhammad Riza, published in No. g (July 7, 1907) of - the
Persian newspaper entitled $7ir-i-Isrd~ ('` the Trumpet of Israfll ").
Being asked why he had killed Nasiru'd-Din Shah, seeing that the
sufferings which he had undergone on account of his participation in
tobacco riots were primarily due to the AT`'ibu's-SaNena, Prince
M[rza, and the Wakilu'd-Dawla, he replied:- 
  "Justice exempt from prejudice required of the Shah that he should
send a third unprcjudiccd investigator to ascertain the truth of the
matter which lay between me and my antagonists, and his omission to do
this rendered him culpable. What had Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din, that
descendant of the Prophet, that great and eminent man, done that he
should be dragged forth with such ignominy from the sacred precincts
Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, Land that so roughly] that his upderclothing was
torn ? All this ignominy did he suffer, yet what had he said except
  A little further on, in reply to another question, Mirza Riza
what has been reported from another independent source as to Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din's influence in Persia. Asked who his associates and
sympathisers were, he replied: "Those who share my beliefs in this
and country are many in all classes, amongst the ~ulamd, the
the nobles, the merchants, the artisans and tradesfolk. You know that
when Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din came to this city all the people, of every
class and condition, alike in Tihran and in Shah 'Abdu'l-`Az~m, came
visit and see him, and hearkened to his discourses. And since all that
he said was for God, and was dictated solely by a desire for the
welfare, everyone benefited by, and was charmed by, his discourses. So
he sowed the seed of these lofty ideals in the ground of men's
and they awoke and came to their senses. No~' everyone holds the same
views that I do; but I swear by God Most High and Almighty, who is the
Creator of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din and of all mankind, that none save
and the Siyyid was aware of my purpose or intention to kill the Shah.
The Siyyid is in Constantinople: do whatever you can to him. 
1. This is the Siyyid's own expression. See his letter translated on
28 supra.
The proof of what I say, moreover, is clear: for had I divulged to
anyone so great a matter, he would certainly have disclosed it, and my
object would have been defeated. Besides, I have discovered by
experience of what weak stuff these men are made, and how they cling
life and position. At that time when the tobacco question and other
matters ~vere toward, and when it was merely a question of reforming
state of things, and there was no talk of killing the Shah or anybody
else, all these titled
gentlemen-these 'A~lks," Da-~tlas,' Sa/lanasl, etc., who had all bound
themselves to common action with pen, personal service and money,
that they were ready at any time-no sooner saw that I was arrested
they all drew back. But 1, notwithstanding my arrest and all that
followed thereon, mentioned no names, and had I gone round after my
release might have obtained large sums of money from them in return
having kept their secret; but, seeing that they were less than men, I
endured hunger and abasement, and would not stretch forth my hand to
  I myself only met Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din once, I thinl; in the autumn
189~, when he visited England after his second expulsion from Persia.
It was at Prince Malkom Khan's house in Holland Park, and I have still
a vivid recollection of that commanding personality. We talked a good
deal about the Bab~s, as to whom he was very well informed (he wrote
excellent, but unsympathetic, account of them in Butrus al Bustan;'s
Arabic Encyclopaedia, the Da'ira~'l-Ma'arif ), though he had no great
opinion of them. In the course of conversation I asked him about the
state of Persia, and he answered, so far as I can recollect, that no
reform was to be hoped- for until six or seven heads had been cut off;
"the first," he added, "must be Nasiru'd-Din Shah's, and the second
Am~nu'sSultan's. "It is curious to note that both of these were
though Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din survived the Shah less than ten months, and
was survived by the Ammu's-Sultan for ten years.    

1. Everybody of any consequence in Persia has a title, and these
are generally cmnpounded ~ith one of these three
words, r.g. Musilr~d.-Dazole ("Cou'~sel]or of the
Empire'), A[esiru'l-,/itll. ("Elelper of the Kingdom "',
/h'~sidn~u's-Salia'`a ('t Pomp of the Sovereig'1ty't1, etc. 

  We must now return to the Tobacco Concession, of which, as we
have seen, the subscription-list was issued on Nov. 4-G, 1890. Soon
after this date, I think about Nov. zo, I was invited by one of the
chief promoters of this adventure to visit him in London. Just as I
leaving Cambridge I received by post from Constantinople several
of the Alebtar ("Star"), to which excellent Persian paper I was then a
subscriber. And as I travelled up to London I read
the following article (A[J~'ar for Tuesday, Nov. ~, ~890, No. ~3 of
~7th year, pp. ~g, 100):- 
  "The l Turl~ish] newspaper Sabdic (' Morning ') in the course of the
st~m'ery of IVews contained in its issue No. 430, dated
~5 Rabitu'l-A"wal [A.H. ~3c~o=Nov. 9, 1890], gives a detailed account,
taken from the European Press, of the Tobacco Concession in Persia, to
which it has added some very just observations on its own behalf.
Finding these to be prompted by desire for the welfare of Persia, we
offer the following translation of them. 
  "The above-mentioned newspaper says:-'We have seen in the European
newspapers an advertisement concerning the allotment of shares in the
Persian Tobacco Monopoly Company, setting forth the fundamental
provisions of the Monopoly Concession and some further information on
this subject. Since n~atters touching the welfare of Muslim States are
always worth an attentive examination, we reproduce these details
together with some observations of our own. 
  "According to the contents of the above-mentioned advertisement, on
the ninth of Ayar (March), A.r. 1890, in accordance with the will of
Shah of Persia, a concession was granted according to the provisions
~ hich all the tobacco produced in Persia, with the selling and buying
thereof, has been given into the hands of one individual, under the
title of a monopoly. This concession is for a period of fifty    
years. The concessionnaire will pay yearly into the Persian treasury
fifteen thousand English pounds, in addition to which one quarter of
profits will accrue to the Persian Government. 
  4'The concessionnaire has formed in London a Company of Englishmen
having a capital of f;650,000, which capital will be raised by the
allotment of shares.    
  "The Controller-General of the Customs of Persia estimates the
of tobacco consumed yearly in Persia at about 5,400,000 kilograms, and
the amount of what is exported at about 4,ooo,ooo kilograms. According
to this calculation, the concessionnai?~e expects to make a net yearly
profit of at least 500,000, and, after deducting from this the fixed
minimum interest of the shares, and one quarter of the profits, which
accrues to the Persian Government, hopes to pay out of the remainder ~
5 per cent. interest as a premium to the shareholders, after which the
remainder will be equally divided between them and the
  The writer then repeats the comparison between the Turkish Regie and
the Persian monopoly given in the Company's Prospectus, and admits
if, as is implied, the Concession includes the mnba'`u' as well as the
ordinary tobacco grown in Persia' the figures as to amounts are
not exaggerated; but that even in that case he is very doubtful
such large profits as the cor~cessionnaire expects will be realized.
Even in France, says the writer, where the tobacco monopoly has been
established for fifty years, and the frontiers are well guarded, and
custom-houses efficient, smuggling takes place, and in Persia, under
conditions actually prevailing, this smuggling is likely to assume far
greater proporticns, and to falsify the optimistic expectations of the
concessionnaire. Notwithstanding this, he blames the Persian
for granting privileges so valuable for so paltry a consideration as
5,ooo a year plus one quarter of the profits, especially as the
Concession includes all the export as well as the internal trade in
tobacco. "Bearing in mind this point," he adds, "one may say that all
the tobacco and ~nb~n of Persia have been    
  I This is the tobacco used in the Persian yalyd", or water-pipe,
is gro~vn largely at Isfahin and other places in the south of Persia. 

handed over to a foreign company, in which case the real gravity of
matter exceeds anything that can be imagined."
  "This truth," he continues, "is obvious to all, that the exports of
every country are reckoned as one of the principal sources of its
wealth, and that consequently the ruler of every country ought, by all
possible means and in every practicable way, to facilitate and promote
them, and keep them free from every restriction and obstacle. But this
concession and monopoly which the Persian Government has grarited to
Pnglish Company is diametrically opposed to these general
considerations, so that the tobacco-growers are left helpless and
defenceless in the hands of the Company, and will be unable to sell
produce of their toil at a remunerative price, or to profit by tracle
competition. ConscquetZtly a large number of Persians whose earnings
livelihood are exclusively derived from this source will be injured,
extraordinary damage will accrue to the mercantile interests of the
  The writer points out that the Turkish Regie only controls internal
consumption, and that exports are exempted from its operation, a point
which the culpable negligence of the Persian Government has caused
to overlook; and he further indicates several important factors in the
case which entirely differentiate the French Government monopoly from
that which it is proposed to establish in Persia. If the Persian
Government desired to raise an additional revenue from the
ea,uivalent to the sum which it ivill obtain from the foreign
concesstonnatre, it could, ~vith a little trouble, easily have done so
without foreign intervention, and without laying on its su~ects an
intolerable and unnecessary burden.    "Since," the $a6~ concludes,
are actuated by a sincere desire for the welfare of Persia, and hope
that she may attain the highest summits of progress, and enjoy as she
should do the advantages of her natural wealth, we feel ourselves
compclled to offer these observations; and we trust that the
and conditions of the above-mentioned monopoly may prove to be other
than the concesswnnaire has proclaimed, and that the ministers of the
State in question have safeguarded the true advantages of their
better than we have described."

  To this translation the Akhtar adds the following paragraph
on its own behalf:--
  "Hitherto no detailed information has reached us as to the ~3:
conditions of the Tobacco Monopoly Concession in the Persian l Emoire.
but the notice published by the concessto?,naire in the ~t lthr.
European Press is in substance as above described. For the present we
can only say that if the conditions of the Monopoly are as advertised,
then the observations of our respected contemporary the fab~ft are
perfectly correct, and are a proof of its friendly intentions. If they
be otherwise, then the door is~ open for discussion as to what the
provisions of the iarman granting the Concession really are.
  "We hope at any rate that our respected Tihran correspondent will
now have written us a detailed account of them, so that we may publish
his letter in our next issue, and add thereto our own observations."  
This article gave me some food for reflection, for in those days it
not common to find such unqualified censure of the Persian Government
in a Persian newspaper intended to circulate without let or hindrance
in the realms of Nas.iru'd-Dm Shah. It was clear that the Concession
would be very unwelcome to the Persian people and when 1: was asked
later on in the day by its representative whether I was disposed to
accept a post in the new Regie, other objections which I felt to this
course were enormously strengthened by what I had read that morning in
the Akl~tar, and it did not take me long to decide on a negative
a thing for which I have ever since been profoundly thankful. 
  We now come to the year 1891, which saw the actual inauguration in
Persia of the obnoxious Concession. On February ~3 a representative
of Persian merchants, for whom the Am~u'd-Daw~ (a far more patriotic
minister, so far as one can judge, than his rival the Ant~K,s-st`~n)
acted as spokesman, appealed to the Shah, though without effect,
the Monopoly. Signs of the Corporation's activity soon began to
"lDes le printemps de 189',)

writes Dr Feuvrier (p 309)1, "une nuee de sujets ou employee anglais
venus d'un peu partout, levantins et autres, stabat sur la Perse.
une trop bonne aubaine pour que l'on perde du temps."
  Hitherto, owing to the absence in Persia at this period of any
independent and public-spirited Press, it is probable that the nature
and scope of the Tobacco Monopoly had been but little realized. As
as it was realized, however, it v~as bitterly and violently resented
throughout the length and breadth of the land. There were, according
Dr Feuvrier, to whose excellent book I am chiefly indebted for this
portion of my narrative, risings in the south2, especially at Yazd,
while at Tihran considerable excitement and disturbance prevailed, and
many prominent opponents of the (:oncession were arrested, amongst
apparently, was Mirza Muhammad Riza, who afterwards attained notoriety
as the assassin of Nas.iru'd-Din Shah. 
  The matter, as lDr Feuvrier very justly remarks (p. 3'o), concerned
all, for everyone, man and woman, smokes in Persia. '4 Under these
conditions," he says, "how could they be brought to understand the
advantages of the Tobacco Concession ? The Persians could not, without
resistance, submit to being obliged to buy from the English the
which they themselves grow and gather in. They will never reconcile
themselves to the idea that their tobacco should pass through the
of Christians, who, in their eyes, render impure what they touch. 
  "lt is said that the clergy (i.e. the muj~ahz~/s and mullds) are at
the head of the movement, and that the word of command comes from the
?nujtaJ'i~3 at Karbala. This is not astonishing. In my opinion it does
not often fall to the lot of the clergy to champion so popular a
I The ~nles of April I, r89r, chronicles the departure fro~n
Constantinople of Mr Arnstein, the Ducctor of the Persian Tobacco
Monopoly, with part of his staff' on blarch 30. 
The expulsion of the ~I~J,alid Hajji Siyyid 'All Akbar from Shiraz
the middle of May for "anti-European fanaticism"gave nse to riots in
whi~ sevenl persons were killed, including a woman and a little girl.
See the references to th~s event in Siyyid Jamilu'd-D;n's letter, p.
The maj~zhia! in question was Hajji Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, who died, I
think, in March, 1895. He actually resided at Samarra, not Karbala. 
  During the middle of the summer Dr Feuvrier appears to have
accompanied the Shah on his customary hunting expedition, and thus not
to have been in a position to watch the progress of events at the
capital; but from August z', 189T, till the repeal of the obnoxious
Concession on January 5, ~89~, and the final settlement of the
to be paid by Persia to the Tobacco Corporation at the beginning of
April) '8g~, he has given us a fairly continuous narrative of the
of these momentous events.    
  In these riots of the later summer Tabriz played the chief part. The
placards of the Tobacco Corporation were torn down and replaced by
revolutionary proclamations. The f1~?zfr JVi.~dm, unable to agree with
the Crown Prince ~ W`zil-'al~) as to the measures required, resigned,
and was replaced by the Amfn-i-f~dr. The Tabrizls protested to the
by telegraph against the bartering of their rights to foreigners and
unbelievers, and announced their intention of defending these rights
force. Consultations took place between the ~minutsS`~ - and the
Minister (Sir El. Drummond Wolff) on the one hand, and between the
Mushiru'd-Dawla and the Russian Minister on the other, and between
these Persian Ministers and the Shah. The Russian Government was
apparently invited by the Shah to intervene for the restoration of
at Tabriz, but it wisely and properly confined itself to endeavouring
to effect the abolition of the Concession. The Shah then endeavoured
temporize by encouraging an idea suggested by the Regie that Persians
should be employed by it instead of foreigners in Tabriz and
the province of Azarb~yjan, but the Tabrizis, now thoroughly roused,
would hear of nothing but the immediate abolition of the Regie, of
the operation was suspended, so far as that province was concerned,
about the end of September. This naturally encouraged the other cities
of Persia, especially Isfahin and Shlraz, to adopt the same course as
Tabriz, and the popular movement against the Regie was strengthened by
the action of Hajji Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, the m?`jfalid of Samarra'
wrote a long letter to the Shah to prove that the Concession 
  I MuzaFaru'd-Dm MIrza, afterwards Shah.        52
granted by him to foreigners was contrary to the Q2`r'dn and to the
spirit of Isl;im. Jowards the end of October a certain Siyyid 'lamgir
of Kal~ar-Dasht began to preach revolt, and was soon at the head of
several hundred follow-ers. Sa'du~dI:awla was despatched against him
with hve hundred horsemen on November z. About a fortnight later the
Siyyid was defeated and some two hundred of his followers killed. H e
was brought captive to Tihran under a strong escort, his hands
to the joyful strains of a military band; and his captor' Sa'du'd-
Da~vla, on the strength of this heroic exploit, received the title of
  At the beginning of December, t89~, a letter arrived from the
of Samarri, HAjji MIrzi Hasan of Shiraz, enjoining on the people the
complete abandonment of tobacco until the Concession should be
One cannot sufficiently admire either the wisdom of this
which, ~vithout any act of rebeliion, rendered worthless the monopoly
of an article now declared unlawful, or the loyalty and
with which the people followed the lead of their spiritual guide.
"Suddenly, uith perfect accord," says Dr Feuvrier, "all the tobacco-
merchants have closed their shops, all the qa~yalis (ivater-pipes)
been put aside' and no one smokes any longer, either in the city, or
the Shah's entoz~rage, or even in the women's apartments. ~Nhat
discipline, what obedience, when it is a question of submission to the
counsels-or rather the orders- of an influential m`~, or of a muj~aJ`~
of some celebrity!    
  ' The mnllas," continues Dr Feuvrier, "are really the masters of
situation. It is all very well to make the Chief of the Merchants,
Muhanomad Hasan, responsible for the closure of the shops, and to
him to Qazwin: everyone knows that one must strike elsewhere if one
wishes to cut the root of the evil. None the less is the Tobacco
Concession sadly compromised, to such a degree that its natural
defenders [~.e. the British Legation] seem anxious to abandon it to
fate. I have heard the director himself speak of it in terms of
while the British Minister' on his part is reported to have said that,

  I Sir Frank Lascelles, who arrived to replace Sir H. Dru~ ond Wollf
at Tibran on Nov. 14, 18~. 
in face of this new attitude of the Persians, of this resistance of
which he had not judged them capable, he considered that it was no
longer possible to sustain with advantage the work of his
  Throughout the month of December, 1891, matters continued to get
worse. On l~ecember 3, says Dr Feuvrier, the Shah, "whether unwilling
to change his habits, or in order to escape from his nightmare, the
Tobacco Question," decided to go for a tour in the country surrounding
the capital, leaving the Amin~'s-Sult~ to deal with the situation in
Tihrin, where "the storm had begun to growl "; nor would he return at
the request of the Russian Minister, who "regarded the moment as
critical, and considered that there was ground to fear for the lives
the Europeans."In Tabriz also the agitation, which had been
calmed by the promise that the Regie should not take immediate effect,
broke out again, apparently in sympathy with the general protest of
nation. The mu~ grew bolder, and in a conference convened l~y the A
m~K,s-su`~]n to discuss the amount of the compensation which would
to be paid to the Corporation to rescind the Concession, one of them
told the Prime Minister that those who had received bribes to obtain
Shah's consent (and he mentioned their names) should first of all be
compelled to disgorge their ill-gotten gains. "At Qazw~n another
seeing a man smoking, requested him to stop, and, on his refusal,
his qal7dn. The smoker complained to the GoYernor, who sent to summon
the mufld; but he had stirred up the populace to such an extent that
Governor, threatened in his palace, left the town and escaped to
It is even said that he owed his safety only to his prisoner, the
of the Merchants', the crowd having allowed the carriage containing
two to pass, believing that it carried the pardoned H. ajji Muhammad
Hasan and one of his friends."
  On the night of Christmas Day the walls were placarded ~vith notices
threatening foreigners with death unless the Tobacco Concession was
rescinded within forty-eight hours. The anxiety of the European
community and especially of the    
1. Who, as remarked on the preceeding page. had been banished to

Legations increased to an intolerable extent, and all sorts of rumours
were current. On December 28 soldiers were posted at different points
in the European quarter, and a proclamation announcing the withdrawal
of the Concession was published by the Shah. The people were somewhat
tranquillized, but Hajji Alirza Hasan-i-ShirazI, the ~nu.~tahid of
Samarra, still refused to withdravv the prohibition against the use of
tobacco until it was certain that e~cct had been given to the
Shah's promises. 
  On January 1, 1892, a telegram at length arrived from Hajji Mirza
Hasan-i-Shirazi, who congratulated the Shah on having withdrawn the
Tobacco Concession, and urged him to withdraw likewise all the
other concessions accorded to foreigners; but made no allusion to the
prohibition against smoking of which he was the author, and which, as
he was well aware, profoundly troubled the habits of the Persians. The
shares of the imperial Bank fell to half their value, On January 3 the
Shah sent a message to the mujtahid Hajji MIrza Hasan-i-ishtiyinI
bidding him either set the example of smoking, or leave the country.
chose the latter alternative, but took no steps to carry it out. Great
excitement was manifested by the people on learning this, and soon a
crowd, headed by a Siyyid in his dark blue turban, surrounded the
Palace, uttering loud cries of anger, and throwing stones. The troops
fired on the crowd, of whom several fell, including the Siyyid. Seven
persons were killed and about twenty more wounded, but the crowd was
dispersed. Two days later the m'vy'`ah~ Hajji Mirza Hasan-i-shtiyan',
who had neither smoked nor left the town, received from the Shah a
diamond ring as a sign of reconciliation; but he would not accept it
until he was assured of the withdrawal of the Tobacco Concession by
issue on the part of the director' of a declaration formally stating
that the Monopoly was at an end, and inviting those who had sold
to the Regie to come and reclaim it. But it was not until January 26
that the public crier announced in the streets the definite withdrawal
of the 
1. Mr Arnstein. The text of this proclamation is given on p. 34 of the
Awakening of the Persians.

mullas' interdict on smoking, an announcement received with universal
joy. Two days later some forty of the employis of the late Imperial
Tobacco Corporation, their occupation gone, started for their homes.
"Most of them,~' says Dr Feuvrier, "will doubtless not forget for many
a long day the crises through which they have passed since they
in Persia, especially those who were here on the day of the riot.
Handsomely compensated, they depart well pleased, to seek their
elsewhere, to the equally great satisfaction of the Persians."
  The Tobacco Concession was ended, but not its consequences, and
amongst these consequences was undoubtedly a great loss of prestige to
England, which had certainly not played the most admirable rdle in
deplorable episode, and a corrcsponding gain of prestige to Russia.
following entry in Dr Feuvrier's diary under the dates February ~o and
'~ is too significant to be omitted. 
  "There is no doubt that the action of Russia has counted for much in
the events which have just taken place~. It is the eternal struggle
influence between the Russians and the English. This time the Russians
have won beyond all hopes, for the Aminu's-Sult~n, understanding that
the policy he has hitherto followed is condemned, has been clever
to change it in time to avoid his fall, and to arrive at a good
understanding with them. This very day the Prime Minister has effected
his conversion, a fortunate result of the withdrawal of the Tobacco
Concession, which, it may be hoped, will secure the trana,uillity of
  "The ~4 m''nz~'s-S?vlian has returned from the Russian Legation,
he has had an intervie~ with M. de Butzof lasting not less than three
hours. He has given to the Russian Minister the most formal assurances
of his change of attitude, adding, 'You may not believe my words, but
my acts will soon prove their sincerity.,    
  "The Russians ought to congratulate themselves on this 
1. A very curious account of a speech made by the Russian Minister at
a banquet giYen by him about this time to the principal European
residents at Tibran including Mr Arnstein, the manager of the
Concession, will be found on pp. 65-68 of the Awakening of the
result, greatly to be preferred to the fall of the Prime Minister,
moreoyer, the Sh~h is eager to keep in office. And so M. de 13utzof
have been not less sincere than the A'n~n's-SnI~n when he promised him
the support of Russia and his own personal assistance in the
accon~plishment of his task. 
  '` My Russian sympathies are a secret to no one here: they date from
Montenegro, from nearly twenty years ago. Nor is anyone ignorant of my
a~ection for the Ami?~H'S-S?litZn or my devotion to His Majesty. May I
thereFore be permitted, although I never meddle in politics, to
all the pleasure which this reconciliation causes me, and how
I hope that it may prove complete and lasting ? 
  "It may not be superfluous to add that this step was taken by the
Prime Minister after the receipt by the Shah from his representativeS
at St Petersburg and Constantinople of news which has not failed to
touch him. The Tsar is said to have promised to intervene with the
Sultan to settle the frontier difficulty, and, which is much more
important, to arrange the question of the exportation of tun[`ik~i.   

  '` Feb. ~ ~. His Majesty has received the Russian Minister, and has
confirmed the words of his Prime Minister, while expressing his
satisfaction at the good understanding arrived at between the
Governments of Persia and Russia."
  Dr Feuvrier's last entry on this topic, dated April 5, ~89~, runs as
  "At last an understanding has been arrived at as to the compensation
due to the late Tobacco Corporation. After interminable discussions
there has to-day been signed an agreement between the Persian
and the British Legation, whereby the first undertakes to pay, within
four months, the Sum of 500,000 to the G'rporation, which, in return,
renounces its Concession, and abandons all its immoveable property and
its tobacco destined for ir~ternal consumption in the country; for it
cannot so dispose of a certain quantity of funb~' for which a contract
has been made with Turkey, through intermediary agents, until this
contract is rescinded or an arrangetnent arrived at between the
  "Thus has been settled a serious affair which has deeply stirred the
country, driYing it to the verge of rebellion. The Persians, after a
days of Ramaz'`n', can observe their fast with minds free from this
  That the prestige of England should su~er heavily through the
fiasco was natural and inevitable. The Concession was iniquitous, and
reRected the greatest discredit on all concerned iri it. The Sh~h, for
a comparatively insignificant personal profit, needlessly and
saddled his longsuffering subjects with an intolerable l~urden and
exposed his country to dangers against which she is still struggling,
with what success remains to be seen. The actual loss of life
from the conRict between him and his people was considerable, and the
amount of su~ering and inconvenience caused still greater. The Persian
Government offered 300,000 compensation to the concess~on1za~res, who
demanded .6So~ooo, and ultimately obtained ~ 500,000, which was
borrowed by the Government at 6 per cent. interest from the Imperial
Bank of Persia on April z7, ~892, thus gratuitously imposing on the
Persian people, who had been entirely ignored by both parties to the
original agreement, an utterly unremunerative additional yearly
expenditure of .~;30,000. The customs of the Persian Gulf were pledged
as a guarantee for the payment of this interest, and the capital was
repayable at the end of forty years. And all this for the enrichment
a few greedy English speculators and a handful of traitorous Persian
courtiers and ministers! 
  Only one great and good thing came out of all this wretched
The Persian people, led by their spiritual guides, and led, moreover,
on the whole with wonderful wisdom and selfrestraint, had shown that
there was a limit to what they would endure, that they were not the
spiritless creatures which they had been supposed to be, and that
henceforth they would have to be reckoned with. From that time
especially, as I believe, dates the national awakening of which we are
still watching the development.    
1. Rarnazan in this year (1892) began on March 30 and ended on April

  One does not care to go further into the question of
for this disastrous Concession, which was severely criticised in
Parliament in February and May, 1892, when several very disagreeable
points were brought out by various speakers, such as Sir G. Trevelyan
and Messrs Cunninghame Graham, Healy and Labouchere, whose strictures
were but weakly repellecl from the Treasury Bench. Such as are curious
to follow the matter further may turn to the reports in Hansard of the
debates of February 22 and May 2, 23 and 26, 1892. 
  Such a chapter of folly as the history of the Tobacco Con
cession cannot be more fitly concluded than by the following
fatuous paragraph from the Tablet of Saturday, May 21, 1892:-
                   "THE PERSIAN LOAN.
  "It is satisfactory to be able to record that the Persian Government
has thought twice over the proposal to borrow half a million sterling
from the Government of the Tsar. She has preferred to owe the nnoney
is called upon to pay as an indemnity to the Tobacco Corporation to
British capitalists. A loan is to be raised in the London market and
brought out by the Imperial Bank of Persia. This happy ending of the
negotiations carried on by Sir Frank Lascelles, our representative at
Teheran, releases the Shah from what promised to be a very
situation, whether regarded hnancially or politically. The terms of
loan ha~e not yet been made public, but it is satisf actory to learn
that payment is to be secured on the customs duties of South Persia
the Persian Gulf. This arrangement may be pretty confidently relied
to extend the area over which British commerce is supreme. Most
satisfactory advances have been made by British traders in recent
throughout the whole of Southern Persia. From Ispahan to the sea the
British merchant is the dominant factor in the commercial world; while
the great ports of the Persian Gulf, Bandar-i-'Abbas, Linga', and
Bushire, are almost wholly supplied by vessels either from England or
1. I have corrected the spelling of the place-names, which are sadly
mutilated in the original, Lingaa, for instance, appearing as

[A photograph of Nasiru'd-Din Shah is bound between pages 58 and 59
the following text run under the picture.]        
                Nasiru'd-Din Shah Qajar
  Born July 17, 1831: succeeded to the Throne Sept. 17, 1848:
              assassinated May 1, 1896

                       CHAPTER III.


  Nasiru'd-Din Shah, the fourth king of the Qajar dynasty, succeeded to the
throne of Persia on Dhu'l-Qa'da 2', A.H. ~264 (= September 20, A.D. 1848),
and would therefore enter on the fiftieth year of his reign on the same
of the year ~3 ~ 3 of the Muhammadan era, equivalent in our reckoning to
6, 1896. Great preparations had been made to celebrate his Jubilee, alike
Persia, and in every place where Persia had an official representative,
only three days before these celebrations were to have taken place, the
was startled by the news of his assassination. About ~ o'clock on the
afternoon of Friday, May ~st, 1896 (= Dhu'l-Qa'da 18, A.H. 1313), His
Majesty, while visiting the Mosque of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, situated some six
or eight miles to the south of Tihran, was shot dead by a certain Mirza
Muhammad Riza of Kirman. The Times asserted, on the authority of its
correspondent, that he was brought back, still alive, to the Palace, and
not expire until 4 o'clock in the afternoon; but a well-informed Persian
friend tells me that it was his dead body which was driven back to his
capital, propped up in the royal carriage by the side of the Prime Minister
the Am~u's-Sulter'. The Crown Prince, or Wal{-'ekd, Muzaffaru'd-Din Mirza,
was instantly summoned by telegraph from Tabriz, where he was proclaimed
on the morrow of his father's death; and shortly afterwards he was
crowned at Tihran.
  To the student of contemporary history nothing is more entertaining than
to preserve the numerous leading articles' letters and paragraphs which
an event as this evokes in the daily Press, and examine them again after
lapse of some years' by which time how many confident predictions have been
falsified, how many ingenious: theories disproved, how many

"well-informed authorities" discredited! It was at first assertcd by the
Times (May 2), Scotsman (May 3), Elgin Courier
(May 3), Manchester Guardian (May 4), Pioneer (May 7),
Graphic (May 9), Spectator (May 9), Morning Post (May 11),
and many other papers, that the Shah's assassin was one of the
Babis, who were variously described as "a secret society and
criminal association "(~'z Co`~1~ier), "a sort of religious...
crusade against the corruption of public and private manners"
(7i~nes), and "a sect...who bear to ordinary Mussulmans the
relation which the (:ovenanters bore to ordinary Protestants"
(Spectator). The illustrated paper St Paul's (May '6) even
went so far as to publish a portrait of I know not what
hashish-eating dervish, with long hair and glassy, staring eyes, and
label it "A Babi, one of the sect to wllich the Shah's
assassin belongs."
  This prevalent idea, which was on the face of it extremely
improbable to anyone acquainted with the actual state of BabI
doctrines, ethics and policy, I endeavoured to refute in letters written
on May 3 and published in the 1imes of May 6 and in
the Daz~y New~s of May ~ ~, and I gave a further account of what I then
believed (and what has since been proved~ to be the true
explanation of the murder in the 1'Vew Review for June, ~85~6,
pp. 65~5g. I was at first nearly, but not quite, alone in my
view, but credit is due both to the Vienna correspondent of the
Standard, and to an Armenian correspondent of the Mancizester
Guardian named Andreasian, both of whom made a correct
diagnosis of the case. The latter wrote on May ~, "[ much
fear Russian and English rivalry in Persia may indirectly be
accountable for his (the ShAh's) untimely death at the hands of
an assassin," while the Former, who evidently derived his information
from sources much more trust~vorthy than most of
his prolific colleagues, sent the following communication to the Stndar
of May 12, 1896:--
                          VIENNA, Monday Night.

  "Immediately on the receipt of the news of the late Shah's
assassination, 1 ventured a suggestion that the crime would
prove to be connected with the plan favoured by the Sultan of
Turkey for the unification of the two branches of Islam. This

now seems really to be the case. The murderer, the Mollah (sic)
Riza, is not a Babist (sic), and the great secret society which
was at the bottom of former attempts' (?) upon the late Shah
had this time nothing to do with the matter, much as the priests in
Persia would like to [asten the crime upon their arch-enemies, It is now
known that Riza was for several months last year an
irimate of the Muzafirhane (read Mus~r-KJuind) near Constantinople kept
by the Sultan for passing Mollahs and Sheiks,
who received a regular allowance from His Majesty's Civil List.
The Sultan, the Sheik and the Mollah had frequent conferences
on the subject of the union of the Shiites with the Sunnites in
the interests of the Caliphate. The true reasons why Riza committed the
murder will not be known for some time, if at all,
as hardly anything will transpire from the torture-chamber
in Persia, but this much is certain, that the Sultan is terribly
annoyed, to say the least, that the man who was more than once
received by him in audience on a matter affecting the Persian
sect of Mohammedanism should have perpetrated the crime."
A few days later the Daily Graphic (May ~5) published "a
chat with Moulvi Rafiuddin Ahmad"on the "Persian Question," 
in which, speaking of the Babls, that eloquent and versatile
Indian writer said:-
  "The Babis? No, I don't think they have had anything to
do with it. The crime was due to personal spite. If it is true
that the Sheik Djemal-ed-Din was the instigator, we need not
seek far for the motives. Djemal has been perfectly frank about
them. He hated the Shah for personal reasons, and he said as
much in his Contemporary Review article four years ago."
  "Will the Sultan extradite him?"enquired the interviewer.
  "If his complicity is proved," answered the Indian, "he
should be surrendered, or perhaps the Sultan might have him
tried in Turkey...just as you are trying Jameson in London "

1. The only attempt on the life of Nasiru'd-Din Shah by Babis (three in
number, nnd acting, apparently, entirely on their own responsibilily)
was made on August 15, 1852. The three were Mulla Fathu'llah of Qum,
Mirza Muhammad of Niriz, and Sadiq of Zanjan, a servant of Mulla Shaykh
'Ali. This attempt gave rise to the horrible persecution ol the Babis
of that period.
2. That is, his article on "The Reign of Terror in Persia," published
in that review in Feb. 1892, pp. 238-248.

  It is, perhaps, not worth while saying much more about the
views expressed by the British Press at this time. There was a
good article by Sir Lepel Grin ;n the Wirze~ee'`tk Cenf~cry for July,
in which he spoke well of the new Shah, Muzaffaru'd-Din,
and expressed the admirable sentiment that it was England's
policy "not, as has been suggested, to come to terms with Russia for a
partition of the country, which would be as wicked as the
partition of Poland, but to "ork for Persian regeneration, which is by
no means hopeless."In another article of the same issue
of the same magazine Mr J. D. Rees, C.l.E., also strove to exculpate
the Babis, and indeed the theory that they had anything
to do with the death of Nasiru'd-D;n Shah was soon abandoned,
cYen by the Persian Government. There was a leader in the
Morning Post of May 11 which revealed an extraordinary
mixture of ignorance (Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din being described
as "the Afghan who is the recognized leader of the Babi")
and shrewdness. There was the usual inane dissertation in
the Spectator of May 9, concluding "Friendship with Russia,
were it only possible, would at all events remove a burden which is now
almost as widespread as is the Queen's dominion or our
trade."The Pioneer, though considering "Reuter's announcement
that the assassin of the Shah was a Babi fanatic...enough to
deprive that tragic event at once of any suspicion of political
significance," maintained, what I still believe to be the true
view, notwithstanding recent jubilations over the Anglo-Russian
Agreement, that Russia's aim"is to secure in Eastern Persia a
base for her advance upon Afghanistan and India, to say nothitlg of the
further projects she cherishes for eventually reaching the Persian

  Let us turn, however, fro,m these flowery fields of romance
and rhetoric to the actual facts elicited by cross-examination
from the Shah's assassin, Mirza Muhammad Riza. The probverbal of this
examination, preserved in the Ministry of Justice
Tihran, has only recently been made public in the Sur-i-Israfil
("Trumpet-blast of Israfil")1, in my opinion one of the best of
the many excellent Persian newspapers which the Constitutional
Movement brought into existence during the first period (Aug.

1. It has since been reprinted in the Awakening. pp. 125 et seqq.

[A photograph of Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman is bound between pages
62 and 63 with the following text run under the picture.]        
         Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman,
   who shot Nasiru'd-Din Shah on May 1, 1896, and was hanged
               on August 12, 1896
1906 June 1908) of its triumph. This proces-verbal begins in
No. 9 of the aforesaid paper, dated July 7, 1907, runs through
several numbers, and includes the cross-examination of others
besides the actual culprit. The translation of it is as follows.

"Proces-verbal of the cross-examinaation of Mirza Muhammad Riza of
Kirman, son of Mulla Husayn 'Aqda'i,1 so far as he has voluntarily made
his declaration in the first instance, without pressure or torture;
and it is indubitable that after the necessary pressure has been applied
he is likely to disclose his motives and ideas more fully."

Question.-- When did you leave Constantinople?"
Answer.-"On the 26th of Rajab, A.H. 1313"[= Jan. 14, 1896].
Q.-"When did you arrive at the Shrine of 'Abdu'l-'Azim?"
A.-"On the 2nd of Shawwal, A.H. 1313"[= March 17, 1896].
Q.-"Where did you stop on the way?"
A.-'At Barfurush I stopped for forty-one days at the
Caravanseray of Hajji Siyyid Husayn, on account of the
roads being obstructed."
Q.-4' How many of you were there who started from
Constantinople 7"
"Myself and Shaykh Abu'l-Q4sim."
Q.-"Who is Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim?"
"The brother of Shaykh Ah. mad-i-Ruhi of Kirman, aged
eighteen years, a tailor by trade."
Q.-"What was his idea in accompanying you?"
A.-"To return to Kirman. After they had arrested his
brother with two others, Mirza Aqa Khan and Hajji Mirza
Hasan Khan, in Constantinople in order to bring them to
Persia, they detained them at Trebizonde. I do not know
whether they are there now or not."
Q.-"After the arrest of his brother, he was frightened and
left ?"
A.-"No. When they arrested his brother, he set off for his
native place with the idea of rejoining his other brother, who
lives there. This brother, Shaykh MahdI, the son of Mulla
Muhammad Ja'far, lives at the end of the Bagh-i-Lala."
Q.-"When you were in Constantinople for what crime and
on what charge did they arrest these three persons ?"
~ 'Aqda, commonly v~ritten A,gidiz on the maps, is a liltle village near

A.-"The [Persian] Ambassador, 'Ala'u'l-Mulk, as was
currently reported, had a gr, dge against these three persons,
because they paid no attention to him. Since two of these
persons (i.e. Shaykh Ahmad and Mirza Aqa Khan) were
teachers, and knew four languages, they used, in the pursuit
of their profession, to frequent the houses of Muslims, Armenians and
Franks. They used to go to the house of anyone who
wanted to learn. It was asserted that they collected gossip and
made mischief in Persia, so they were accused and arrested.
This was the crime of these tno. As for Haiji M1rza Hasan
Khan, [he was arrested] on account of certain letters which he
was alleged to have ~vritten to the mullas of Najaf and
Kazimayn. It was said that these letters, written at the instigation of
Sayyitl Jamilu'd-Din ancl by his instructions, mld
urging the above-mentioned n~z~llas to support the [Ottoman]
Caliphate, fell into the hands of the LPersian] Prime Minister,
and were the cause of the Ambassador's grudge against them
which led to their arrest."
Q.-"Certain information has reached us here that, on the
occasion of your departure [from Constantinople], you had
another fellow-traveller with you besides Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim,
and that certain instructions had been given to you on the part
of Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din. What are the facts about this?"
A.-"There was no one with me except Abu'l-Qasim. To
this Ghulam Riza, the servant of Kasicifu's-Salta~za, can testify. In
the coffee-house kept by Hajji Muhammad Riza at Batum,
~vhere there are always a number of Persians, this Ghulam
Riza, who had started from Constantinople from twenty to
twenty-five days, more or less, before us, was lodging, carrying on the
trade of a tailor, when ~ve arrived, since several bridges on the road
between Batum and Baku had been destroyed.
Again on the road this side of Tifl's we were joined by a young
man of Ururniyya named Amir Khan, and his brother, who held
the rank of an officer in the cavalry, and, as he informed us,
occupied a house adJoin ing the mansion of 'Ala'u'd-Dawla. These fell
in with us on the railway, and we travelled together to Baku, u hence
Abu'l-Qasim went in the mail-boat by way of UzunAda,
meaning to proceed thence by'lshq-abad (Askabad) and
through Khurasan to Kirman, whilst I and Ghulam Riza and

the two other Persians, to wit Am(r Khan and his brother,
travelled from Baku to Mashhad-i-Sar, and thence to Birfurush.
Ghulam Riza, after alighting in the caravansaray and unloading
his luggage, went to the house of Intizamu'd-l~awla, whence he
returned, collected his luggage, and went back to the Intizamu'd-Dawla's
house in the Bagh-i-Shah (King's Garden). Three or
four days later he came, dressed in his travelling clothes, embraced
me, and set out for Tihran'~vhile I continued to lodge in
the caravansaray of Hajji Siyyid Husayn. Amir Khan also
remained in Barfurush for twenty-four hours, and then likewise
started for Tihran. That is all."
Q.-'You have not mentioned the instructions which you
are said to have brought thence "[z:e. from Constantinople].
A.-"I had no special instructions, but the Siyyid's attitude
is known to all, and likewise his manner of speech. He is devoid of
caution. He says that they ~z.e. the Shah and his ministers
and governors] are tyrants. That is the way he talks."
Q.-"How' then, did you conceive the idea of murdering His
martyred Majesty ?"
A.-"There needs no 'how.' By reason of the stocks and
chains which I suffered unJustly; the stripes that I endured, so that
I ripped open my belly [in order to escape torture by
suicide]; the agonies that I endured in the house of the
fKa~ib~'s-Salta~za at the Amiriyya Palace, at Qazwin, in the
gaol, and once again in the gaol. For four years and four
months 1 was in chains and in the stocks, though according
to my own convictions I only sought to serve and benefit the
State. Before the occurrence of the Tobacco Riots I had never
meddled in politics. I gave my information only when they
summoned me [for that purpose]."
Q.-"No one had any personal spite or grudge against you.
If so be that it was as you allege, you would have rendered
service, and then no signs of sedition or mischief-making
would have been detected in you. There was no reason for
them to inRict such punishment upon you in return for the
service you had rendered them. It is therefore clear that even
at that time they detected in you signs of sedition and
mischievous activity."

A.-"Even now, after all this time, I am ready to meet my
accusers, and to let some unprejudiced person investigate the
matter and decide whether I made my true representations
out of love for my country, my nation and the State, albeit
interested persons, in order to estabhsh a claim for services
rendered and to obtain distinctions, salaries, orders, decorations,
etc., endeavoured to make the contrary appear. Even
now I am ready for such investigation "
Q.-"Who were these ' interested persons '?"
~4.-"A lo~v-minded, igac~ble, base-born, vile person, unworthy
of any of these distinctions, to wit, Bla Khan' lVakzlu'd-Dewla, for
whom the JVetib~c's-S`z~?'a entertained an excessive affection." Q.-"
The lrVak~f~c'd-D~zze,la asserts that even at that time he
caused you to be arrested on the ground of seditious documents
and letters known to all; and adds that, had he not arrested
you then, you had already formed this project, as appeared from
the examination conducted at the time, and would perhaps have
done this deed then."
"Then it will be capable of proof in the presence of the
Wakf 17c'd-Dazula.,'
Q.-"Seeing that you yourself admit tllat ail these sufferings
befell you by reason of the Wak~c'd-Daw~z, who hoped thereby
to earn distinction, and the Na'ibu's-Salta"a, on account of his
affection for him, what fault had His martyred Majesty committed? At
most they so represented the affair to him. You
should have sought reparation and revenge from these, who were
the cause of your afflictions, and not have plunged a whole
nation into mourning."
A.-"A king to whom, after he has reigned for fifty years,
affairs can be misrepresented in this fashion, and ~vho does not
investigate them-; a tree whereof the fruits, after all these
years, are such as the l~athc'd-Da'~la, the 'A~/zu's-Sr'/tan, the
A7'zi?c-c-KM4,a'2' and such low-born rogues and scoundrels, who
are the plagues of the lives of the Muslim community-; such
a tree, I say, bearing such fruits, ought to be cut down, that it ~
According to the A~c~ake7`s~g (p. ':~) Bal:i Khin's origin:31 title was

may bear such fruits no longer. ' Tfce ish hegi'~s ~o st'nk at
tfte Jcead, nol at the teili.' [f wrong were done, it was from
Q.-"Even if this were the case, as you assert, still, so far as
you personally were concerned, the Wakf~c~e'-Dazuc'a and Wa'ilcc's-
SaHa~a were most to blame. The late Shah was not irnmaculate2,
and had not knowledge of things unseen. When a man
like the Na ibu's-Saltat a3, who was both the Shah's son and one of the
chief servants of the State, had represented a matter,
especially with such documentary evidence as that which he
had obtained from you, the Shah could not hesitate [to acsept
his account as true]. These persons who were the cause [of
your misfortunes] should have been the objects of your revenge.
This argument which you have advanced is not a sound one.
You are a logician, and a ma~l of philosophical character;
you should support your answer with [better] proofs."
~.-"They had no documentary evidence against me, except
that they produced writing-materials, and by force and violence
extracted the document in question from me in the WeJe~c'd-
Dazuc'a's house, under threats of the triangle and the branding-
iron. Two other persons were present' to wit, the Governor, and
a certain Siyyid, who, in order to annoy the Prime Mhlister,
had on one occasion removed his turban in his presence, and
who was a guest at breakfast. that night, and witnessed what
happened then. I had also been taken before the lVlz'zM's-
Saltar~a on the previous evening."
~-"You, being a sensible man, knew that you ought not
to furnish them with such documentary evidence. On what
pretext did they obtain it from you, and what did they say?"
A.-"The pretext whereby they obtained the document was
this. After I had informed them that there was talk and
murmuring amongst all classes of the people, and that they
I This is a quotation from the Ma~nazu' of Jalalu'd-Din Rurni. The same
proverb exists in Turkish.
s AIa'~drn, a term applier! to the Imams, meaning exempt from all human
frailties. s Kamran M`rza, son of l`'asiru'd-Mn Shah, A leading
reactionai v in these recent times. Ile was born on Dhu'l-Qa'da 19, A.~.
]272 (=July ::, '8s6). ~ ' Breakfast "(~dr) means the meal at which
those who are fasting in Rannazan break their fast after sunset. See
also p. 87 infra.

would soon proceed to riot and rebellion on account of the 
Tobacco Qucstion, and that this discontent ought to be dealt 
with before it reached a climax, I said to the Na~ibz~'sSaltana, 'Thou
art the heir to the kingdom, thou art the son of the Shah and his truest
friend; the ship of Stat.e is about to strike on a rock, and this roof
will fall down on thy head, it is  not unlikely that the Sovereignty of
Persia, which has endured 
for several thousand years, may be imperilled, and that this 
Muslim nation may suddenly be blotted out.' Then he swore 
an oath, saying, 'I am without prejudice; I only desire reform.  Do you
then write a paper to the following effect:-"O true 
believers and Muslims! The Tobacco Concession has been 
given! The Bank has been created! The tramway, in despite 
of the Muslims, is running! The monopoly of wine has been 
granted! The mineral rights have been assigned! Sugarmonopolies and
match-monopolies have been accorded! We Muslims will fall entirely into
the hands of foreigners! Little  by little Religion will disappear! Now
that our Shah no longer 
takes thought for us, do you exert yourselves and show your 
spirit! Unite and combine,be brave,defend yourselves!"' This 
was approximately the substance of the writing. Such a letter 
they gave me as a model, saying, 'Write these thillgs, and we 
will show the letter to the Shah, telling him that we found it in ~ 
the Masjid-i-Shah, where it had been dropped, so that we may l 
try to bring about some reform.' The Na~i~oz~'s-Salta~za also 
swore that the writing of this document would involve me in 
no danger, but would rather place the Government under an 
obligation to me, so that I should receive an allowance and be l  the
object of its regard. Then, when I went from the Na~ib~'s- l  Saltazza's
presence to the Wakilz~'d-Dawla's house, I was again  compelled by
violence and threats to write the same words; and l  when they had
obtained the document from me, it was as though l  God had given them
the whole world. They gathered up the 
writing materials, brought out the instruments for branding 
and torturing, produced the soldier's triangle, and prepared to l  strip
me and tie me to the triangle and question me, saying, l 
~ Tell us [the names of] your associates. Where is their meeting- ~ 
place? Where are your accomplices?' And though I asked, ; 

What meeting-place ? What associates ? I associate with all 
men, and have heard rumours from all. Now what Musulman 
shall I betray?' they sought to compel me [to make a confession]. Then
I saw that it was now time to take my life in 
my hands, and that the occasion was come for me to sacrifice it 1  for
the honour, security and lives of my fellow Muslims. The 
pen-knife and scissors, which, in their excessive joy and delight,  they
had forgotten to replace in the pen-case, were Iying in the  centre of
the room. I looked towards the knife. Rajab-'AIf 
Khan noticed this, and picked up the knife. The scissors, 
however, still lay by the hearth. The Governor was seated 
facing the qilola, repeating his prayers. I said to him, 'I adjure  you,
by this qibla, and by the prayer which you are repeating, 
tell me what is your object!' At this moment a letter was 
brought to them from the lV~ibu's-Saltana, and they read it 
and then laid it face downwards. The Governor said, 'This 
letter says that it is the Shah's command that you must 
without fail divulge your meeting-place and the names of your 
associates, or else these instruments of branding and torture are 
ready, and the whip is waiting.' Seeing the scissors Iying by 
the grate, I said, intending to get at it, 'The branding-iron and 
bradawl are not needed: sit on the sofa, so that I may lay the 
details of the matter before you.' I then seized the Governor's l  hand,
drew him towards the fire-place, and so reached the scissors, l 
wherewith I wounded myself in the belly. The blood poured l 
down, and, as it ran, I fell to reviling them. Then they were I  sorely
vexed, and caused me to be treated medically, and my l 
wound to be stitched up. It was after this ordeal that poor, l 
innocent I, who, according to my own ideas, had rendered a 
service to the State, was, for four years and a half, carried in 1 
chains from this prison to that prison, from Tihran to Qazwin, ~4  from
Qazw~n to the common gaol. During these two (sic: ? four) |  years and
a half I was released two or three times, but altogether l  during this
period I was not at liberty for more than forty days.  I had become the
Nawruz 'All Khan-i-Qal'a-Mahmud', or the l 
Sabz 'All Khan-i-Maydan-Qal'a'i of the lV~'ibu's-`Saltana and l  Bala
Khan." ~ l 
Q.-4` Who was Nawruz 'All Khan-i-Qal'a-Mahmudi ? " ll 
A.-"Muhammad Ismatll Wakilu'l-Mu~, the Governor of
Kirman, in orcler to run up a bill of costs, and to increase his salary
and rank, used daily to invent, for the deceiving of the
Government, a pretender to the throne or a rebellious chief;
and for a long while he preoccupied the Government with the
pretended doings of Nawruz 'All Khan-i-Qal'a-Mahmudf. So
likewise the JVd'ib~'s-SaN`z1'a, whenever he had failed in obtaining
some distinction, used to arrest me. My wife obtained
a divorce from me. My eight year old son became a scullion.
~Iy unweaned child was cast out into the streets. The first
time, after two years' imprisonment, that they brought us from
Qazwin, they released ten of us, of whom t~vo were Bab~s, one
Hajji Mulla 'All Akbar-i-Shimrz~d, and the other Hajji Amin.
It was arranged that they should be placed in the gaol, but,
since one of these Babls was wealthy, he sent to His Royal
Highness [the JVa'ib~'s-Saltana] a sum of money, so they
released him, and in his place sent me to the gaol. Evidently
[under such treatment] a man grows sick of iife, and, having
renounced life, does whatever he will. When I went to Constantinople
and described my case in the presence of great
men and in the assemblies of the learned, they blamed me
because, in face of all this oppression and injustice, I had not washed
my hand of life and delivered the world from the hands
of tyrants."
Q.-"All these details which you give do but add point to
my first question. I demand justice from yourself: had you
been in the place of the late Shah, and had the JVa~iburs-Saltana and
the Wa'Wd-Da-~la laid before you a document so worded,
supplementing it with these details, would you have had an~r
choice as to believing it or not? Then in this case those t~vo
persons were to blame, and were more deserving of death
Why was it that you did not resolve to kill them, but rather
set your hand to this grievous deed ?"
A.-"The duty of the Shah, had he been devoid of pre~udice,
was to send a third unprejudiced examiner to investigate
the truth of the matter as between me and them; and, since
he dicl not do so, he was to blame. l~or years the flood of
injustice has engulfed all his subjects. What had Siyyid

Jamalu'd-Din, that holy man and true descendant of the Prophet,
done to be dragged forth with such ignominy from the sanctuary
of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Az~m ? They tore his under-clothing, they
treated him with all this ignominy, yet what had he said except
the truth ? That lame ~h"nd of Sh~raz, who, instigated by
Siyyid 'Al' Akbar-i-Fal-asiri, denounced the- Qiwam
as an infidel, of what consequence was he that they should come
into the gaol and first strangle him and then cut off his head i' I
myself was in the gaol at the time, and saw what they did
to him. Does God tolerate such deeds ? Are they not
tyranny? Are they not oppression ~ If there be a discerning
eye it will not fail to observe that it was in that very same
place whence they dragged the Siyyid that the Shah was shot.
Are not these poor folk, and this handful of Persian people
a trust from God ? Step forth for a moment from this land
of Persia, and yon will see in ~Iraq-i-'Arab [Mesopotamia], the
Caucasus, 'Ishq-abad [Askabad], and the border-lands of Russia,
thousands of poor Persian subjects who have fled from their own
dear country from the hands of oppression and tyranny, and
have perforce adopted the most miserable means of earning a
livelihood. The porters, s~veepers, donkey-men and lal~ourers
whom you see in those regions are-all Persians'. After all, these flocks
of your sheep need a pasture in which they may graze,
so that their milk may increase, and they may be able both to
suckle their young and to support your milking; not that you
should constantly milk them as long as they have milk to give,
and, when they have none, should devour the Resh from their
bodies. Your sheep are all gone and scattered: this is the result of
tyranny which you see. What and wherefore is this boundless
tyranny and oppression, and what can exceed this? They strip
the very Resh from the bodies to devour it, and to feed therewith their
hawks and birds of venery. From such-and-such an unprincipled wretch
they accept [a bribe of] a hundred thousand
tdmdns, and [in return for this] giYe him complete control over
the lives? property, honour and security of a city or a province. Under
the burden of their oppressions they do so constrain
the poor? captive, helpless people that men are compelled to
'See p. t7 lupra.

divorce their own wives so that these their lords may take to
wife a hundred. Every year they spend on the 'Azlz~'s-S~l~i~',
who is of no use to the State or the nation? nor serves for the
personal gratification of any one, half a million tdma~zs wrung
from the people by this bloodthirsty and merciless tyranny.
These are matters known to all the people of this city, though
they do not dare to utter them aloud. Now that, as was fated
and predestined, this great deed has been accomplished by my
hands, a heavy burden has been lifted from the hearts of all.
Men are relieved, and all are waiting to see what the new Shah,
lately the Crown Prince (Wal"-`akd), will do, and whether he
will heal men's broken hearts by justice, clemency and upright
ness, or not. If? as men hope and expect, he vouchsafes to his
people some degree of peace and ease, bccornes the means of
his people's tranquillity of mind? and bases his rule on justice and
equity? assuredly all the people will be ready to die for
him? his sovereignty will be firmly established? and his good
will remain inscribed eternally on the page of history,
while it will further conduce to the prolongation of his days
and the good of his health. If? on the other hand, he likewise
adopts this practice and conduct, then this crooked load will
never reach the halting-~lace. Now is the time when, as soon
as he arrives ~at the capital], he should declare and proclaim,
saying? 'O people ! Indeed it hath gone ill with you during this period?
and trouble hath pressed sorely upon you, but this
state of things is now at an end. Now the carpet of justice
is unrolled? and justice shall be our basis. Our scattered people ~
shall be gathered together, hope shall be given them, and proper
arrangementS shall be made for the collection of the taxes under the
superintendence of the elders of the people, so that these l may know
what is required of them, and may bring and pay
over their taxes at a fi~ced and specified time. Tax-gatherer
shall no longer follow ta=-gatherer to add to an original demand for one
t'`ma?` subsidiary exactions raising the amount to ten
~ima'zs, and so forth.'"
~ Nasiru'd-Din Shah's [avo'~rite, a boy of Kurdish exlraction, named
Man~jak, who was very unpopular on account of his bumble origin and bad
manners. He was the Subject of a good deal of attention in lhe Press
when the Shah vrsiled this country in 1889.

Q.-"Supposing that your idea was really to benefit the
public, and that you did this deed to remove oppression from
all the people' you must at least allow that if your objects could have
been attained without bloodshed it would certah~ly have
been better. Now we are anxious to apply ourselves forthwith
to the reform of these abuses, and our minds must be set at
ease on certain points, so that we may tranquilly undertake the
establishment of a new order oF things. This being so, we must
know who these persons are who are allied with you, and what
ideas they entertain. Know also that, with the sole exception of
yourself, who are the perpetrator of this crime, and who will be put to
death (or perhaps, since your idea was to serve the public welfare, will
escape death), the Government will make no reprisals, since it is not
to its interest to do so. We only want
to know those persons who hold the same views as yourself,
since perhaps at some time we may stand in need of their
advice in our work of reform."
A.-"You make a good point, and I, as I assured you
before, do now swear by my honour, good name and manhood
that I will not lie to you. Those who share my views in this
city and in this country are many, alike amongst the 'niamd, the
ministers, the nobles, the merchants, the trades-people and all
other classes. You know how, when Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
came to this city, all the people, of every class and kind, alike in
Tihran and in Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, came to see him and wait
upon him, and how they listened to his discourses. And since
all that he said was said for God and for the public good,
everyone profited and was charmed by his words. Thus did
he sow the seed of these high ideas in the fallow ground of
men's hearts, and the people awoke and came to their senses.
Now everyone holds the same views that I do; but I swear
by God Most High and Almighty, who is the Creator of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-l);n and of all mankind, that no one, save myself
and the Siyyid, was aware of this idea of mine or of my
intention to kill the Shah. The Siyyid is in Constantinople:
do what you can to him. The proof of what I say is, moreover,
self-evident, for had I communicated to anyone so great
a design, he would certainly have divulged it, and my object
would have been frustrated. Besides, I have discovered by

experience of how feeble a texture these people are,and how
they love life and position. At the time when the l obacco
Concession and other matters were toward, when it was a
question only of reforming abuses, and there was no talk of
killing the Shah or anyone else, all tnese titled gentlemen,
these -~`lks and -Dawlas and -Salta~as', who had pro
mised coucurrence with pen, endeavour and money, declaring
themselves to l~e ready whenever occasion should demand, no
sooner saw that I had su~red arrest than they all stood aloof.
But I, notwithstanding that long captivity, mentioned not a
single name; so that if, after my release, I had gone round [to
those people], I could have obtained large sums of money from
them for this concealment of their names; but, seeing them to
be cowards, I suffered hunger and misery without stretching out
rny hand for help to anyone."
Q.-"Amongst those persons who, on that earlier occasion,
were notorious as your sympathisers and abettors, Hajji Sayyah.
appears to have been the most substantial ? "
A.-"No, Hajji Sayyah is an irresolute egotist: he never
rendered me any help or service, though he profited by the oc
casion to make the water muddy so that he might catch fish for
the ZiCl'~'s-~`cfla~f. His idea was that perhaps this I~rince might
become King, and the Am~'c'd-lJa-wla Prime Minister, and that
he himself might accumulate some wealth; even as he has now
nearly sixteen thousand `~ens' worth of property in Mahallat.
At this time he obtained from the Zi~"s-S"~as' three thousand
tl`??lans, nominally for Siyyid Jamalu'd Din, of which he gave
nine hundred nI'ndus to the Siyyid and kept the rest himself."
0.-"Before attempting this deed, you might have sought
some protector after your release ~ from prison!, or attached
yourself to some third person, such as the Sadr-i-A'za'n Prime
hIinister), as is the practice of our Persian folk, who take
sanctuary in time of stress, and so fortify themselves, until at length
they are able to give a true account of themselves and so escape from
chastisement. Ycu too should have acted thus, and
then, had your efforts not been crowned with success! you could
still have done this deed. To kill a great King is, after all, no small
~ CL r~ 4t "rutra and foot~note.

A.-"Yes, but there is no justification for him who makes
this assertion, inasmuch as on this second occasion I did actually go
to represent my case to the Prime Minister, whereupon
the Nd'ib~'s-Salte?'a again arrested me, saying, 'Why did you
go to the Prime Minister's house ?' Besides, you all know
that as soon as the Na'tbu's-Saltana's foot enters into any
matter, the Prime Minister and the others become very careful,
and dare not speak; or, iC they speak, the Shah pays no
Q.-"Was this a six-chambered revolver which you had ?"
A.-"No, a Russian five-chambered revolver."
Q.-"Where did you obtain it ?',
A.-"I bought it, in addition to five cartridges, for three
td ma'ns and two qrans, in BarFurush, from a fruit-seller who
exported fruit to Baku."
0.-"When you bought it, did you buy it with this intention
A.-"No, I bought it for self-defence, though I was also
thinking of the Ara~i~'s-Sal~ana."
Q.-"When you used to describe your adventures to the
Siyyid in Constantinople, what answer used he to give?"
A.-"He used to answer: ' In the face of all those wrongs
which you describe as having befallen you, it would have been
a good thing if you had killed the Nd'il~'s-Saltana. What a
poor spirit you had, and how great a love of iifel Such a
tyrant who exercises such tyranny ought to be killed."'
Q.-"In face of so explicit a command from the Siyyid,
why then did you-not kill him, and why did you instead kill
the Shah ? "
A.-"I thought that if I killed him, Nasiru'd-Din Shah, with
that power which he possessed, would kill thousands of people;
and that therefore it was better to cut the root of this tree of
tyranny, not merely its branches and leaves. Thus it was that
I conceived the matter, and set myself to accomplish it."
Q.-"I have heard that you had expressed your intention
of doing this deed on the night when the city would be
illuminated on the occasion of the late Shah's [Jubilee] festival, when
he was to have gone for a walk [through the streets]."

A.-"No, I had no such intention, and this is no saying of
mine. I did not even knov, that the Shah would F0 for a walk
in the city. nor did I suspect the existence in myself of such
resolution. On ~l hursday I heard that the Shah was coming to
Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim. I was then thinking of presenting a
petition to the Prime Minister to ask for an assurance that I
should not be molested. I had even written the petition and
had it hl my pocket, and had gone out into the bazd:r to await
the l~rime Minister. Then my heart was turned aside from
the idea of presenting the petition, and all of a sudden I ~vas
possessed by this [new] idea, and went to my room, picked up
the pistol, and passed tl~rough the door of the Imam-zada
Hamza into the Sanctuary before the arrival of the Shah. Then
tile Sh~ih arrived, eutered tile Sanctuary, recited a short form of
Visitation, and was preparblg to approach the Imam-zada
Haruza. He was within a step of the entrance to this when
I fired the pistol 1 "
Q.-"Was His martyred Majesty advancing towards you,
and did he see you or nc~t ? "
A.-"Yes, he saw rne and started when the pistol was fired.
I did not perceive [what happened afterwards]."
Q.-"Do you really not know what happened to the pistol ?
They say that there was ~ woman there who seized the pistol
and carried it off.,'
A.-"No, there was no woman there, and these stories are
nonsense. Has this Persia of ours suddenly turned Nihilist
that such lion-hearted women should appear amongst us ?"
Q.-'I have heard, and it is currently reported, that when the
Sayyicl commissioned you to do this deed he composed a Prayer
of Visitation for you, telling you that you would die a martyr's -
death, and that your tomb and resting-place would'~
oJ ~ery I~erfzne
~hro~'ghout ~e worM the favour'~ shr`~'e2."'
A.-"The Siyyid regards the worship of all things made
by hands as sheer idolatry' and says that one should worship
1 11ere ends the portion cmltained in No. 9 of the S~Jr-~-lrraffJ. The
continuation is from ~'o. Io, dated Allg. '5, rgo7.
2 This is a quotation trom Hafiz.

only the Creator and prostrate one's self before Him only,
not before the creature. He does not believe in covering
shrines and tombs with gold and silver, and regards a mants
life as really nothing and of no innportance if given for the
sake of a good cause. Although I su~ered all these misfortunes
and hardships for his sake, and he could even hear the
sound of the blows inflicted on me, whenever I used to talk
about or recall my sufferings he used to say, 'Be silent, ancl
do not play the ra~zvea-khtc~an'! Was your father a raweeJz~wan
? Why do you frown and whine ? Tell your story
with the utmost cheerfulness and dignity, even as the Franks
relate those misfortunes which they endure for a good cause
with the most complete cheerfulness."'
Q.-"When you were in Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, did Shaykh
Muhammad Andarmanl visit you as he did on the occasion
of your former ~ourney ? Used he to see you and talk to
~,ou, or not ? "
A.-"No, by Allah ! and indeed the people who were there
used to blame him because he neither saluted me nor recognized
me. So also the other inhabitants of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azfm
neither spoke with me nor showed any signs of friendship
towards me."
Q.-"Shaykh Elusayn, the cousin of Shaylch Muhammad,
said himself that on two occasions he held casual conversation
with you."
A.-"Yes, that is true."
Q.-"What sort of services had Mulla Husayn, the son of
Mirza Muhammad 'All, rendered you ? For he himself said
that he had served you for some time, and that you gave
him nothing."
A.-"He had not rendered me any service: he only wrote
out for me three letters and two advertisements which ~ had
written about my own surgical practice. I had advertised a
cure which I knew of for the BagEdad boil and for scaldhead."
that day when this Shaykh had gone out for a
I A rasvza-kh7~tn is a kind of professional mourner who moves men to
tears by reciting the woes of the Imams.

picnic with you, and you had regaled yourself on lettuces and
oxymel, what remark had you made which led him to recite
~he verse-
7~0 U, t'71 the t~rorid it is "ot zoor~h lo :'ex e human beer~"?" A.-"It
would be a very extraordinary thing that I should
~make to one so weak of understanding any observation in connection with
which he should repeat [such] a verse of poetry."
Q.-"That same day, when you returned after eating the
~ lettuces and oxymel, he said that three persons came to see you, 11~
a Siyyid, a Mulla, and another wearing the ~z~la/z (lamb-skin ;, hat),
and talked apart with you in vvhispers for about three
quarters of an hour. Afterwards they departed, and you came
back to your lodgh~g. H;ijji Siyyid Jatfar also said that l~e
was sitth~g at the door of Lhc house when hc saw thell~ comblg,
and got up and went inside. Who were those three persons ? "
A.-"Hajji Mirza Ah~nad of Kirman, together with a
Siyyid whom I did not know. They departed on a journey
with a hundred Cir'`r2~lYS which he had concealed in his turban.', Q.-
`' Do you know whither they went ? It is said that they
went to~vards Hamadan."
- A.-'t No, by Allah ! I do not kno`v in what direction they
went. I only know that they took an augury at the parting
of two roads as to which direction they should take. Their
augury indicated that they should take the upper road towards
Kahr~zak, and they set off in that direction."
Q.-"From their acting thus, in reliance on God, it would
appear that they knew something of your intention, and that,
being known as acquaintances of yours, and fearing that you
might do something for which they might be arrested, they
A.-"Let there be no mistake: I regard Hajji Mirza
Ahmad as a fool. A man like me, intending to do so great
a deed, would not impart his intention to a man like HajJi
Ilfrza Ahmad."
Q.-"1 have heard that you repeatedly told some of your
friends that you would kill the Prime Minister. What enmity
had you towards him?"
A.-"No, these statements are lies. It is true that in the

beginning, when they persecuted the Siyyid and drove him into
exile, he conceived a spite against him, believing him to have
been the cause of this vexation, humiliation and banishment.
But afterwarcls, in Constantinople, he was convinced by concurrent
reports that the Prime Minister had nothing to do with
this matter, but that the lVa'ib~'s-Saltana was responsible. I was notr
therefore, intending to kill him."
Q.-' During this period when, having come from Constantinople,
you were lodging at Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, did you
ne`-er come to the city?"
A.-"Certainly I did. Once I came here and went straigilt
to the house of Hajji Shaykh Hadi NajmabadI, whose guest I
was for two nights. He entertained me, and I got from him one
'd~;r~fi,` towards my cxpcnscs. Then I again rcturncd to 6;h`SI
'Abdu'l-'AzLm secretly, as I had come to the city."
Q.-"You did not again visit the city or meet anyone ~ "
"No, I never returned."
Q.-"Then where did you meet your son ? "
A.-"I sent a message, and they brought my son to Shah
'Abdurl-'AzLm, where I kept him with me for some days."
Q.-"Who came to Shah 'Abdu'l-'AzLm with your son ? "
A.-"His mother, who was divorced from me some time
ago, brought him, and then returned whence she came. Some
days later she came back and took him home."
Q.-"Wherefore out of all this city did you choose Hajji
Shaykh HadL and go to his house ? Had you some former
acquaintance or special connection with him?"
A.-"Had I not had such former acquaintance and special
connection with him, he would not have entertained me. Hajji
Shaykh Had! cares for nobody. He receives eYeryone in the
street or at his door [lhrithout ceremony]."
Q.-"Does Hajji Shaykh Hadi, then, share your opinions
and ideas ? "
A.-"If he did not, I would not go to his house."
Q.-"Then it is certain that you gave him some hint of your

intention to com,ass the death of the Shah ? "
A.-"No, it was not necessary to give him any hint."
Q.-"Had you any message or letter from Siyyid Jamalu'd
-Din for him?"

A.-"Is there such a dearth of post-offices and other means
of communication that Ictters should be entrusted for transmission to
me' wl~o am known and suspected everywhere ?
And then what is this that you say? Is Hajji Shaykh Hadl
alone in sharing my ideas ~ The people have become men, and
their eyes and ears are opened."
0.-"If everyone shares your views, then why does every
individual, great or small, man or woman, weep like one who
has lost a child at this catastrophe ? There is not a house
which is not filied with mourning! "
A.-"This organized 2~0urning naturally affects people, and
moves them to pity. But go and look at the miserable condition
of the people outside Now answer me truly, let me see,
after this occurrence was there disorder in the country? Are
the roads and highuays insecure? For this, were it so, would
indeed be the cause of great vexation, sorrow and grief, lest in the
eyes of the Franks and other foreigners ue should become
notorious for savagery and disorder, and lest they should say
that we are still barbarians.,'
Q.-'You, who are so anxious about the country, and think
so much of the honour of the kingdom, why did you not consider
this before? Did you nc~t know that so great a matter would
assuredly cause disorder and confusion ? If this has not
actually happened, it is only by God's wsll and the [new] King's good
A.-"Yes, that is true, but look at the histories of the Franks:
so 102lg as blood was not shed to accomplish lofty aims, the
object in view was not attained."
Q.-"On the day when the 1r"`am-J?`m'a visited Shah
'Abdu'l-'Az~m and you ~vent and kissed his hand, what did
you say to him, and what did he say to you ?"
A.-' The l~a~n-~m'a came with his sons and the
Mu'~a'nedn'sk-SI~arf~a. I we2lt into the court-yard [of the
Shrile] and kissed his hand. He treated me graciously and
kindly, saying, 'When didst thou come? And with what purpose
?' I answered, ' I came that perhaps in some way I might
obtain security, and so go to the city.' I specially asked him
to intercede for me with the Prime Minister, and to put my
affair right, so that I might be secure from the malice of the

lYd'ib~'s-Sa~?~e and the WakI~'d-Datllia. But the Ima77~-
J~m'CZ'S sons told me that it was no time to come to the city,
where there were sure to be disturbances in these days, on
account of [the scarcity and dearness of] bread and meat and
copper money, and where riots would occur. The Inta1n-,Rum'a
himself gave me hope and reassured me.',
Q.-"What did you say to the M~'lamadn's~k-SItarl'a, and
what did you whisper to him ?"
A.-"I only asked him to represent my case to the I'~amJumia,
and to urge him to intercede for me."
Q.-"What business had Siyyid 'Ah' Akbar's secretary,
AIulla Sadiq-i-Kusa, with you ? I hear that he visited your
lodging in Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim several times."
A.-"Siyyid 'All Akbar also came in person to Shah
'Abdu'l-'Az2'm, and I talked with him for about half an hour,
begging him to obtain for me in some way assurances of safety,
so that I might be secure against the malice of those persons
[whom I mentioned before], arid might come into the city.
Siyyid 'All Akbar said, 'I wili have nothing to do with these
matters.' His secretary, Mulla SAdiq, also came once or twice,
and we talked in this fashion. 11ikewise made the same request
of Hajji Shaykh Had; the night I went to his house. He
answered, 'These people are not fit for me to ask favours from,
and this is a thing I will never do.' i'
52.-"Tell us the real truth. How was it that, with all your
fear of coming to the city, where) moreover, you had nowhere
to go except the house of Hajji Shaykh Had2'you still ventured
there] ~ Perhaps you had a letter or message for him ~ "
A.-"No, I had no letter or message. It was only that I
regarded him as more human than others, so that it was possible
to say two words to him."
Q.-"For example, what sort of discourse did you hold with
him ?',
A.-"By Allah! The character of Hjji Shaykh Hadl is
well known, and after what fashion he talks. On the days when
he sits on the ground by the side of the Avenue, he is always
occupied in making 'men.' He has made, up to the present time,

at least twenty thousand 'men,' has lifted the veil from their
eyes so that all have awakened and understood the matter."
0.-"Is he also on intilT'ate terms and in constant correspondence with
Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din?"
~ "What can I say? I do not rightly know whether
he corresponds with the Siyyid or not, but he has a firm belief
in him, and regards him as a great man. Whoever has even
a little perception understands that the Siyyid stands quite
apart from the men of this age. The realities of ali things lie
open before him; the necks of all the greatest philosophers and
thinkers of Europe and all the world are bowed in ol~eisance to
llim. Not one of the wisest of the age is worthy to be his
servant or his disciple. Evidently, too' Eiajji Shaykh HadI has
sense: he is not lil~e some of these senseless ,~nfIds.... Whoever
appears with these signs and tokens is...i himself. The
Persian ;overnment did not appreciate his worth, and could
not derive advantages and benefits from his honoured being.
They l~anished him with contempt and disrespect. Now go
and see how the Sultan of Turkey appreciates his value. When
the Siyyid went from Persia to London, the Sultan telegraphed
to him several times, saying, 'It is a pity that your auspicious
existence should be passed [ar from the lands of Islam, and that the
Muslims should not derive benefit from it. Come to the
metropolis of Islam, let the Muslim call to prayer sound in shine ears,
and let us live together.' At first the Siyyid would not
consent, but at length Prince Malkom Khan and some others
said to him, 'When such a King is so urgent with thee, it is
surely right to go.' So the Siyyid came to Constantinople, and
the Sultan gave him a lofty mansion, assigned him two hundred
pounds a month for his expenses, sent him supper and luncheon
from the royal kitchen, and always placed at his disposal and
orders the royal horses and carriages. On that day when the
Sultan invited him to the Palace of Yildiz, and kissed his face
as they sat together in the steam-yacht which plies on the lake
in his garden, they discoursed together; and the Siyyid under
took that in a short while he would unite all the States of Islam, draw
them all towards the Caliphate, and make the Sultan the
I Omission in the original. The word Mol~ ~s probably to be understood.

Commander of the Faithful over all the Muslims. Thus it came
about that he entered into correspondence with all the Sh['ite
divines of Karbala, Najaf and all parts of Persia, and convinced them
by promises, hopes and logical demonstrations that if the
Muhammadan nations would only unite, all the nations on earth
could not prevail against them. They must put aside their
verbal differences concerning 'All and 'Umar, and look at the
question of the Caliphate..., and do this and that.... Just at
this juncture the trouble at Simarra, and the dispute as to the
relations of the late H~Jat~'l-IslLi?ti Mirza-yi-Sh~raz~ with the
inhabitants of Samarra and the SunnlsJ broke out. The Sultan
of Turkey, imagining that the Shah of Persia had specially
fomented this trouble so as to disturb the Ottoman dominions,
held consultations and discussions on this subject with the
Siyyid. He said, 'By reason of the long duration of his reign
and his venerable age, Nasiru d-Din Shah has acquired a power
and prestige such that, if he is firm, the Shi'ite divines and
the people ol Persia will not move to support our ideas or
accomplish our aims. We must therefore think of some plan
for dealing with him personally.' Then he said to the Siyyid,
'Do whatever you can in regard to him, and be not anxious
about anything."'
Q.-"You were not present at the meeting of the Sultan and
the Siyyid: whence, then, have you these details ~ "
~4.-"None was more intimate with the Siyyid than I: he
kept nothing from me. When I was in Constantinople he
treated me with such respect that in the eyes of all men I passed as
second only to him. Saving the Siyyid himself, none was
so highly honoured as I. All these matters the Siyyid himself
related to me, together with the substance of mat~y other conversations
of this sort, which, however, I do not remember,
When he began to talk, he talked without check, as one winds a
watch with a broken main-spring. How could I possibly recollect
all that he said ?',
Q.-"Seeing that you were thus honoured in Constantinople
why did you return to Persia again, to plead with this one and
that one to obtain security for you?"
A.-"It was predestined that I should come, and tllat this

deed should be accomplished by my instrumentality. I only
wanted to obtain security in order to carry out my idea."
Q.-'`~Well, we are wandering from the point. What happened
then ? Did the letters which the Siyyid wrote to the
's`la'?~cf of the Sh"a and of Persia have any effect ? "
~.-"Yes, all answered, and expressecl their desire to serve
him. Do not you know some of these greedy c~k1~f'`ds and
~`llas ? Will they keep quiet when they hear promises of
money or distinctions ? But, to be brief, after the Siyyid had
maturecl his plans and was about to obtain his results, some
of the Sultan's favourites, those shifty hypocrites who surround and
dominate him, such as Abu'l-Huda and the like, intervened,
desiring to take to themsel~es tile creditof the Siyyid's services. They
made the Sultan sus~'icious of him, on account of his meeting with the
Khedive of Egypt, and suggested to His Majesty
that the Siyyid, despairing of him, wished to make the Khedive
Caliph. The Sultan, too, suffers from melancholy and madness
he is always fancying that his ~romen will come and kill him.
So he grew suspicious, set the secret police to watch the Siyyid, and
deprived him of the horses and carriages which were at his
disposal The Siyyid was annoyed, and declared and insisted
that he would go to London. Thus it was that they became
reconciled again, and the police were stopped from following
him, and he was again provided with horses and carriages.
After the reconciliation, the Siyyid used to say, 'Alas that this man
(meaning the Sultan) is mad, otherwise I would secure for
him the allegiance of all the nations of Islam; but since his name is
great in men's minds, this thing must be done in his name.'
Whoever has seen the Siyyid knows how headstrong he is, and
that he never thinks of himself, neither seeking money, nor
privileges, nor honours. He is the most abstemious of men:
he only desires to glorify Islam. Even now let His Majesty
Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah be inspired with this truth, and summon
the Siyyid, and conciliate him, and he will do this thing in his
illustrious name."
Q.-"You mean that, after all these details which you have
mentioned, [you still believe that] the Siyyid will feel secure
enough to come to Persia?"
A.-"Yes, I know the Siyyid. If the Shah will only suffer

one of the foreign states to guarantee the safety of his life, he will
care for nothing else: he will come, and will perhaps render a great
service to Islam. Besides he knoNvs that his life is of no small
account, and [that his blood, if shed,] would not dry up
until the Resurrection."
(Coty of the w7'iiing of Alfr~a ~4~d Tur~ K)ul7' Ilazm~'d-
Da-wla ~which he ~zorofe ac tize encl of ~is cross-e~am2~2ion
sealed wz~ J`zs seal.)
"This is the record of the questions and answers, and of the
preliminary examination of Mtrza Muhammad Riza, carried out
with gentleness and politeness, in several siftings' in the presence of
this house-born slave Abu Turib, and of Hajji Husayn Khan,
captain of the guard of the auspicious Royal Precincts. It is,
however, certain that under torture, and the pressure proper to
such investigation, he will better reveal his aims and intentions. For
the present what appears to this servant from these several
sittings of interrogation conducted by him is this, that he was
never, as he everywhere pretends, thinking of the public welfare and
advantage, but had heard all these vain and absurd ideas
from Sa, yid Jamalu'd-Din, and was only misled by the Siyyid
and became his fida'(devoted instrument) through his excessive
ignorance, and came to do this deed solely at the Siyyid's instigation,
on account of the sufferings which had befallen him.
Now if the Siyyid's ideas are inspired from some other source,
that is a separate question. As regards those absurdities which
he represents as based on his desire for the public weal, it is not
improbable that he had some sympathisers amongst the people.
But in this accursed purpose which he harboured he seems to
have had no accomplice; and if he informed anyone of his intension
beforehand, this too will transpire under torture and
other methods of pressure."
[Signed and sealed by Abu Turab Naz't2z~'d-Da?ola.]
(Co,~y of the derfaralions of Mfrza M'tJ'an`~,ad Ri~a', n~ade by him on
tJie afternoon of 7~uesday, the first of Rabf'n'l-Azuwal, in ~e year
1314 of ~e F1~*t [=August ~o or ~, ~8g6]' i,~
i This was practically the dying statement of Mirza Riza, for he was
hanged on the next day, or the next day but one.

The Gulistan Garden, in ~e ~bresence of the Farma~z-farn`,
`~,e M"lkbirn'd Daw~, tJie Minis~er of ~c~ences, tize Musizfrn'd-
[Javula, the Ali~z~ster of ~stice a,'d Commerce, the
S~rda'r-z-Kull, tJ~e Wa~'nn'd-Da~vla, the Am6~-i-~?naydn,
a?id I/R6Ui ~sayn 'A ~ ~fluz~, Brigadier- General.)
"My father is Mulla Husayn 'Aqda'~, known as Mulla
Husayn-i-Pidar. I myself, at the begir~ning of my career, went
from Kirman to Yazd in c~onsequence of the aggressions of
hiuhammad Isma'll Khan lPelil'~'l-Al"lk, who seized my
property and gave it to Mulla Abu Ja~far. At Yazd I became
a student and studied for some time. Afterwards I came to
Tihran, and presently embarked on the business of selling
second-hand articles. Five or six years before my first arrest
the ~a~i~,c~s-sRlta,~a bought from me nearly eleven hundred
t~iina?Is, worth of shawls and furs. For a long while I ran
after the money for these, and finally began to demand it with
violent language, until, after he had reduced the sum I demanded by
nearly 300 tzi'ncb~s, and after I had received many thrashings and
cuffs, I got my money, and did not again go near the Wa'ib~'s-S~tana,
until five or six years ago, when the discontent about
the Regie caused the people to murmur. Then the Wakl~'d-
Dawla sent for me, saying, 'Come, ffis Royal Highness [the
lla'ib~'s-Salta'~a] wants to Eneet you.' So I went, and first
he asl~ed me, ' Shall I become King ?' I replied, ' If you win
men's hearts, you will become King.' He said, 'There are
foreign ministers here who will not agree to it.' I replied,
'When the nation has done a thing, what can foreigners
It was asked:-"We have heard that you promised His
Royal Highness that he should reign, saying, 'If you come
forward, I will gather round you seventy thousand men, anc
you will become King."'
He answered:-4` Well, the Waki~'d-Daw~ had said to me,
'His Royal Highness has made this great reception-hal1 for
receiving the people in audience, and aspires to the Throne.
Speak after this fashion, and he will be pleased.' So I spoke

"Then His Royal Highness said, ' I hear that you have some
information serviceable to the Government and the Nation.'
"I replied, 'Yes, amongst all classes of the people, ministers,
llllri/Rs, merchants and others, such talk prevails. You must
consider it and take measures to stop it.' After many promises
and oaths, whereby His Royal Highness sought to inspire me with
confidence, I was taken to the WaJzilu'd-Dawlats house. 'Abdu'llah Khan
the Governor was there, together with that Siyyid
who had once insulted the Prime Minister and had been deprived
of his turban. They bade me write a document to this effect:-
'~'0 believers! O Muslims! The Tobacco Concession is
gone. The Karun River is gone. The manufacture of sugar
is gone. The Ahwaz Road is gone. The Bank is come.
The Tramway is come. The country is fallen into the hands
of foreigners. Now that the Shah is heedless [of our interests], let us
take the matter into our own hands."'
Here it was asked:-"All these things were means of progress.
If you seek the progress of the Nation, which of these
items gave you cause for complaint?"
He answered:-"Yes, if they had been effected by our own
hands they would have conduced to progress, but not by the
hands of foreigners.
"To be brief, they said:-'Write the document, and we will
give it to the Shah, telling him that it was dropped in the Masjid-i-
Shah, where we found it. Then he will eRect some reform.'
I would not write it, but they persisted, and finally I wrote it. I had
hardly finished doing so when they snatched it from my
hands as though they had found a treasure. They collected the
writing-materials into the gala~n-dan (pen-case), but ~n the excess of
their joy they forgot the pen-knife and scissors. Then they
began to threaten, saying, 'Tell us the names of thy associates.' They
brought a branding-iron, and in vain did I cry, 'None are
n~y associates. This talk ;s current amongst all. Whom shall
I get into trouble ? Every poor ~uretch who has one day wished
me good morrow i,'
"So I sa~v that it was now the time to sacrifice myself.
I cast a glance at the pen-knife. Rajab'Ali Khan noticed this.
and picked it up. I looked and saw the scissors Iying by the

fire-place. I said to 'Abdu'llah Khan: 'By this qibla which
thou art facing I adjure thee to tell me what is thy object!'
He answered, 'Our object is this, that thou shouldest tell us
who are thy associates.' I said,~Come here, that I may tell
thee'; and so saying I drew him towards the fire-place. Then
I picked up the scissors and ripped open my belly. The blood
poured down; and they came and brought a surgeon to stitch
up the wound. I was never in the company of those persons who
wrote and circulated [seditious] proclamations. When Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din came here, some persons heard his denunciations,
and were moved to enthusiasm the~eby, like Mirza'Abdu'llah
the physician, Mirz~ Nasru'llah Khan and M'rza Faraju'llah
Khan. These went and wrote certain papers which they sent
into the provinces, so that they came back stamped with the
provincial post-marks. Mirza Hasan Khan, grandson of the Sabib-
DIw~an, enthusiastically supported this association, because he
had seen the Siyyid and heard his words. Some of his associates
were (rying their own fish. Of these was Hajji Sayyah, who
wished to make the Z'flu's-Sultan King and someone else Prime
Minister. In short, after they had arrested these persons, they
came one day and said, 'Come to the Amiriyya Palace: His
Royal Highness wishes to see yGU.' SO they put me in a carriage
and brought me to the Am~rlyya Palace, where they assembled
us all in the great audience-hall. Suddenly we saw the soldiers
of the guard enter. We being then overwhelmed with consternation, Mirza
Nasru'llah Xhan and Mirza Faraju'llah Khan
began to bid one another farewell. There was a terrible commotion. Then
they again put us in carriages, and brought us
to Qazv`;n, escorted by cavalry with pomp and circumstance.
They conveyed us to Qaz~vin in nine hours. There the Se'~'s-
Saltana, though he dealt very hardly with us, did nevertheless
provide us with sufficient means of livelihood. Whilst we were
there, the agitation against the Regie broke out. After sixteen
months they brought us the good news of our release. A tailor
came to measure each of us for a suit of clothes. Then they
sent us to Tibran, where we went straight to the AmlrIyya
Palace. There they took something for His Royal Highness
from such as had money. Amongst us uere two Babis, one

of whom was wealthy. He gave money and was set at liberty,
as were also the others, but again they removed unfortunate me
together with another Babi to the gaol, where I was confined for
fourteen months. One day I began to cry and shout within the
gaolJ saying,' If I am to be put to death, let them kill me, and if I
am to be forgiven, let them forgive me! What sort of
Muhammadanism is this ?' Thereupon the I,IAj~'d-Dawha'
came in with a body of his ';~-girazabs (executioners), and,
instead of soothing me, tied me to the sticks and gave me
a sound thrashing. At length I was released from the gaol.
After much reflection, I finally came to the conclusion that
I should go and place myself under the protection of the I?~a"~
J,~o"a, he being both a chief man amongst the people, and
also connected with the court. There, at the ]?~Z-jUm'a'5
house, I met the Prime Minister, and presented to him a petition. Some
days later I saw that Na'ib Mahmud had sent the chief
faw.dsh-bashl to say to the Im~m-,~m'a, 'Tell Mirza Muhammad
Riza to come, for our master wants him to give him money.'
I refused to go, but the Imam-Jum'a said, 'Go, no harm will
come to thee.' So I went to His Royal Highness. First he
said to me, 'Why did you go to the Prime Minister's house?'
I answered, 'I did not go.' Then Nd'ib Mahmud said, 'Come
to the treasury and get your money.' I went there, and saw
Husayn Khan the treasurer whisper something into the ear
of Na'ib Mah. mud Khan. Then he said [to' me], 'Come, let us
to the Caravansaray of the T~Vazir-i-Ni.z~m, and I will give
you an order to obtain the money from one of the merchants.'
So we went out, and I found that they were taking me back to
the gaol. In short, without reason or crime, I was in fetters
and bonds, now in the gaol, now in Qazwin. What sufferings
I endured ! Why should a man [under such conditions] continue
to desire iIfe? On this last occasion [of release]' His Royal
Highness gave me ten ~mans, and the WakIlu'd-Dazvia fifteen
tr~mans. I went to Constantinople. Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dlrt, when
he heard the account of my adventures, said,' How poor-spirited
wert thou I Why didst thou not kill [one of thy tormentors] 7'
This title, which means "the Chamberlain of the State," is, so
far as I know, always given to the Chief Executioner.

On my return [to Persia], I came to Barfurush, and stayed in
tile Caravansaray of Hajji Sayyirl llusayn. Then I bought
from a fruit-seller a Russian five-chambered revolver with five
cartridges for three t~ma?'s and two ~rans. ~ was then thinking
of the Ne'ib~'s-Saita"a, until, two days before the Nawruz,
I came to Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim. There I remained, save for two
nights which I passed in the city at the house of Hajji Shaykh
HadI. I asked him to give me a letter of recommendation to
the Amfn-i-k~z~m~fyd1~, whorn I had heard spoken of as a 'man',' and who
I thought would protect me. Ejajji Shaykh HadL said,
'I have no confidence in him, and I will not write.' I returned ~to him]
twice. I went absolutely nowhere else. [The stories about]
my going to Surkh-H isar and Zarganda by the garden of Wasrn's-
SaHana are all iies. While I was in Sh~h ~Abdu'l-'Az~m I sought
protection from all the ~masters' and "`lama-from the Imam
[-J'`~n'a], Siyyid 'All Akbar, and the rest-begging them to
obtain an amnesty for me, but not one of them paid any heed
to my words. One day, moreover, the Prime Minister came to
Safa'iyya. I had written a petition, intending to present it, but after
all he did not visit Sh ah 'Abdu'l-'Az;m."
Here it was asked:-'` Is it true that the servants of the
a~ldiz~f' (women's apartments) were in accord with you, and
used to give you information?"
E]e answered:-"What words are these ? How were they
capable of giving me information ? On Thursday it was
rumoured in Shah 'Abdu'l-&Azim that on the morrow the Shah
~vould visit the shrine. They watered and swept the ground.
In the morning I heard that the Prime Minister would come
before the Shah. I had ~vritten a petition, and came out into
the ba~r to present it. I know not how it ~vas that there this
idea took possession of me. I said to myself,'MIrza Muhammad
Riza, turn backl Perhaps this day your main object may be
accomplished"I went and got the pistol, and went into the
Sanctuary through the door of the Imam-zada Hamza, and stood
there until the Shah arrived, and what happened happened. I
am a fatalist I believe that not a leaf falls from the tree save in
accordance with the decree of Destiny. Now in my own
1 i.~. one of Prince Malkom Khan's "men."See p. 39 s~ra.

opinion I have rendered a service to all creatures, and to the
Nation and the State alike. I have watered this seed, and it is
beginning to sprout. All men were asleep, and they are now
awakening. I have uprooted a dry and fruitless tree under
which all sorts of noxious animals and ravenous beasts were
gathered together, and I have dispersed these animals. Now,
beside the spot where that tree stood, there hath arisen a young sapling
like Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, verdant, cheerful and vigorous, from whom all
manner of good fruits may be hoped.
"Do you noyv be in sympathy with your subjects. All have
gone, all are finished. I have seen something of foreign lands.
See what others have done, and do likewise. Nor is it necessary
that you should construct a Code of Laws now. To construct
such a Code in Persia at prcscnt would be like thrusting a
mouthful of bread and roasted meat into the throat of a newly
born child; it would certainly be suffocated. But take counsel
with the people. Ask, for instance, such-and-such a head-man
of such-and-such a village how the taxes should be collected
from him, and how he should be treated, so that he should be
content. As he answers you, so deal with him. Thus shall the
distribution of bread be duly ordered, and oppression be brought to an
Here it was asked:-"You, being a fatalist, should know
that it is not ordained by Fate that these things should yet be
in this country."
He answered:-"That is not so. Do you, then, not sweep
your house because it is not ordained by Fate? "
It was asked:-~ Did you ever think, during this period, of
killing the Prime Minister ?"
He answered:-"I had no such thought. Now that I have
done this deed I have no further hope of life, since it would
need a magnanimity but one degree short of the magnanimity
of God to pardon me."
He was questioned concerning the instructions given to him
by Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dm, and of the Sultan's conversations with
the Siyyid.
He answered:-"When the disturbance at Samarra broke out,
and disputation and strife arose between the Shi'ite followers of

the late MIrza-yi-ShiriSz' and the inhabitants of Samarra, the
Sultan believed that it was all caused by the instigation of
Nasiru'd-Din Shah. So he said to the Siyyid, 'Do whatever
you can about the Shah, and be under no apprehension.' So
when I described to the Siyyid my misfortunes, sufferings,
imprisonments, and torments, he said to me, 'How yoor-spirited
you were, and how great was your love of life! You should
have kil]ed the tyrant. Why did you not kill him ?' Now
there ~vas in a,uestion no tyrant except the Shah and Prince
Na~ilJ:c's- Saltana; and though I was thinking of the latter also, yet
on tl~at day my mind decided that it should be the Shah.
I said to myself, 'The Tree of Tyranny must be cut down at
the roots, and then its branches and leaves will wither in the
natural course of things.'"
It was asked:-`' On the thirteenth day after the Festival
[of the llawrf`~] did you see the I"ima^'s-Sal~ana at Shah
'Abdu'l-'Azm, or notP"
He answered:-"Yes, ~ saw him with the Sha~nsn'l-'Ulama,
but did not speak with him. He was a cunning fellow, and
pretended great devotion to the Siyyid, who, however, used to
say of him, ~ He is a bad-hearted man, and no confidence should
be reposed in him.",
It was asked:-"What kith and kin have you ~ "
He answered.-"I have a wife, who is the Mirza's sister,
two children, and one aged sister in Kirman, whose son, named
Mashhadi [Muhammad] 'All, I have left under the care of Hajji
Siyyid Khalaf
It was asked:-"What was the reason and the occasion of
your acquaintance witl1 Siyyid Jamalu'd-D[n ? "
He answered:-"I was with Haj~i Muhammad Hasan, and
when the Siyyid came to Tihran and stayed at the H. ajji's
house, I was deputed to entertain him, and so I became acquainted with
It was said:-.' It is commonly reported that you murdered
a sister of yours at Kirman."
He answered:-' God caused her death, but they suspected
me, and said I had killed her."
Here ends the interrogation of Mirza Muhammad Riza, who

was publicly hanged on the next day, or the next day but one,
August l', tS96. Such as take pleasure in what is gruesome
will find reproduced (facing p. ~6) a photograph of the execution in Dr
Walter Schulz's Das Re~seluck ~ra/`i"' Begs, oder
die lVachteiligen Folgen seines Patriolis~nus, aus de,?` Persischen
i`bersetst. He could, and, as his cross-examination shews, did
expect no better fate; and indeed it says much for the milder
character of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah that a more horrible death
was not inflicted. I am assured, moreover, not by Persian
officials, but by Persians somewhat of MIrza Riza's own
standing, who in some cases, perhaps, felt something of sympathy and
even of admiration for him, that he was not
subjected to torture. Three other victims, all of whom he mentions (p.
63 sl~ra) as amongst his associates at Constantinople,
were extradited thence on the demand of the Persian Government,
and were, as already narrated, secretly put to death in
the prison at Tabriz on July 17, 1896, though for a long while
their fate remained uncertain. Of these the most notable was
Hajji Shaykh Ahmad of Kirnan, a man of much learning and
imposing appearance, with whom I maintained for some time
a literary correspondence, begun by him on October 8, 1890,
and continued, I think, intermittently until January 3, 1894
He obtained or caused to be copied for me many rare and
precious books' end that at a very moderate price, and, though
I never saw him, I formed a high opinion of his ability and
integrity. This was, apparently, shared by Major D. C. Phillott, who
edited his clever translation into Persian of Morier's Adz~en~res of
Hayf Bd:~d of Ispaban (Calcutta, 1905), to which his
portrait is prefixed as the frontispiece. Of him and his friend
and fellow-sufferer, MIrza Aqa Khan, Major Phillott gives the
following account in his English Introduction to the work in
question (pp. vii-viii):-
"The Persian translator of this work, whose portrait forms
the frontispiece!, is the late LIajji Shaykh Ahmad-i-Kirmani'
son of Mu111 Muhammad Ja'far-i-P`sh-namaz. His story is
I The tablet which Shaykh Ahmad is supporting in the photograph bears
the inscription (in Turkish) TaH'at-a~a~ dgaryoy' "There is nothing
besides Nature."

simple but tragic. He belonged to the B'abf sect'. After
studying Arabic in Kirman, he removed to Ispahan, where he
~as joined by Mirzi Aqa Khan of Kirm~an, also of the same
obnoxious sect. In A.H. [ 30g [= A.~. Ic0~0o7-o1 the two went tn
L:onstantinople' for the purpose of studying foreign languages3. In this
city Hajji Shaykh Ahmad, while earning his living as a
teacher of eastern languages, is said to have acquired a knowledge of
English, French and Western Turkish. Assistod by
Mirza Hab~b, a poet from Ispahan4, he translated into Persian
several French and English works, including hraJji B~a and
Gil B`as. He was also the author of several works on 1.Yiima~s.
His companion, Aq~t Khin, was the capable editor of the now
defunct A~tar6, a newspaper which, though printed in Constantinople,
had a wide circulation in India and Persia.
"The two companfons married sisters, daughters of the BabI
leader, Mirzi Yahya of Mizandaran, better known by the Babf
title of Su~c-i-Azal.
"While in Constantinoplc, Hijji Shaykh Ahmad and Mirzi
Aq~ Khan ~vere accused by the Pers~an authorities of con
spiracy, tried by order of the Turkish Sultan, and acquitted.
The Sultan, it is said, ~nade them a grant of five hundred
'a?'s as a compensation for their sufferings.
"The companions next appear as followers of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-D'n, a Babi leader (sic!)', afterwards suspected of
' In the Cotalo~ ~ce ard Descr~ f ro~z of ~ 7 f9dbf MSS., which I
published in the J.A.S.
for 1892 (Vol. XXIY, PP. 433-4gg and 637-7ro) he is the person described
on p. 435 as "Shaykh A-, a learned Azall resident in Constantinople, who
is in constant communication with Subh-i.Azal, and is implicitly trusted
by him, and of whose learning and b~tegrity alike I have llad good
proof," and he uas the sender of all the MSS. in the class-marks of
which the letters 6~ C. are employed. My correspondence with him, as I
have already said, began in October, 1890. Cf. Mirza Riza's statement
on p. 64 supra.
~ Mfrza Habib was a fine scholar as well as a poet. He wrote an
excellent treatise on Persian grammar intilled Dastr~r-i-S~han, and a
~Yisio~r of Cafligrapf~ an] Calfigraphrs~, the formerin Persian, the
latter in Turkish.
~ Probably his f~asl't ~iArsJ'6 a nnanuscript in ~ volumes, described
by me on pp. 680-697 of the abo~e-mentioned article, is intended.
s It was suspended in February, 189~. The chief editor, Mirza Muhammad
Tahir of Isfahan, is still living at Constantinople.
' I have already pointed out (p. 4r `~ tra) that Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
~vas not a Babi, and had liule sympathy with the Babis, though wdl
acqua~nted with their history and doctrines.
Sbaykh Al!mad "l~i~l!~ "of lTirman
(born nl~out r9ss)
 Mirza Aqa l~han of ~irman
Mirza Hasan Khan ~fhal~n~'l-Mu~

being the instigator of the assassination of Nasiru'd-D;n Shah.
While followers of this religious teacher, they wrote letters to various
m~'j~abia~s in PersiaJ exhorting them to cast away
sectarian differences, to make common cause with the Sunnls,
and to join Turkey in resisting 'the oppression of foreigners.'
The correspondence was seized by the Persian officials in
Persia, who demanded from the Sultan the surrender of the
writers'. The offenders were being conveyed to Persia when
the Sultan wired to have them detained in Trebizonde,. Hanif
[? Mun;f] Pasha, the Turkish Ambassador, then starting for the
Court of Tihran to convey to the Shah on his attaining to the soth year
of his reign the congratulations of the Sultan, was to take the
opportunity of soliciting from the Shah the release of the
offenders. The request was not preferred, for a few days before
the celebration of his Jubilee, the unfortunate Nasiru'd-D[n
Shah was assassinated in the Shrine of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim.
"This assassination sealed the fate of the unfortunate
Shaykh Ahmad and of his equally unfortunate comrade, and
orders were issued to have them forwarded from Trebizonde
to Tihran. They never reached their destination.
46 A wire from Tihran. to Tabr~z, and the two suspects were
secretly butchered in a kitchen, in the presence of the Governor, who-
so it is said-while superintending the execution `vas
moved to tears. The butchery was carried out on the 4th of
Safar, A.H. T314 [=July '5, '8g6]'. The bodies were afterwards
thrown into a well.
"The mothers of Shaykh Ahmad and his comrade, two
illiterate old women, are still [November, ~goz] in Kirman in
ignorance of the fate of their sons; in ignorance of the fact
that they are no longer in Constantinople alive and well and
'too busy to write'.'
"The fate of the Shah alarmed the Sultan, and Say~ id
See the cross~examination of Mtrza bluhammad Riza, p. 64 su,dra. ~ This
detail of the first arrest of these men explains a statement by M;rza
Riza (p. 63 supra) which was obscure to me.
~ i.~. nearly a month before the execution of the Shah's assassin, Mtrza
ilohammad Riza.
~ Since most of the inhabitants of Kirman must have kno~ n the truth,
this kindly reticence speaks volumes as to the ability of the Persians
to keep a secret, even q hen
it is known to many.

Jamalu'd-Din, the Babi leader mentioned above, died suddenly
'rom drinking a cud, of cof~cc'.'
'` Such s the brief outline of the translator's history, a
history told to the writer in secret and in bits by Persians
whose evidence is entitled to every consideration. For obvious
reasons names and some details are omitted."
The third Persian incriminated at Constantinople, M'rza
Hasan Khan Kl~abzrr`'l-JI]uI~, suffered death with his two
companions. Siyyid Jamalu'd-l~in, the greatest of those on
whom suspicion of complicity in the Shah's death fell, was
arrested Otl or about May 5, ~8gG, and examined at Yildiz
Palace, but nothing incriminating was found in his papers, and
he ~vas released. His extradition was demanded by the 1'ersiatl
Government, but, though it is notorious in Persia that he was
a Persian and a native of Hamadan, it was claimed and maintained that
he was an A~han (as he himself asserted), and his
extradition was refused by the Turkish authorities. It is
admitted that he died in the following March of cancer in the
lip, but many Persians believe that he was inoculated with this
disease by Sultan 'Abdu'l-Hamid's astrologer Abu'l-Huda, by
means of a poisoned tooth-pick. The Turks deny this, and
indeed I am doubtful whetiter the thing is possible; at any rate the
truth of the matter can hardly be discovered now. He was
buried, according to the biography of him given in Part I! of
Jurji Zaydan's lil`'s~fr"'sk-S'ar~ (p. 64), in the cemetery of
SheykCer flle~-arl~gh', near Nishan Tash, at Constantinople3.
The cross-examinations of Mirza Muhammad Riza's divorced
wife, of his son Taqi, and of other persons connected with him
is also given in succeeding numbers of the S'`r-~-Israffl (Nos. ~ ~, '3
and ~7). They throw little fresh light on the matter, and
do not seem to me worth translation. The son either was, or
feigned to be, both stupid and unobservant, and only indicated
the name of a ccrtair1 N~ib Gllulam I lusaytl who associated
1 Siyyid lamalu'd-l)ln was attacked by cancer of the lip to~ards the end
of 1896, and died on March 9, '89`, ten months after the assassi'~ation
of the Shah. A pbotograph of hirn, taken in his last illness, is
reproduced at p. 63 of Jurji Zaydan's Malha'hf~c'sA-Sharq (`'Eastern
Celebrities"), Part l~ (Cairo, 1903~. 2. These matters have been already
discussed in Chapter I. See p. ~ ~ I~`,pr:~.

with Mirza Riza. The wife (Taqi's mother) testified to his
in~tuation for Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din, and added that when the
Siyyid was deported from Persia "he used to weep night and
day, and became like one demented."Mulla Husayn, the SOtZ
of Mirza Muhammad 'All, the custodian of the tomb of the
Surdrn's-Saltana, and Shaykh Muhammad were also examined
with little result. The main facts, however, were clear enough,
and, I think, fairly agree with the account which I published
a month after the event in the JVew Retftezv for June, ~896,
pp. 65i - . "Shaykh Jamalu'd-Dn," ~ concluded, "apart from
his personal enmities, has without doubt a great ideal. the
desire to unite in one mighty nation all Muhammadan peoples,
and to restore the ancient power and glory of Islam. To check
European encroachment in the East is a necessary part of this
scheme; and any Muhammadan potentate who encourages, or
acquiesces in, an extension of Western in~Quence in his domains
must be regarded by the promoters of this movement as an
enemy to their cause. Thus, the blood of Nasiru'd-Din Shah
is the price paid for successive triumphs of English and Russian
diplomacy in Persia.
' 7.hat Royal blood qvhich leaves ils cri'~son staiz
7Jrere in the 7nos~ue, beyond the inner chain,
7~hou deemest shed by fEastc7n lust of blood:
~otsof 'tzuas shed by Western greed for gain!"'

                    CHAPTER IV.
               MUZAFFARU'D-DIN SHAH.

    (Crowned June 8, 1896; died January 4, 1907.)

THE character of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, whose relatively
short reign will be ever memorable for the granting of the
Constitution, differed greatly from that of his father and predecessor.
Of kindly nature, weak health, and melancholic
disposition, averse from cruelty and bloodshed, disliking to
refuse requests or incur unpopularity, and lacking initiative
and self-reliance, he suffered rather than caused the government of
Persia to grow steadily worse, while refusing, or at
least omitting, to follow those methods of repression whereby
his father had to a considerable extent held in check overt
manifestations of the discontent which "as uniYersally prevalent.   We
have already seen (pp. 554 s'~pra) how, after the fiasco
of the Imperial Tobacco Corporation, the An26zz~'s-Sulfa'~, renouncing
the sympathy for England which he had formerly
professed, declared hi~nself henceforth the friend of Russia.
For the moment, however, he ~`ras not in a position to give
effect to his new aims,'since in November, ~89G, he [elf fro~n
favour and had to retire to Qum, being replaced by his rival,
the more liberal and patriotic Amz,1zn~d-D,2~la, who was recalled from
Tabriz by the new Shah in February, t85~7, and
made Minister of the [nterior and President of the Council of
Ministers. In June he was made Prime Minister, and in August
he was confirmed in this post and received the title of Sadr-i

Muza~aru'd-Din Shah Qajar
Bor  ~larcb    s,   .853:
crownerl June  8,   '896:     died Janua~y 4'     '907

A'zam, or Grand Wazir. The hopes of reform aroused by this
appointment were further strengthened when the able and
upright NaszY~'l-M?~ (a graduate of Balliol College, Oxford,
and, so far as I know, the only Persian statesman educated at
an English University) was appointed Minister of Finance, and
began to apply himself seriously to schemes of hscal reForm.
Unhappily Muzaffaru'd-Dfn Shah, whose health gave rise to
serious anxiety, was advised by his physicians to visit Europe
and try the eKects of a course of mineral waters. Money was
needed for the Royal journey, and attempts were made to ~doat
a loan of O00JOOO in London. This proved impracticable,
and the ~ z~2~'d-Dawla was obliged to retire from the Premiership.
Muhsin Khan' the Alus12frn'd-Dawla, formerly Ambassador
at Constantinople, was appointed President of the Council of
Ministers, but he also failed to negotiate the loan, and the Shah ~vas
consequently compelled to abandon his projected trip to
To obtain ready money was now the chief preoccupation of
the Shah, and in July, t898, the Aminn's-S~.t~? was recalled
from his exile at Qum, and reinstated as Sudr-z-A'.zam on
August lo. In the following month three Belgian customhouse
officials were invited to draw up a scheme for raising
money on the Persian customs, and in March, '8gg, the
custom-houses of AzarbayJan and Kirmanshah were handed
over to them as a CO~S u?ie on which to experiment.
We now reach the year tgoo, memorable in the history of
Persia's misfortunes on account of the negotiation of the first
Russian loan of ~ millions of roubles (~2,400,000). This sum,
lent at the rate of 5 0/O, and guaranteed by all the customs'
receipts with the exception of those of Fars and the Persian
&ulf, was repayable in 75 years, and it was further stipulated
that the loan of -500,000 at 6 0lo made to the Persian Government in
~8g~ by the Imperial Bank of Persia, in order to pay
off the indemnity exacted by the Imperial Tobacco Corporation,
should be paid off immediately, so that Russia should become
Persia's sole creditor, and England should no longer have
any claim on the Persian revenues. This loan, concluded on
January 20, 1900, was the first great blow to British material

prestige, as the unfortunate Tobacco Concession was to her
moral prestige. From this period, and from the handing over
of all the customs-houses of Persia to Belgian control (the
Belgians being in this matter the jackals of Russia), England's
declining influence and Persiats increasing misery and disorder
may be said to date. Shortly after the conclusion of this loan
Sir Mortimer Durand, who had succeeded Sir Frank Lascelles
as British Minister in ~8g4, left Persia, and was succeeded in
turn by Sir Arthur Hardinge, who reached Tihran in August,~ goo.
Although only a portion of the first Russian loan actually
passed into the Persian T:reasury, the Shah was able, in the
summer of ~goo, to set out on his European tour. He visited
Contrexeville, St Petersburg, Paris (where his life was attempted by an
anarchist on August z) and Constantinople (Sept. 3
Oct. 8), but his projected visits to England, Italy and Germany
were abandoned, these courts being in mourning on account of
the death of the Duke of Saxe Coburg Gotha at the time when
the proposed visits were to have been paid. The A Jninu~s-
Sultan accompanied the Shah, and, displaying considerable
self-possession on the occasion of the abortive attempt on his
masterts life in Paris, rose still higher in favour and received the
high-sounding title of A`~bak-i-A'zam.
In the latter part of ~goo, after the Shah's return to Persia,
some rumours of projected reforms reached the Press of this
country. Thus the Times of :December ~4, igoo, contained a
brief account of the Shah's farewell address to twenty young
Persians whom he was sending to Europe to study in London,
Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Moscow and Constantinople, while the
issue of the same journal for December ~5 contained, after the
text of an address of thanks presented to him at Ostend by
Armenians domiciled in London, a statement that since His
Majesty's return to Persia many additional privileges in the
way of schools and commercial societies had been granted.
These roseate visions, unfortunately, no longer hover round
the Persian news published from time to time in the English
Press during the year ~go~. To take the Times again, which
is the most accessible by reason of the Index with which it is
provided, we find the following items of news.

April 13, 1901. Since March 21 the pioneer steamer of the
Russian line recently opened between the Black Sea and
Southern Persia had been Iying at Bushire, having previously
visited Muscat, Bandar-i-'Abbas, Linga, and other ports of the
Persian Gulf. Her agents had distributed circulars offering to
carry freight free, and to guarantee consigners against loss up
to 20% of the value of their goods. The same issue announced
the devastation of Southern Persia by locusts, and the discovery of a
conspiracy to murder the Shaykh of Muhammara by two
of his nephews.
April z7, ~go~. The Kol~ische Zei~o,~g was reported as
publishing a telegram from St Petersburg, dated April ~4,
according to which the Shah's condition had become more
serious, while the rivalry between the Prime Minister, the
A "`fnu's-Su~n, on the one hand, and the Shah's favourite
physician, the Hakim'l-Alu~, on the other, continued. (The
latter had the reputation of being an Anglophil, as the former
was undoubtedly at this period a Russophil.) A heavy tax had
also been imposed on the most necessary articles of food, such
as meat, and this had caused great exasperation in Tihran,
popular feeling being especially directed against the Belgian
and other foreign tax-collectors.
  May 25, 1901. The Sistin-Quetta trade-route was declared
open, an-d Captain Webbe Ware was appointed political assistant
at Chagai.
  August 1, 1901. In place of previously existhlg inland
customs dues, since April 3 a uniform ad ua/torem duty of
5% for import and export, and a road-tax of zz sh~fs per
mule-load, irrespective of the nature of the goods, had been
  Sept. 3, 1901. The Kolnische Zeitung of August 31 reported
a wide-spread revolutionary movement, fostered by growing
discontent with the Government, especially on account of the
negotiations for a new loan which it had opened with Russia.
A minor state of siege had been proclaimed in Tihran. The
agitation was said to proceed from persons in the immediate
e~ltonrage of the Shah, who was continually finding threatening
letters on his writing-table, and was especially directed against

the Aminu's-Sultan, the Grand Wazir, who was accused of
selling his country and failing to introduce any reforms. This
rumour was officially denied by the Persian Government on
Sept. ~4, but on Oct. 7 the [z~re't Gazette was reported as
admitting that revolutionary pamphlets and placards had been
distributed' though it minimised their importance, and declared
that four persons accused of their authorship had been arrested
and exiled.
  Oct. g, ~goi. The 7i,~es contained a long article on Great
Britain in the Persian Gulf, declaring that England had assumed
the responsibility of policing these seas, and could not
allow Turkey to assert sovereign rights over Koweyt and
Bahrayn. In another part of the paper it was reported that
Russia was preparing tc, connect the Trans-Caspian Railway
with Khurasan, uid Askabad ('Ishq-abad) and Mashhad; that
a branch of the Russiar1 Bank was to be opened almost immediately at the
latter city; and that great uneasiness was
prevalent there amongst the official classes.
  Oct. ~o, ~got. The Vienna correspondent of the 7~imes reported the
substance of an article from the BirzJ=viya l~iedomosti
of St Petersburg, which is supposed to be tl~e mouth-piece of
M. de Witte, on the Persian Gulf q,uestion. It was aggressive
in tone, and, after discussing the Anglo-Turkish conflict about
Koweyt, declared boldly "that the final decision rests neither
with England, nor Germany, nor Turkey (which reckons on
Germany's support) but with ltussia, whose merchant-navy is
now in regular communication with the ports of the Persian
Gulf.""It was not," continued the Russian organ, "in order
to secure for the British Fleet this important strategic point on the
Persian Gulf that Russia has lately devoted immense capital
to the economic reviva1 c~f Persia, and that Russian diplomacy
has done so much to emancipate Western Persia from British
servitude. Inasmuch as Russia's diplomacy has roused her
neighbour Persia to a new existence and strengthened the
moral and economic link between that country and Russia,
it has put an end once and for aN fo tare idle te~ ebout dividing Persie
info e ~zortJ'erl' s~bilere of infinence ~oelo'~gi'~ fo Russia and a
southern sphere belonging to England. here can be no

dif~ision of s,AheYes of in~ence i?t Persia, w~zch, togetI'er ~vi~ ~e
2E'aters which foathe its sJores, mz~st remain ~e obyact of
~zfssiaJz material andf moralprotection."Then follows an extract from
the Novosiz; declaring that the establishment of the English on the
Persian Gulf is prejudicial to Russia; that the interests of. the two
countries are completely at variance and can hardly
be reconciled; and that Russia should on no account omit to
take timely precautions against the designs of the English.
OcI. 28, ~go~. According to a telegram from St Petersburg
to the Fra~fif~rfer Zeifu'~g, two brothers of the Shah who were
amongst the most violent opponents of the Prime Minister (the
~4inf"u's-S?`llen), and were leaders of the movement against the
Government, had been arrested and banished to Ardabll; The
Shah's brother-in-law, who had been condemned to death, was
pardoned at the last moment when he was actually on the
scaffold. A favourite of the Shah (whose title appears in the
hopelessly corrupt form of "Hawame-ed-Dauleh," perhaps intended
for Qizoam?`'d-Dawla, the Russian g standing in foreign
words both for g and h) was also taken from the scaffold back
to prison, where he is said to have been subsequently tortured
to death. Amongst the persons arrested there were, it was
stated, many dignitaries, ecclesiastics ('ulama) and young men
of education. A further communication from Bombay declared
that the authors of the plot apparently relied on popular support, in
consequence of the wide-spread resentment felt at the Shahts
proposal to raise a fresh loan for a pilgrimage to Mashhad and
another trip to Europe.
l~ov. g, 1901. A communication from Bombay asserted that
the second trip of the Russian steamer Kornilo.ff to the Persian Gulf
had proved a failure' end that her cargo of kerosine and
sugar had been sold at a heavy loss. Notwithstanding this,
however, M. Radloff, the Director of the Russian Steam Navigation
Company, had assured M. Witte, about the end of October,
that his Company was willing to maintain its recently h~stalled
direct service between Odessa and the Persian Gulf.
During the remainder of this year the Persian Gulf question
~vas much in evidence in the English Press, and the opinions
(mostly adverse to any understanding with Russia which should

admit her influence into Southern Persia) of such authorities as
Captains Mahon and Bell, Major Sykes, Colonel [now Sir Francis]
Younghusband and Mr H. F. B. Lynch were freely cited. The
-A~alio?`al Reviezv for this year contained articles on Son~e
CO?lseyl~e?zees of a~c A?'glo-Rzcssian U?`defsfa7'di)'g, and on British
Foreig?? Policy which dealt largely with this question. The
Koweyt question, with the consequent friction between England
and Turkey, and the more immediate collisions between Mubarak,
the Shaykh of Koweyt, and Ibn Rashid, the great and noble
Am(r of Na~d, also continued more or less acute, and some of
the Russian newspayers advocated (Dec. 25, 1901) the seizure
by Russia of Bandar-i-'Abbas, as a counterstroke to England's
pretensions at Koweyt.
We now reach the year 1902, chiefly noteworthy in the
annals of l~ersia for the conclusion of the second of those
disastrous Russian loans which now hang like a millstone round
her neck. Rumours of this loan, which was for ~o,ooo,ooo roubles at 4
0/O, and was accompanied by a concession granted to
Russia to construct a new road from Julfa on the Araxes (the
Perso-Russian frontier! to Tihran, vid Tabriz and Qazw~n,
reached London on March ~, ~go~, though the loan was not,
apparently, actually concluded until April. The proceedings of
the Russian steamer Kor?cilo' in the Persian Gulf continued to
attract attention. In spite of her alleged failure to sell her
goods in the Gulf ports in the preceding November, she started
'`not at all discouraged"on a fresh trip from Odessa, on Feb. i, ~goz;
and in July the British Consul at Basra reported that she
was subsidized by the Russian Government to the extent of
5000 per round voyage. on condition of her making three
voyages a year.
Having got his money, howe~er, the Shah set off again
this summer for another tour in Europe, and on this occasion
succeeded in reaching England on August '7. He and his suite
were lodged in Marlborough House, and on Monday, August ~8,
a state banquet, over which the Prince of Wales presided, was
given at Buckingham Palace. He stayed only a week (August
'7-24), and the 7~i?~`es naturally indulged in an appropriate
leader alike on the eve of his arrival and of his departure. In

the latter (August 23) it enunciated the admirable sentiment
that "the interests of England were best served by a strong,
contented and independent Persia."Meanwhile the Russian
Navae Vrem"a was warning Persia against England's greed
and lust of conquest, but at the saMe time talking of division
into spheres of influence. A few days later, on Sept. ~7, three
days after the Shah had left Paris for Warsaw, the same newspaper wrote
that Persia should preserve her independence, and
firmly maintain her freedom from every sort of foreign intervention.
"One of the roads by which it is possible to reach the
open ocean," it continued, "lies through Persia, but this does
not imply that we wish to absorb the Shah's dominions."It
concluded by expressing a doubt as to whether England's
intentions were equally disinterested.
As throwing light on the cost to the Persian taxpayer of the
Shah's Journeys in Europe, a note of his expenditure from
Paris~dated Sept. ~7, ~go2,is of interest. According to this note his
hotel-bill, apart from purchases and other outside expenses, amounted
to 6000 francs (240) a day. The same communication
described his suite as divided into a Franco-Russian
party, headed by Nazar qa, the Persian minister at Paris, and
an Anglophil party, headed by Mfrza Muhammad Khan'.
At the end of this year (Dec. 30, ~go2) a telegram from
St Petersburg was published in the Times, according to which
the Persian Government undertook to make various financial
reforms under the direction of Belgian officials, thirty of whom had
already arrived in Persia. The Crown Prince ( Wall-'elcd),
who was stated to be strongly inf1uenced by his Russian tutor,
was reported to intend the establishment of a Russian school in
The first important news of the following year (Tio~es,
Jan. 7, '903) consisted of a telegram from St Petersburg stating that
the Shah, fearing a revolution under the leadership of
the 'Ayntc'd-Dawla, who was alleged to be under British influence, had
removed him from his post of Governor of Tibran,
and appointed him Governor of 'Arabistan, a province lying
~vithin the British sphere of influence. Other officials in Tihran

1. Mirza Mahmud Khan Hakimu'l-Mulk seems to be meant.

suspected of Anglophil sentiments had been similarly transferred to the
provinces. Tl~is report was, ho`Yever, categorically
denied by the I'crsian Legation in London on Jan. ~9, ~go3.
Meanwhile England, as she recovered gradually from the
e~ects of the South African War, began to exert herself more
strenuously to recover h~r lost position in Persia. It was
generally understood that t~e Shah, when.he visited England in
August of the precedh~g year, was animated by the hope of
receiving the Order of the Garter, which had been conferred on
his father Na.siru'd-Din, amd which he also was very eager to
possess. And although, for some reason or other, it was not
given to him then, it was decided a few months later to gratify
his desire, and a special n~ission, under Viscount Downe, was
despo~tched to Persia or t~is purpose and reached Tihran cn
Feb. ~, ~903. But just as in ~887-8 the honour conferred on
Prince Z'1~2c's-Sultan by tHe En~lish Government was at once
met by the Russian counter-stroke which caused his dismissal
from all his governments s~ve the city of Isfahan, so in this case also
the English move almost synchronized with the publication
of a Russo-Persian Comme rcial Agreement, which heavily penalized
British imports, espe cially Indian tea, and of which the
effects were only partially mitigated by an Anglo-Persian Commercial
Convention signed on Feb. 9, ratified on May 27, and
finally published in July, Tgo3.
Meanwhile discontent with the new tariffs continued and
increased, culminating in serious riots at Tihran and Yazd.
These were at their heig~t in the latter town in June, and
were there combined with, or led to, a furious persecution of the Babis,
of which the Rev. Napier Malcolm gives some particulars
at pp. 87-89 and ~ 86 of his book entitled Five Years ~n a
Persian Town (London, ~905). In April the Novae Vremya and
other papers reproduced am article from the J~aukas stating that the new
tariff had caused cansiderable dissatisfaction in Persia,
amongst the '~I~n~d or eccTesiastics, and that the chief ~n'`~'a/~,d of
Tabriz', who had preached against it and incited
the people to resist it, haa been arrested and banished. Early

1. So far as I can ascertain, the nan~e of this ,~1`ahia, was
Aqa Siyyid 'Ali of Yazd.

in May Lord Lansdowne, in one of his speeches, enunciated
what the [infes described (May 7, ~903) as the "Munroe
Doctrine in the Persian Gulf"; that is to say, he declared that
England could not possibly permit any other Power to have
stations or railways on the Persian Gulf, and that the attempt
to establish such by any Power would be regarded by England
as a c~:sus [e~fi, and would be resisted by force of arms.
In August and September, 1903, there were fresh manifestations
of discontent, and, incidentally, a fresh persecution of the
Babis at Yazd and Isfahan. The Mujtalid Haj~i Mirza Hasan
of Tabriz announced that he had received letters from the great
Sh['ite doctors of the 'A tabet (i.e. Karbala and Najaf) authorizing
and enjoining a movement against the new customs dues and
trade regulations, and, on the strength of these, he urged the
Governor of Tabrtz to remove the Be.lgian custom-house officials,
abolish the new tariff, and close the schools recently established on
European lines, and the Armenian and European shops. It
subsequently appeared that these letters were not genuine, and
Hajji M'rza Hasan and his followers were expelled, while
M. Priem, the Belgian Chief of Customs, who had fled from the
city, was brought back, and the new tariff remained h1 force'.
The persecution of the BabIs was instigated by Aqa-yi-Najafi,
and was at its height on July ~7 and 28, when all Babis who
fell into the hands of the mob were killed'. Shortly after this
there were bread-riots in Shiraz, and '~4la~u'd-Dawla was sent to
replace the governor against whom they were directed. It was
further stated , t 7~'nes, Aug. 3) that the question of recognizing the
Sultan of Turkey as Caliph, or Commander of the Faithful,
had been raised by some inf1uential tnufles, who, inspired, probably,
by the Pan-lsiamic teachings of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din,
hoped to effect a reconciliation of Sunn~ and Sh['a Muhammadans. A
letter from Berlin, dated Aug. 20, and published in
the Ti?,zes of Aug. ~, ~903, described the outlook in Persia as
gloomy, the disturbances as continuir1g, and the Government
as helpless for lack of troops and money; and concluded by

1. Times of July 13, 1903.
2. Ibid., July 30, 1903. The issue of Aug. 3 stated further
that 3,200 Babis were expelled from Isfahan to save their lives
from the mob, while 120 were killed at Yazd, of whom two were
blown from the mouths of cannon.

declaring that "events were imminent in Persia which might
have serious c.u1scquenccs for that country, these being chiefly duc to
unbearable economic conditions."There were also current'
rumours of a plot on the part of the Anglophil and Russophobe
party (headed, apparently, by the Hak~'l-M'c~k and
others of the Tabr~zis), to depose the Shah and crown his second son,
Malik blansur Mirza 3Ic~`'a'n's-Saltana, in his stead; but
this plot (if, indeed, it e~er existed) was detected, and the Prince
arrested as he was attempting to escape to Russia. This plot
was ascribed by the German newspapers to English intrigues,
but all these re'ports of Aug. ~ and the five or six succeeding
days were officially denied by the Persian Legation. A Russian
correspondent's letter from Tihran, published in the Vies~`ik in
Astrakhan at the end of August, declared that the "present
tranq,uillity was but the lull before the storm," and that the
~`jtahids of Karbald and Najaf had addressed to the Sh~h
a letter in which they reproached him for handing oYer his
country to foreigners, reminding him that his succession was
only tolerated. The Shah's reply was unconciliatory, and the
chief ~i~ly~ah~d thereupon declared that he felt himself compelled to
invite the Sultan of Turkey to take the country under
his protection2.
On Sept. ~5, 1903, disaffection was said to be spreading in
an alarming manner, and the Am"`~`'s-Sultcz~ resigned his post
of Prime Minister. E?ive Ministers were at first appointed to
carry on the Government, but about a fortnight later the
'Ay'`~"d-Da~via, a grandson of Fath-'AI' Shah, was appointed
Minister of the Interior. About a fortnight before the resignation of
the ~i~zf1zu's-Su~n (i.e. about the beginning of
September) the Shah's favourite physician, the Haki,~u'l-M?zlk,
who, as has been already mentioned, was reputed an Anglophil,
died at Rasht, together with one of his confidential servants,
under highly suspicious circumstances, and it was generally
believed that his rival had caused him to bc poisoned.
During the remainder of this year the references to Persia in
the Press deal chiefly with the rivalry of England and Russia in their
trade with Persia. In Octol~er a new steamer was subsidized See 7~:mes
of Aug. :7, 1903.  ~ Jb~dl., Sept. 5,  1903.

by the Russian Government to run regularly from
Odessa to the Persian Gulf, while two new vessels were said to
be in process of construction for the same servicel. Russia
also proposed to station a warship permanently in the Persian
Gulf'. On the other hand Lord Curzon made a tour of the
Persian Gulf, interviewed local magnates and loudly proclaimed
the paramount rights and interests of Great Britain in that
region; the S~st~n Boundary Commission began its labours
under Colonel McMahon; and Mr George Churchill, at that
time acting Vice-Consul at Rasht, made a hopeful report, in the
course of which he declared that on the whole English goods
held their own well, and that the Russian trade was chiefly
confined to articles of inferior quality and price3. Finally, on
Christmas Day, ~903, it was announced that the Persian Government had
appointed six more Belgian officials to various posts
in the Excise, and that M. NTaus had been made Director
of Customs.
We now enter the year '904, of which the chief events connected
with Persia are as follows. On Jan. z4 the subsequently
notorious 'Ayn~'a,-Dawla, whose nomination as Minister of the
Interior in Sept. 1903 has been already mentioned, was appointed Sadr-
i-~"am or Prime Minister, and continued in this
office for three years, until August, l~d. About the same
time it was reported from St Petersburg that a number of
leaflets, written in Persian, were being circulated in Tihran,
warning the Persians against England and her alleged design of
"reducing Persia to the state of India6."~ propos of this report, the
~Jovae Vren~ya warned Russia not to relax her e~orts in
Persia on account of the complications with Japan', which
resulted a few days later in the night attack on Port Arthur
and the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War. Two days
previous to the former event, it was announced that a Russian
commercial mission was about to start for Persia3. In the
first quarter of this year the Turkmans adopted an aggressive
action against the Persians7, and the Shah issued an edict
imes, oct. ~, 903.
/bid., J:~n. z5, 1 o4.
7 Jbi~t., Jtn. ~n 1904.
2 1bid., Nov. ~, 1903-
5 /bid, Jan. zg, 1904.
3 lbi., Dec. 2r, 1003.
3 lbid., Feb. Io, 1gO4.

commmanding the Wali-'ahd (Crown Prince) and the Amir Nizam
to return to Tihran by Feb. 9.
  In July, 1904, was inaugurated a paper entitled the Revz~e
Tra'zscaspienrfe, published in Persian at Askabad ('Ishq-abad)
and distributed in Khurasan, of which paper the chief object
was to put forward the Russian version of the news from the
Far East, and to counteract the alleged false reports of Russian
disasters spread by the Englishl. On July '5 it was reported,
on the authority of the D,ziequ~ik of Warsaw, that l'ersia was
in so disturbed a condition that no more goods would be
despatched thither, and that Persian merchants had stopped
exporting their goods. A few days later appeared the English
Blue Book, Cd. z~46, which gave an account of [English trade
with l'ersia for the precedillg five years (~8gg-,go~). Threc
months later (Sept. ~z, ~go4) the E~to~fe Beige published a
communication from M. Hennibicq, for four years iegai adviser to
the Persian Government, expatiating on the expansion and
consolidation of 13elgian influence in Persia. So far, indeed,
had this gone that M. Naus `vas raised to the important position of
Minister of Posts and Director of Customs.
On July 25 Sir Arthur Hardinge, the British Minister at
Tibran, issued a warning to Persian co~icessio'`rzaires not to
transfer their concessions to, or enter into partnership with,
Europeans without permission from the Persian C;overnment2.
On Oct. '8 a British comn~ercial mission to Southern Persia
left Bombay for a six months' tour, to include the towns and
districts of Saiid-abad, Rafsinjan, Kirman, 13am, Narmashir' etc.3 This
mission, to which Mr P. Ryan acted as secretary,completed
its work and returned to the coast about the end of April t905'. At the
end of ~go4 the Go~vernment of India decided to issue
a gazetteer of the Persian GuLf, and despatched Messrs Lorimer
and Gabriel thither for that purpose. About the same time,
but a little earlier, a special mission, headed by Mirza Riz~ Khan
A'y~a2`'d-Dawla (until lately Persian Ambassador at Constantinople) was
sent to St Petersburg, and was received by the Tsar
on Dec. 85. A few days previously, on Dec. 4, the British mails
7in`eJ, July l ~, ty04. 2 ~id., Sept. '6, 1~04.
Ibid., hlarch 7, ~9~5, May r, 19C5, May ~5, ~905.

ibi~t., Oct. ~8, 1904.
fluid.. Dec. o. Ioo~.

were seized at Bushire, and detained for a week, by Belgian
of ficialsl.
  On the Nawruz, or Persian New Year's day (March 21, 1905),
the Shah issued a proclamation decreeing the re-organization of
the army,and also announced his intention of making a pilgrimage to
Mashhad. April 23, 1905, was fixed as the date of his
departure; his son, the Wal'-~/tcI, or Crown Prince (Muhammad
'All, the ex-Shah), was empo~vered to act as Regent dur~ng his
absence2, and M. Kochanovski, the Russian Commissioner for
frontier relations with Persia, was to meet him at isthra on his entry
into Russian territory, and accompany him on his journey
through Russia9. The Shah's journey created a bad impression
h1 his capital many merchants retired to Sh~h'Abdu'l-'Azlm,
and the [f~z~rs were closed for five days'.
In the early spring of this year (~9o5) a new Belgian Director
of Customs, M. Heynssen, arrived at Bushire, and began to
enforce the tariff with greater severity; in consequence of which the
Persian merchants refused to clear their goods, and telegraphed to the
Shah declining to forward them up country until
the new regulations should be withdrawn 6. They also telegraphed to
India to stop the shipment of further goods from thence.
There were also disturbances at Kirman in August, and a
threatened plague of locusts'. Some annoyance seems to have
been caused in Russia by the publication there of exaggerated
and garbled accounts both of the British mission to Slstan under Colonel
McMahon (Feb. 1903-May 1905), and of Sir Arthur
Hardinge's tour to MasEhad7. In November of this year the
Turkmans began to cross the border and harry the neighbouring
Persian territory, especially Quchan, where they killed some
dozen peasants, wounded four or five more, and carried off some
threescore persons as captives.
Thus far we trace a growing discontent at the Shah's everincreasing
extravagance and love of foreign travel, at the ne~v
Belgian tariffs and the arrogance of the Belgian officials, at the

1. Times, Jan. 2, 1905 and Feb. 1, 1905.
2. Ibid., April 10, 1905.
3. lbid., April 28, 1905.
4. Ibid., May 6, 1505.
5. Ibid., May 22, 1905.
6. Ibid., August 15, 1905.
7. Ibid., Sept. 29, 1905

exploitation of the country by foreign concessionl~aires, and at the
tyranny of 'Ay,'u'd-Dawla, who, widely as he differed in
character from the Am~n's-S'`l.~dn, was equally unpopular.
The latter, suave, genial, resourceful and unscrupulous, was on
the best of terms with the new Belgian officials, received M. Naus
weekly, and was currently reported to have profited to the
extent of 30,000 'u~a?rs a year by the new arrangements
concerning the custom-houses. 'Ay~u"l-Daw~, on the other
hand, was an old-fashioned Persian nobleman, arrogant, ignorant, hating
foreigners and at first but little susceptible to their
advances, though later he seems to have come to some understanding with
the 3elgians and Russians, and suffered M. Naus
to combine in himself some five or six different functions of
importance, so tllat he finally became not merely Director-General of
the Customs, but Minister of Posts and Telegraphs,
High Treasurer, Head of the Passport Department, and Member
of the Supreme Council of State.
Tm th~~P ~-n~r~1 r~Uses of discontent certain special grievances were
now added. The indignation aroused by the arbitrary and
tyrannical conduct of M. Naus was increased-especially in
religious circles-by the appearance of a photograph of him
dressed as a mulla. In Fars the rule of Prince Shn'a'u-s-Seltana (who,
having been driven out by an explosion of popular discontent, had been
reappointed to this important government in
September, ~904) weighed heavily on the people. At Mashhad
Asaf~c'd-Daz~la's rule was equally oppressive, and he had further
outraged public opinion by ordering his soldiers to fire on a
crowd of people who, protesting against his exactions, had taken refuge
in the holy precincts of the Shrine of Imam Riza. At
Kirman .Zafar'~'s-S`zl~as~a had inflicted the bastinado on one
of the principal ~`ylahia's of that town, Hajji M;rza Muhammad
Rizd. At Qazwln the Wa~fr-i-Akr`:c~n had treated another
in like manuer; and finally some seven or eight respected
merchants of Tihran had been bastinadoed by the Governor,
'Afatu'd-Dawla, on the charge of putting up the price of sugar.
As a result of all these grievances, especially the last, a large number
of merchants took sanctuary in the Masjid-i-Shah, or
Royal Mosque, where they were shortly joined by many of the

chief ~nullas, including the afterwards celebrated popular leaders
Siyyid'Abdu'llah Bahbahantand Siyyid Muhammad Tabitabl'`,
and the orator Aqa Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dm'who was one of the chief
promoters of the Revolution, and who was amongst those who
perished after the co'/ d'/iet of June, ~908. The lI?!am-J~?H'a, Mirza
Abu'l-Qasim, a wealthy reactionary related by marriage
to the Shah, had been requested by '~4y't~c'd-Dawla to take
steps to disperse the refugees, and had accordingly collected
a number of his followers armed with sticks and other
weapons which they had concealed under their coats and
cloaks, ready at a sign to take action, and when Aqa Siyyid
Jamal ascended the pulpit and began to speak with vehemence
against the intolerable tyranny to which they were subjccted,
the I?nff?~-J'c,nta rose up, clenounced his uttcranccs aq
treasonable, and called on his men to expel the refuF'rccs hy
force, which they proceeded to do. That night a few of them,
including the ~n'`llds, retired from the city to the holy shrine of Shah
'Abdu'l-'Az~m, and there took refuge. Here after a while
they were joined by many others, mullas and students, amongst
the former by the afterwards celebrated Shaykh Fazlu'llah, who
was at that time regarded by the people as one of the "three
Proofs "or 'Founders"of the Constitutional Movement, the
other two being Siyyid 'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad
Tabatabatl, to whom in point of learning he was greatly
superior. His subsequent defection from the Party of Reform
and support of Muhammad 'All's reactionary designs has
been ascribed with probability to jealousy at their superior
At this time, however, there was no talk of a Constitution or
a National Assembly, but only of the dismissal of the obnoxious
'Ayn'~'d-Da-~la, and so it happened oddly enough that the
refugees received substantial support from several prominent
persons who, though perfectly indifferent to reforn~, and violently
opposed to any form of constitutional government, were anxious
to get rid of the 'Ayn'~'d-Dawla. Most conspicuous amongst
these were Muhammad 'Ah M'rza (then Cro~vn Prince, afterwards
Shah), and the ~47rrr7rn's-Sr,ltan, who, with a third person
unknown to me by name, contributed some 30,000 tumans

(6000) to the maintenance of the bes`Is, in spite of the efforts
of'Aynn'd-Dawla to prevent them from being reinforced by
sympathisers or aided with money or supplies. To this end he
picketed the shops and streets and stopped the road from the
city to the sanctuary with his troops, but in spite of these
precautions the number of the bastis continued steadily to increase,
and they were joined by numerous recruits, amongst whom were
included not only 77~`fi~ and theological students, but merchants and
tradesfolk. In vain did the Shah endeavour by threats
and promises to induce them to return to the city, and when the
Amir Bahadur ]ang, accompanied by 300 horsemen, went to
Sh~h 'Abdu'l-'Az~m and endeavoured to bring them back to
Tibr;Sn, he had to return, after a lively e:~change of recriminations,
without accomplishing his object. At length the scandal
becaMe so grave and the inconvenience so intolerable that the
Sh~h sent them a dast-khat', or autograph letter, promising to
dismiss 'Ayn'~'d-Dew`!a; to convene the ~Ada~-k~a, or
"House of Justice," which they now demanded, and which was
to consist of representatives elected by the clergy, merchants
knd landed proprietors, and presided over by the Shah himself;
to abolish favouritism; and to make all Persian subjects equal
in the eyes of the Law. This das`-khatt was photographed,
and copies of it were circulated throughout the country, and the
refugees then returned to the city with great pomp and circumstance and
were received by the Shah, who verbally renewed
the promises which he had already made in writing. News of
this, telegraphed from St lfetersburg on January ~z, 1906, was
published in the Ti~nes of the following day, and the message
concluded with the expression of a fear that the representatives of the
people would demand the dismissal of the Belgian customhouse officials
and of the chief of them, M. Naus, also Minister
of Customs and Posts. To this report the Persian Legation in
London published a a,Zn~e~t' on Feb. ~, declaring that the nature of the
proposed '` House of Justice "had been entirely misunderstood, and that
it was intended to be a purely judicial courtl not
a Legislative Assembly.
Before pursuing the further developments which ultimately
led to the granting of the Constitution and the establishment of

[The photographs of Mujtahid Siyyid Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i and
Mujtahid Siyyid 'Abdu'llah-i-Bahbahani are bound between pages
114 and 115 with the following text run under the picture.]        

         The Mujtahid Siyyid Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i
         The Mujtahid Siyyid 'Abdu'llah-i-Bahbahani

the National Assembly or ~lia.j~is, allusion must be made to
some minor events of the Fcbruary and March of this year. The
report of the British commercial missioEI of ipc4-5, edited by
Colonel Gleadowe-Newcomen, appeared in February'. At the
beginning of March the Turkish Government promised to withdraw
its troops from the Persian frontier, which they were
already threatening2. On March 3 the Shah's brother, the
Nd"6u's-Salfana, was reappointed Minister of War, a post
which he had formerly held for twelve years (~884~6), but of
which for the last ten years he had been deprived3. There were
also about this time currency troubles, of which the following
account is given in a communication from St Petersburg dated
March 20, ~906. The high price of silver had induced speculators to buy
up Persian silver coins, export them in large quantities
to India, and recoin them as rupees. In consequence of the
shortage in silver thus produced, the Mint at Tihran suspended
operations, while, on the other hand, the country was flooded,
according to this Russian correspondent, with the notes of which the
(English) Imperial Bank of Persia had a monopoly. The
Persian merchants, it was added, were already refusing to accept these
notes, and it was feared that the result might be a run on the Bank and
a demand for coin in exchange tor paper money'.
Early in April there was a bread-riot at Mashhad in which three
persons lost their lives.
Towards the end of April the mulles of Tihran presented to
the Shah a petition (also published, apparently, in the oR;cial
Journal or Gazette) regarding the disturbances of Decemoer,
?0S, praying EIis Majesty to give effect to his promised reforms, and
to exercise the executive power in accordance with the
laws5. This petition produced no effect, and, indeed, so far
from improving, matters got steadily worse. Spies were everywhere; the
streets were full of Cossacks and soldiers; and no
one was ailo~ved to go about the streets later than three hours
after sunset. Siyyid'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad continued
to address fruitless remonstrances to 'Ay~u'd-Da-~d, and,

1 7-imes, Feb. 27, 1~6.
3 Jbia., Sla.rcb 5, 1906.
5 Jbia'., April 28, 1906.
Wbid., NIarch 2, E906.
4 Itid., Marcb 22, 1906.

together with Aqa Siyyid Jamal, Shaykh Muhammad the
Preacher ( W&'i~), and others, began to denounce autocracy and
tyranny in the pulpit, especially during the month of Muharram
(Feb. z5-March z6, ~906~. Siyyid Jamal was particu]arTy
active, and had an enormous influence .vith the "kulaf'-nam~zd'~s,"  or
felt-capped artisans and humble folk of the bazars, to whom
he spol;e in graphic and forcible language which they could
understand, and who lovecl him accordingly. Thus he would
relate to them, as an illustration of the sort of selfishness and
inhumanity which Persian absolutism involved, how one night,
when the Sh;ih was on a hunting-expedition, a snow-storm
came on, accompanied by a violent wind which threatened to
blow down the royal tent, and how, to prevent this, certain
soldiers were sent out into the storm to hol~l the tent-ropes, and were
found in the morning frozen to death-"a sacriRce," as he
said, "to the person of His Most Sacred Majesty."
Other influences were also at worl`, notably a secret society
known as the An'~man-i-Makkf`, and a National Library, or
Kit~-~ana-i-M'ill. The latter was essentially a free library
designed to educate the people in patriotic ideas, and was
founded amongst others by H4j~i Siyyid Nasru'llah Akhawl, an
upright man and true patriot, who is now Vice-President of
the Maylis. This library was situated opposite to the Arg or
citadel, and, to quote the picturesque expression employed
by Taqi-zada (to whom I am indebted for this information)
"everyone whose head ached went there.' Amongst its other
supporters were Mirza Aqa of Isfahan, afterwards one of the
Deputies for Tabriz; Hajji Mirza Hasan Rushdiyya, and Majdu'l-
Islam of Kirmin, afterwards editor of the lVia,~-yi- Watan, or
"Country's Call."These three, who were all exiled by'Aynn'd-
Dawla to Kalat-i-Nadirl, were of more doubtful integrity. The
first by his double-dealing incurred alike the suspicion of his
comrades, who expelled him from the library, and of 'Ay,`u'd-
Dazvia, with whom he had at first ingratiated himself by articles which
he contributed to the Calcutta Habln'l-Matin. Later,
when brought back from Kalat-i-Nadiri, he was elected one of
the Members for Tabriz, but was subsequently held up to obloquy
in the columns of an illustrated Tabriz paper entitled "Reptiles
Cartoons from

[Photographs of two cartoon panels are bound between pages
116 and 117 with the following text run under the picture.]           
                     Cartoons from
   No. 12 of the Hasharatu'l-Arz ("Reptiles of tile Earth!'),
               of which the lower one represents
            "The political Arena in Central Asia"

of the Earth"(Hasharatu'l-Arz), and was repudiated by his
constituents and expelled from the Majlis. He afterwards came
to London in the summer of '908, and defended in the Westminister
Gazette (August 25)1 the destruction of the National
Assembly by Muhammad 'Ah Shah, and he appears subsequently
to have visited Karbala and Najaf with a view to
inducing the muJtekids to withdraw their support from the constitutional
cause, in which attempt he was happily quite unsuccessful.
Majdu'l-Islam was also suspected of taking bribes.
'Ayi`~`'d-Dawla, annoyed by the preachers' denunciations,
expelled Aqa Siyyid Jam~al, who retired to Qum, and after a
while decided to expel Shaykh Muhammad also. EJe was
seized by the soldiers' mounted on an ass, and hurried away, but a crowd
of people collected and opposed his removal. The
officer in command of the soldiers thereupon conveyed his
prisoner to a guard-house near at hand, shut him up in a cell,
and ordered the troops to fire on the crowd if they advanced.
A student named Siyyid Husayn, in spite of this warning,
rushed on the door of the guard-house and tried to break it
down. The officer ordered the soldiers to fire, but they refused.
Thereupon the officer himself shot the Siyyid dead, and a
furious conflict at once ensued. The officer fled, and Shaykh
Muhammad was rescued by the people from his captivity.
This happened on the 28th of Rabf' ii, A.H. ~324 (June 2~,
~go6), almost exactly two years before that bloodier and more
cruel day of the co'~p d'etet.
The body of the dead Siyyid was carried through the streets
and bezers amidst the lamentations of the onlookers, and further
conflicts took place between the people and the soldiers, who
tried to stop the procession and again fired on the crowd, killing some
fifteen persons, amongst whom was another Siyyid named
'Abdu'l-MajTd. The death of the two Siyyids was added to
the long account of the misdeeds of 'Aynn'd-Dewle, whose name
was 'Abdu'l-Ham~d, and the following verses were composed in
commemoration of this event:

1. The article was entitled "What happened in Persia.",
I replied to it in the issue of Sept. 4, 1908.

[The quotation to follow was preceeded by calligraphic script.]
            "Once more Husayn hath died to please Yazid;
              'Abdu'l-Hamid hath slain 'Abdu'l-Majid.
               May God accept anew, O Prophet mine,
             A thousand-fold this sacrifice of thine!"

Finally the soldiers dispersed the people, cleared the streets,
and occupied the whole town, while a large number of mullas,
rawza-khwans, students, merchants, tradesmen, artisans, and
peoyle of yet humbler rank took refuge in the Masjid-i-lami', a
Mosque situated in the centre of the city, and there buried
the body of the murdered Siyyid". Being besieged there by
the soldiers for three or four days they asked and obtained
the Sh~ll's per~nissiol1 to leave the city and retire to Qu n,
whither they were accompanied and followed by such numbers
of people that, as Taq`-zada expressed it, the road between
Tihran and Qum i' was like the street of a town."This event,
which took place about July z~, is 't~nown amongst the Persians
as "the Great Exodus"(HiJref-~-Xubra).
Meanwhile '~y~n'd-D~zwla ordered the bazars and shops,
which had been closed in protest, to be opened, threatening, if
this were not done, to have them looted by his soldiers. Thereupon,
about Thursday, J uly 1 9, a few representatives of the
merchants and bankers waited upon Mr Grant Duff, the British
Charge d'Affaires, at Qulhak, the summer quarters of the
Legation, and enquired ~vhether, ;f they took refuge in the
British Legation in the town,'~hey would be expelled or allowed
to remain under its protection. On receiving a reassuring reply, a few
of them at once proceeded to the Legation garden and
encamped there. By the following Monday, July z3, their
numbers had increased to 858, and three days later to 5000.
They demanded, as the conditions of their return to their
homes and avocations, the dismissal of '~Iynn'd-Dawla, the promulgation
of a Code of Laws, and the recall of the ecclesiastical

1. Professional reciters of narratives in verse and prose about
the suferings and martyrdoms of the Imams.
2. It was, however, exhumed, by order of Muhammad 'Ali Shah,
after the coup d'etat of June 23, 1905.

leaders from Qum. The Sh~h, greatly vexed and perplexed,
decided on July 30 so far to yield to the popular dcman~ls as to dismiss
~AYJ, Da~, appoint in his place the popular and
lib,eral M,'rz~'t Nasru'llah Khan, Alz~sh`'rn'rf-Daula, and invite the
'nnIlas to return from Qum to the capital; but the people, no
longer content with these concessions, and profoundly mistrustful of the
Government, now demanded a regular Constitution
and a representative National Assembly, with satisfactory
guarantees of the Shah's good faith. By August I the number
of refugees at the British Legation ~vas stated in the [i?i~es to amount
to t3,ooo souls' and, on the same authority, to have
reached within the next few days the enormous total of ~6,ooo'
though this estimate appears to be excessive, r~,ooo or '4,ooo
being probably ne;.rcr the truth. I;inally on August 5 ( ~ 4 Jum~da ii,
which happened to be the Shah's birthday) Muzaffar~'d-Din
granted all the demands of the liasfis, who thereupon quitted
the Legation. The following graphic account of these occurrences was
written by an eye-witness at the very time of their
happening, in August, 1906.
"1 do not know whether you are aware of the great events
which have been taking place in Tihran. The English papers
practically ignore the 'Land of the Lion and the Sun,' and
Persian news is generally relegated to small, out-of-the-way
paragraphs. I feel sure that these events will interest you, and am
therefore writil1g this letter to ~ive you some description of ul1at has
`' about a molltll ago [i.e. in July, I ,oo] it was rumoured
that a number of people intended to take best [sanctuary] at the British
Legation in town....I went down and found some forty
and odd merchants and il~ullas in the Legation garden....On the
following day their numbers increased large]y....I stayed there
three weeks, and it was certainly a unique experience. The
number of betstis increased by leaps and bounds, u'~til the
`5az~zrs were all closed, and some '2~000 refugees were encamped in the
Legation. It was a most curious sight, and I am sure
would have delighted you....Imagine the Legation Garden with
tents in every available place, and crammed with thoucancls of

all classes, merchants, 'nia?na, members of all the guilds, etc.,
sitting there day after day with stubborn patience, determined
not to leave the shelter of the British flag until their demands were
satisfied. They policed themselves in a most remarkable
manner, and, considering their numbers, gave little trouble.
Their kitchens and feeding arrangements were a model of
order. They extemporised a rough kitchen behind the guardroom,
and every day a circle of enormous cauldrons was to be
seen cooking the meals of this vast multitude. The meals were
served by guilds, and each meal took three hours to serve'.
"Perhaps the scene ~vas most picturesque at night. Nearly
every tent used to have a ?~azuze-khzue~z, and it ~vas really an
admirable tableau, these tents with their circles of listeners and the
razuca-khzouiz at one end, relating the old, old stories of
Elasan and Husayn. At the tragic parts, the audience would
weep in that extraordinary Persian manner, and beat their heads
in sign of grief. 1 used to stroll round the tents every evening to
witness this curious sight. I really believe that in those three weeks
I learned more Persian than during all the months I have
been in Persia Every day the leaders of the people used to
pay me visits and ask for ne`.vs or advice. In spite of the heat and the
putrid air from the garden, I was really quite sorry when it was over.
"~ will try to put before you briefly the essential points of
this popular uprising. Under the late Atabak, 'Ayncc'd-Da~via,
the country has been going to rack and ruin. The Persians can
stand a great deai of misgovernment, but even they could no
longer Support the tyranny and mismanagement of this Minister.
lIoreover the Russian Revolution has had a most astounding
effect here. Events in Russia have been watched with great
attention, and a new spirit would seem to have come over the
people. They are tired of their rulers, and, taking example of
Russia, have come to think that it is possible to have another
and better form of goYernmellt. The discontent culminated in
December l~c~os), when the whole body of the '~la?na left the
town and took ~s'at Shah 'Abdu'l-'Az1m, as a protest against
The expenses of the comrnissanat were defrayed by a fund of some 30,000
fm3 (6000) raised by subscnption by the merchants and ?~dS.
the Government. After a six weeks' stay they were induced to
return on being promised a MczJlzs [ie. a Ma;lis-i-'Adalat] and
Courts of Justice. Needless to say, the Atabak had no intention of
carrying out his promises. Contrary to expectation, Muharram
[Feb. ~5-March z6, 1906] passed quietly, and there was comparative calm
until the middle of June, when the people, seeing
that none of the Shah's promises were being carried out,
became restless, and finally, at the beginning of July, serious
riots took place. The f~ezars were closed, and some 5000 of the
people took refuge in the Masjid-i-Jum'a. The Atabak surrounded
the Mosque with troops, thus cutting off their supplies
and forcing them to come out. A fight took place outside the
Mosque, and two Siyyids, Qur'an in hand, were killed. The
soldiers, however, chiefly owing to the high pay given them
during the riots, proved unexpectedly loyal, and the resistance
collapsed. The ringleaders and several important ?nujtaJcids
were expelled from the town, and all seemed quiet again. But
it was only the lull before the storm. Finding that they were
unable to oppose armed resistance to the Government, the
people decided to take bast in the British Legation, and this
proved a ~rery successful method of attaining their ends. The
Shah sent several envoys down to the Legation ~vith dast-'CIcatcs
"autograph letters], but the people refused to receive them.
Finally, the Shah was compelled to dismiss the Atabak, and the
M2`sici?~`'d-Daz~la became Saatr-i-A'.ze?n. He, at any rate, is not an
obstinate old fool like his predecessor, and, seeing how
dangerous the situation had become, induced the Shah to make
large concessions. After endless discussion, the people at last
accepted a Royal dast-~hatt, granting them a Parlia~nent to be
composed of all classes, Princes, Qajars, Nobles, landed proprietors,
merchants, tradesmen, etc. Blood-money was promised
to the relatives of the murdered Siyyids; the exiled ~ulle's have been
asked to return, and will be brought back in triumph, and
the Courts of Justice are to be established.
"The question every one is now askin, is, ~Are ~ve ~vitnessing
the Dawn of Liberty in Persia, or the beginning of a sorry
farce ~ ' I think it unlikely that the people will have any real power
in this Parliament. The Government will be sure to pack

it so that it may but endorse the views of the Court. But I
believe that in the end the people will win. They are, of course,
absolutely ignorant of the principles of government, with the '
exception, perhaps, of a few of their chiefs'. When I was in 1,
the Tihran Legation, they used to come and asked me how our
constitution was worked, and would show a ?zai~et! which was I
almost pathetic. They see clearly the object in view, but they I are
very hazy as to the means of attaining it. Undoubtedly it ~
will be many years before this Parliament can become really
effective 13ut many of the chiefs, amongst whom is a celebrated
Babi, have really a very clear conception of what is needed.
If only they will remain united, and not let the Government
sow dissensions amongst them, they should carry the day. Qui
-~iura ~~e/ ra .7

" It seems to me that a change must be coming over the
East. The victory of Japan has, it would appear, had a remarkable
inRuence all over the East. Even here in Persia it
has not been w ithout e~ct.... From the little study I have
devoted to the question, it almost seems to me that the East is
stirring in its sleep. In China there is a marked movement
against the foreigners, andr a tendency towards the ideal of
'China for the Chinese.' In Persia, owing to its proximity to
Russia, the awakening wou] d appear to take the form of a movement
towards democratic reform. In Egypt and North Africa
it is signalized by a remarkable increase of fanaticism, coupled with
the spread of the Pan-Islamic movement. The simultaneousness of these
symptoms of unrest is too remarkable to
be attributed solely to coincidence. Who knows ? Perhaps
the East is really awakening from its secular slumber, and we
Taqi-zada told me that a Commission was formed amongst the bast~s in the
Legation, which ~vas advised by certa~n more or less
Europeanized Persians of the educated official class, and was
also in com`T~nnication with the ecclesiastical leaders at (2um, who,
in turn, vere in touch with the Provinces. When the Sbah
promised to dismiss 'A',r~'d-Da`ia (who, on his dismissal,
retired to Pusht-i-K;~h), some of the n~ore simple~n~in~led [astis
~ished to ]eave the shelter of the Legation, but this Commission induced
then~ to remain, pointing out that only a fundamental reForrn of the
methods of govern~nent wol~ld guarantee them against
the tyranny and maladministration of other ministers as bad as
tbe ',iynu'd-Dazola. Thus the demand for a ' Ho~tse of
Justice " ('Ad~la`-.4ha7'a) developed into the demand for a
Parliament or National Assembly (4ta,'l~s-i-MiN`l. 

are about to witness the rising of these patient millions against the
exploitation of an unscrupulous West. 

"One remarkable feature of this revolution here-for it is surely worthy
to be called a revolution-is that the priesthood have found themselves
on the side of progress and freedom. This, I should think, is almost
unexampled in the world's history If the reforms which the people, with
their help, have fought for become a reality, nearly all their power
will be gone. The causes of this remarkable phenomenon are not
without their explanation, and are very interesting, but the subject is
a lengthy one, and I feel that I have already transgressed all
reasonable limits as regards prolixity.... " 
The return of the ecclesiastical leaders from Qum to the
capital, escorted by '2lzz`~'J-M7'Jk and Hajji Nizamu'd-l~awla, which
took place a day or two after the Shah had yielded and the bast7ts had
left the British Legation, i.e. about August t5 or r6, was made the
occasion for great rejoicings over the "National Victory "
(Fath-i-MilfI), in which, according to a St Petersburg telegram dated
Aug. r7 (published in the Times of Aug. r8), the Russian colony bore a
conspicuous part. Some doubt is cast on their sincerity, however, by an
article which appeared in the St Petersburg BirzJ`eviya l~iedo7nosti of
Sept. r3, rgo6, which said that "it was becoming obvious that Persia
would succeed in obtaining reforms and even a Constitution, ~zalzis to
tice be7zevole7ct co-op~ratio7c of E7cgla77`f, and that this would be
ano~er Jceavy blo~v lo R~cssian prestige i' Asza ' " On August rg took
place the solemn official opening of the new House of
Parliament, in presence of the high ecclesiastical authorities'
~vho were entertained as the Shah's guests for three days.
The proclamation announcing the establishment of the "
National Consultative Assembly" (~7l`?J/is-i-5'izz~rli-yi-1llzllz') was
issued four or five days earlier, and a translation of it was published
in the 7~i?'zes for Sept. r, rgo6. 
Fresh friction seems to have arisen about Sept. 8, when the ?Izz~llas
refused to accept the ordinances drafted by the Prime Minister, and the
Shah declined to allow the modifications they 

1. Times, Sept. 14, 1906.

demanded. Thereupon a crowded meeting was held, the bdedrs were ag,;`in
closed, and the llritish I~c~ation was again invaded by t~asls. The
popular demand was (~) that Persia should be divided into eleven [or
thirteen] electoral areas; (~) that the May6:r should consist of zoo
members; and (3) that any male person between the ages of 30 and 70,
being neither a Government servant nor a convict, and able to read and
write, should  be eligible for membership. These demands the Shah was
ultimately obliged to accept; the 'Ayn~'d-Daw~a was sent away
from the capital, and business was resumed. Muhammad'AI~Khan, 'A~'u's-
Sa/tena, formerly Persian Minister in London, was appointed Minister for
Foreign Affairs, and the M~hta was nominated to succeed him in his
former post. On Sept. ~ the Shah had accepted tl~e proposed ordinance
as to the constitution of the A,lajfzs, which was to consist
of ~56 members, 60 representing Tihran and 96 the provinces,
elections were to take place every two years, and deputies svere to be
inviolable. The voting in Tihran was to be direct, but in
the provinces by means of colleges of electors. The Shah was
A enthusiastically welcomed by the people on his return from the country
to the capital, the Parliament was announced to meet in a month, and by
the beginning of October the elections had
begun, four deputies representing the Royal House had been
I chosen, the m'`lias of Tabriz and Rasht were pacified, and the I
bestis had again left the British Legation. Arbab Jamshid was
elected a few days later to represent the Zoroastrians:
San'"n'dDawla was chosen President, and the Majlis, or National
Assembly, was opened on Oct. 7 without waiting for the arrival
I of the provincial deputies, the Shah's Speech from the throne
I being read out by the IVizam~c'l-Muf[.
The joy inspired by the realization of the popular hopes I
I was, however, dimmed by several ominous clouds on the political 1,
horizon. The financial condition of Persia was critical in the
extreme, and there was talk of a fresh external loan of 4oo,ooo from
England and Russia This project was announced, on the
authority of Reuter's agency, in the 7~`mes of Oct. zo, ~cp6,
while on the following day there appeared in the same news
paper an article foreshadowing an agreement between England '

Members of tile First Ma)~`s
(Oc~ 7, 1906-June '3, 1~.~08'

and Russia on certain matters of dispute in Asia, amongst
which Persia figured prominently. On NOK l? it was announced in the same
journal "that the contract for the Anglo-Russian loan, which was ready
last week, will be signed shortly, but the opposition of
the priesthood and popular party causes delay." The proposal was
submitted to the AlaHs on Nov. z3 by the Nasirn'l-Mu~, but objection
was raised to it on the ground that it would endanger Persia's
independence, and it was opposed by some sixty deputies, who advocated
instead an internal loan, an alternative plan which was unanimously
approved a week later. This important decision at once made it clear
that the new Parliament had no intention of being a mere tool in the
hands of the Shah and the Court Party, and that it was thoroughly alive
to the danger of foreign intervention, and the absolute necessity of
checking the foreign influences which had grown with such appalling
rapidity during the last ~7 or 18 years. 

The conduct of Turkey also began to give grave cause for anxiety, not
only on the N.W. frontier, but at Karbala, which town, though situated
in Turkish territory, is almost entirely populated by Persians, drawn
thither by the sanctity of the place. This latter trouble began about
the end of October, when, in consequence of an attempt on the part of
the Turkish authorities to collect a disputed tax, some
two thousand Persians attempted to take refuge in the British
Consulate. They were refused admittance, and the doors were 1:
erred against them, whereupon they endeavoured to break open the doors
with iron bars, and a conflict occurred between them and the Turkish
soldiery, in which, apparently, some score of the soldiers and twice
the number of Persians were killed and wounded. As regards the
frontier dispute, which was going on at least as early as the beginning
of ~906 and was still acute in July, 1go8, the Turks were clearly the
aggressors, claiming and occupying points on the Persian side of the
mountains between Salmas and Margawar, west of Urmiya, to which they had
no shadow of right. Added to ali this was the Shah's illness, which
continually grew more serious, and the dissensions which began to appear
between the clerical  and non-clerical elements of the popular party,
the latter publicly

accusing the former of pursuing their own interests and
seeking their own aggrandisement. The elections in the provinces also
continued to be subjected to various delays which aroused suspicions as
to the bona f cies of the Shah, who, moreover, stili postponed the
actual signing of the Constitutionl. 
On November ~9, igoO, the correspondent whom I have already quoted wrote
as follows on the general situation:- 
"The Reform Party seem to be marking time here. The National Assembly
was opened with a brilliant ceremony at the Royal Palace, to which all
the Corps Diplomatique was invited. Only the Tihran deputies have been
elected, but the Assembly has begun its deliberations without awaiting
the arrival of its provincial colleagues. Although the
reactionaries would seem to be recovering some of the ground they have
lost, I think the popular party is too well organised to be
entirely suppressed. The moYement is being skilfully engineered all over
the provinces. You no doubt saw in the papers that the Tabriz and Rasht
Collsulates were invaded in a manner similar to that in which the
Eegation was. They have extracted a promise from the
Wall-'ah] [i.e. the ex-Shah Muhammad 'All, then Crown Prince] that he
endorses the concessions made by his father, and, although the oaths of
Princes are seldom worth much, he may find some difficulty in ignoring
this one." 

My next letter, in Persian, is from a Persian friend, who had recently
returned to his country after a long absence in India and England. It
was written on Dec. 29, 1906, and the translation of it is as follows:-

"M)r respected, accomplished and dear friend: may I be thy sacrifice!
On the eighth of this month I safely reached Tihran. Praise be to God,
I and my relatives are in the best of health, and 1 am very glad to have
the good fortune of spending a few days with my family, that is, my
mother, sister and brother, after these long years of separation. The
CO11dition of Tihran is, for the moment' very good. A
strange eagerness and enthusiasm is observable in the yeople. The
National Assembly is at present sitting, and yesterday, after ~ See'es of Dec. ~o, 1906. 

much discussion, which lasted until midnight, they agreed, and it has
been settled, that to-morrow the Charter of
the Nation's Rights [Niza,~l-na;na-i-.~nqzcq-i-Millal] shall be ratified
by the Shah and the Crown Prince. So far as is known, this Charter is
rigidly drafted, and closely resembles that of England. The
Cabinet are responsible to the Parliament: the Assembly of Notables [or
Senate] will consist of 35 representatives of the People and 25
representatives of the Government; and the Members of the
National Parliament will amount to two hundred, ~vho v`till have the
right of criticising the financial arrangements of the Government. The
poor Shah lies on his death-bed, and his death is momentarily expected.
If the popular party do not become violent, and if they act wisely, the
Assembly's position will be a very strong one. There is a Republican
party [delta-i tz~mJzdff-tac'ab] who have assumed the title of
Pida~iyyin ('self-devoted'). These meet by night and swear on the Qur'an
that so long as they live they ~vill struggle
against Absolutism. A certain builder came to the house of a Minister
to repair an iron fire-place. On entering, he saluted the Minister. The
Minister's servant bade him do obeisance. He replied, 'Knave, do you
not know that we now have a Constitution, and that under a
Constitution obeisances no longer exist ?' A strange independence and
freedom are observable in the people, and it is impossible to say how
this change in their character has been so suddenly effected. The
~n~clc'as and the more Europeanized classes are on the best and most
cordial terms." 

One of the most remarkable features of the Constitutional Movement was
the rapid development of journalism, which was, however, most marked in
~c,~o7, when the total number of newspapers appearing in Persia was said
to be about go. Some of these papers-notably the S~r-i-Isr~ffl,
or "Trumpet-call of Israhl" (the Angel of the Resurrection), the ~ab~'t-
Mati~l, or " Firm Cable," and the M'csa'ma't, or " Equaiity," were of
a very high order, and afford examples of a prose style, forcible,
nervous, and concise, hitherto almost unknown. The first, and, in some
ways, the most important of these papers, was the

Majlis, or "Assembly," which gave full reports of the debates in the
National Assembly, and of ~vhich No. ~ appeared on Nov. z5, '~o6. It was
followed about a month later (on Dec. 27, 1906) by the Nida-y`-Watan,
or '. Country's Call." The Hab~'lMatD-, published at Calcutta since
about ~89z, did not inaugurate its Persian edition until April 29, '~o7,
and the weekly 5~`r-~-IsrafiC first appeared c~n May 30,
~907. The [a~tadd?`n, or "Civilization," also a sveekly, preceded it by
three months, No. ~ appearing on Feb. ~, ~907. Some z5 of these
newspapers are known to me by name or by isolated numbers, while some
six or seven I used to receive regularly and read with attention: and
I desire to put on record a protest against the malicious and
unjustifiable assertion made in a leader on " the situation in I'crsia"
in the 71~`es of July '?, ~908, that "the free l'ress of Persia...proved
to be as mischievous and as dangerous as it has proved to be in other
Oriental lands." At its best the free Persian Press reached a very high
level, and at its worst it was superior to certain English, French and
American papers; but the marked hostility of the Ti,~es to the spread
of liberal ideas in the East easily explains such utterances to those
have followed its comments on Asiatic and North African affairs. 

Let us return, however, to the history of the Maj~is. The popular
leaders did not allow the grass to grow under their feet, but
immediately set to work to draft the Electoral Law (~za~?~-P~d~ma-i-
~tikA~a'~t), which is the second of the four documents translated in the
Appendix. For this purpose a Committee ~,as appointed, which completed
its labours in 36 days, and the result of these labours, concluded on
Sept. 8, 1906, was duly ratified by the Shah on the following day. Two
of the
most prominent members of this Committee were the son of the
old Mush~r?c'd-Daw~z, then entitled M'cshffru'l-Mulk, but afterwards
known by his father's title, and the hI2'kictirn'sSalta~ra, a grandson
of that emineut mal1 of letters, the late Riza-quh Khan,
poetically called fI'dayat, and commonly known as a'la-bashi. The latter
belonged to a large and influential family (comprising
some forty living members), all of whom were well educated, and several
of whom had studied in Europe. 

The following genealogical tree shews the more important members of the

University wards presidenl
of Tihran of the Assembly

This family played a great role in the constitutional movement,
especially the three brothers San'u~d-Dawla, Mn~bin~'sSultana
and M~khbt~'l-M`ulk, who lived together in a large house and had al.vays
refused to take office during the days of tyranny. Now, however, they
were prominent in the new movement, and, as stated above, helped to
draft the first Electoral Law, of which, so soon as it was ratified,
some 50,000 copies were printed and distributed throughout the country. 

Certain features of the Electoral Law, such as the very
large proportion of representatives (60 out of 156) accorded to
the capital, were certainly not intended to be permanent, but it was
felt, with justice, that no time must be lost in getting the National
Assembly to work, lest the Sh~h should change his mind and revoke his
rescript. This consideration also explains Article ~9 of the l?lectoral
Law, whereby it was enacted that the Assembly should begin its work as
soon as the elections were concluded in the metropolis, without waiting
for the arrival of the provincial deputies. This provision was a very
necessary one, for little news had yet reached the provinces of what was
happening in the capital, and in several cases where attempts were made
to hold provincial elections the local governor
interfered, even violently, to stop it. As it was, the Assembly actually
met and began its deliberations on October 7, ~go6. One of
its earliest important actions was to refuse to sanction a new loan of
400,000, to be provided in equal moieties by Russia and England on
terms not made public, which was on the point of being concluded by the
Shah and his advisers. Thus, even from the first, it shewed that it
would         ( 

not become the docile instrument of the Court, but was capable of acting
with independence and patriotism. 

Meanwhile Tabriz, where the constitutional movement was strong, was in
an uproar, owing to the tyranny of the [Vali-'aiid or Crown-Prince,
Muhammad 'All (the ex-Sh~h), who allowed nothing to transpire as to the
progress of events at the capital, and who, with the aid of his Russian
tutor, the notorious Shapsh~l Khan, and his reactionary
aide-de-camp, 'All Beg, had organized a system of espionage comparal~le
to that which prevailed in Turkey under the old rigime. Finally, on
Rajab zg (Sept. ~ 8, ~go6), the disturbance culminated in a number of
the citizens taking refuge in the precincts of the British Consulate,
while the shops were closed' the tyranny of the Wall-'af~d was
denounced, and energetic demands were made for freedom
and constitutional government. On Sha'ban 8 (=Sept. z7, ~906) a telegram
arrived at the Consulate from Mr Grant Duff, the British
Charge d'Affaires, announcing that the Shah had granted a
Constitution, whereupon the refugees left the Consulate and formed an
association known as the A ~juman-i-lV?~zzar, or " Council
of Overseers, t' to superintend the elections, which began forthwith and
lasted until Ramazan s5 (=Nov. ~, '906). Amongst tile leputies elected
was the young Siyyid Hasan, the son of Taqi, commonly known
as Taqi-zada, who, despairsug of Tabriz, had already started for Tibran
on Sept. 3, and who ~vas destined to play a very leading as well as a
very noble part in subsequent events. 

During the latter part of October and the beginning of November' 1906,
two other disturbances occurred in Tabriz, the first directed against
a very mischievous and scheming Sayyicl named Mir Hashim', who was
finally expelled from the city, together with the
Imcf?n-Jum'a, a reactionary and tyrannical ecclesiastic. The
second disturbance, which took place about November 5, was caused by the
Walf-'akfl's attempt to dissolve the Aryuma?~-i-iVrlaz~r as soon as the
elections were over; an attempt which was strenuously
and successfully resisted by the popular party. Disturbances also
occurred early in 

After the capture o[ Tihrin by the NationaL;sts he was arrested and
hanged on August 9, 1909. 

Siyyid Hasan il~n 'Iaqi llaqi-zada)
One Of the Deputies ror T:lbriz

October at Rasht, Shiraz, Isfahan and Zanjan, where the British
Consulates, or, in the case of the town last-named, the telegraph
office, served as places of refuge for the oppressed. The popularity of
Great Britain amongst the Persian people was, indeed, now at its zenith,
to her representatives they instinctively turned for help,
protection and counsel. 

The provincial deputies, as already stated, came in sloly, the first
to take his seat being the Waki~'r-Ri'jyd from Hamadan, and the
second Siyyid Taq[-zada, who was elected shortly after his arrival in
Tihran, his I't`bar-nama, or Certificate of Election, being sent after
him to the capital. The Assembly sat for the first three weeks of its
existence in the building named 'Im~ret-i-~kursf'ld, but afterwards
moved to the BaMr~sfan, which, together with the adjacent Mosque, was
originally built by Mirza Muhammad Husayn Khan Mushirn'd-Dawla in A.H.
'287 (A.D. ~870), but was appropriated by Ndsiru'd-Din Shah on the death
of that statesman. l~he return of political exiles, such
as Sa'dz~'d-Oazvia from Yazd, and Mirza ~qa of Isfahan, Hajji
Mtrza Hasan-i Rushdiyya and May~u'l-Isla?n from Kalat-i-Nadirl,
was demanded and conceded, and Sa'~'dlPazr~ia, who had been elected in
his absence, entered Tihran in triumph and took his seat
shortly afterwards. Hitherto the Assembly had acted with calmness, but
he inaugurated extremist views and utterances, and created
an organized Opposition. 

The matters which chiefly occupied the attention of the Assembly at this
period were the question of the Fundamental Law ,f,Q4ndn-~-~s~s~ and the
question of creating a National Bank. The Fundamental Law w as ready for
the Shah's approval before the end of October, but he
desired sundry trivial alterations in it, and owing to the delays to
which this gave rise it was not finally ratified until December 30,
~906, only five days before his death. It was also signed by the Crown
Prince, Muhammad 'Ah Mirza (the ex-Shah), who had arrived in the capital
from Tabriz two or three weeks previously. It is the third of the four
documents of which translations are given in the Appendix. 

The question of the Nationai Bank progressed less favourably,
though gallant efforts were made to raise the required        i

capital by subscription. A hundred persons subscribed Sooo ~na?~s (about
.~ooo' each, while some gave yet larger sums, up to 30,000 t~mans. ~The
poor also contributed: students sold their books and women their
ornaments to support the Bank: a million t~i~nans ~vere subscribed in
Tihran alone, while Tabriz promised another million from itself and the
province of Azarbayjan. But the Shah made his
agreement conditional on an immediate loan of two million
~mufis, while other difficulties were thrown in the way by the
existing English and 12ussian Ilanks, which, as far as possible, strove
to render money scarce and difficult to obtain, believing, it is
asserted, that if a National Bank with a capital of six million tdmci?zs
should bc created in 1'ersia they would sooner or later find their
business gone and be compelled to retire in its favour. 

To return, however, to the 3]ajlis' which had l~een sitting since
October ~. On December ~o it demanded from Muza~aru'd-D'n Shah ~an
immediate answer as to whether the Constitution was to be signed or not.
On December ~7 Muhammad 'All Mirza, the Wall-'ah] or Crown-Prince
(the ex-Shah), arrived from Tabaz at the capital, and on the morning of
December 30 he signed the Constitution, and also a separate document
promising not to dissolve the existing Parliament for at least two
years. How he kept that promise, and many similar ones, is known to a]l,
and will be discussed in succeeding chapters.

Muhammad 'All Shah Qaj~r
Born 187~: crowned January Ig, Igo7: deposed July 16, 190'


ON New Year's Day, 1907, the Constitution, signed at last by the dying
Shah, under the strong suasion of the clergy (who bade him remember that
he ~vas about to meet his God, and should strive to take with him into
that awful Presence some deed of great merit which might
counterbalance his sins of omission and commission), was taken to the
National Assembly bythe Prime
MinisterM`cskir~'d-Dawla. Not onlytheBahdrista'?', which almost from
the first inception of the Assembly had served as the House of
Parliament, but all its approaches and the gardens surrounding it were
thronged with an enthusiastic concourse of spectators, many of whom wept
with joy as they exchanged embraces. Commemorative poems by the
Shay~f,u'rRa'fs and others were recited, the city was illuminated for
two successive nights, and joy and gratitude reigned supreme". 

A week later, on Jan. 8, ~907, Muzaffaru'd-Dln Sh~h was gathered to his
fathers, and was succeeded by his son Muhammad 'All Mirza, who ~vas duly
crowned on Jan. ~g, and whose second son, Sultin Ahmad MIrza, was
proclaimed Wall-'af~ (CrownPrince) on Jan. 25. That the new Shah should
dislike the Constitution and regard the May~s
with suspicion and aversion was perhaps natural enough, for he had
looked forward to exercising the same autocratic and irresponsible
powers as his predecessors had been wont to enjoy, and it could hardly
be expected that he would welcome the limitations of his authority laid

See No. ~ of the J'vi~-yi-wa~a ("The Country's Call"), dated Thursday,
'8 Dhu'l Qa'da, A.H. 13~4 = Jan. 3, 1907]

by the Constitution, which liimitations, it was clear from the
beginning, the National P~ssembly inter~ded to enforce. He manifested
this dislike by not inviting the Deputies to be present at his
Coronation (of which brilliant ceremony a description is given in No.
5 of the Nida-yi- Wata'`). This omission, the first of a series of
slights put upon the ~llaglis by the Shah, was greatly resented by the
Deputies, and their anger ~vas increased by the refusal of the
responsible Ministers to appear in the House and answer questions. For
it was provided by the Constitution that, though the Ministers were to
be nominated by the Shah, they were to be responsible to the Assembly,
and that v~ithout its consent no tax should be imposed, no
expencliture incurred, and no foreign loan or concession allowed. IN ow
at this juncture not only did the responsible Ministers absent
themselves from the Assembly, but the raising of a fresh loan of
400,000 in equal moieties from llussia and England, on certain
conditions not made public, was still in contemplation!. The project for
this loan had been drafted ;n Russia and the draft had been approved by
England, while the Shah's one object was to obtain money,
regardless of Persia's future well-being. But at the last moment the
Assembly, which nobody seems to have taken into account, came to the
rescue and absolutely refused to sanction this transaction,
which the ~i'Z~If,S, with a wise and far-sighted patriotism, denounced
as the final sale of Persia's independence. So convinced was the Prime
Minister that the people were in earnest that he refused to go forward
with the matter, understanding that if he did so his life would not be
safe. And although he still refrained from appearing in the Assembly in
person, he caused the other  Ministcrs, h~cluubig the IV`z~inc'l-M2~,
to be present at its deliberations.  Thus it became apparent from the
very first that the Alaylis had no intention of becoming a cypher: As
Aqa Mirza Mahmud, one of the Deputies, said in the debate of January ~g
(the day of the Coronation) in the course of the discussion which arose
on the absence of an~r notification to the Assembly as to

In Hazell's '4?InUal [o! ~go; this A'~glo-Rassian loan is spoken of as
afai' arrorVi;. 

the important ceremony which was then taking place, "now that the Majlis
is at the beginning of its career, let it demand its rights if it can',
otherwise it will  hereafter be unable to do anything." " We should have
been content," added Aqa Siyyid Husayn, " to be represented by our
President alone: the point is that the Assembly was disregarded." 
  Although it was politely assumed at this period that the Shah was the
friend and supporter of the Assembly, his Ministers and governors were
freely criticised. In several cases the progress of provincial elections
had been hampered or even arrested by the local governor, as in Khurasan
by the Asafu'd,-Dawla, and at Tunkabun, where Amir As'ad had actually
inflicted the bastinado on Shaykh Muhammad for endeavouring to carry out
the election. The punishment of these autocratic tyrants ("isti~dadis")
was demanded by several Deputies, and Hajji
Siyyid Nasru'llah remarked that " these matters clearly shewed that the
Government did not co-operate with the Nation, and that the
same autocratic and wilful conduct u~hich had formerly existed in the
ruling class still characterized their actions," and he then
proceeded to criticize the irregular attendance and unsatisfactory
replies of the Ministers of Finance and Education. '`
These Ministers,'t observed another Deputy, Siyyid Hashim, "do not at
all like the Assembly. They are the same men who wrought all this
mischief in the kingdom, who slew some of its people, drove some into
exile, suffered many to be shot at Karbala', and wasted men's honour and
property." " Why do ye sit here ? " he concluded: " What sort of
Assembly is this ? What work is this ? We must put a stop to the
clepredations of these traitors and gi~e effect to the laws.' "The Shah
is surrounded by persons," resumed Hajji Siyyid Nasru'llah, "who are
opposed to the success of the Assembly, and who do not want a law; else,
if they desired reform, it would be well that they
should entrust the artillery, for example, to some more capable person'
and so with other departments. And though these things are not the
business of the Assembly, I must observe that affairs cannot be
permitted to revert to their 

1. See No. 30 of the Majlis, p. 1.
2. This alludes to the event described on p. 125, supra. 

previous condition, when such offices were merely nominal:
henceforth they must be assigned in accordance with merit and
capacity."And these utterances, culled from the debate of
fan. ~g, igo7, fairly represent the general tone and feeling of the
  The Assembly, whatever its defects may have been, saw
quite clearly where reform was most needed. Warned by the
experience of other Muslim countries, such as Kgypt and Tunis,
which have suffered from European intervention, they clearly
perceived the danger of being indebted for even so comparatively small
a sum as three or four millions of pounds to
one, and still more to two, of the great European Powers; and
they saw that the extravagance of the Sh~h and his Court was
the primary source of this danger. They were also thoroughly
alive to the evils inherent in the abominable system of farming
the revenues, whereby of ten '~m~ns extorted by every species
of tyranny from the peasantry hardly one ultimately reached the
State Treasury. Hence their efforts were at an early stage
  (1) To preventing any fresh loans from Russia or England;
  (2) To fixing the Shah's Civil List, and vigorously limiting
      him to that amount;
  (3) To the establishment of a National Bank;
  (4) To the abolition of mad~.kdil, or irregular and illegal
      profits, especially in the collection of the revenues;
  (5) To getting rid of the Belgians and other foreigners who,
      originally introduced to organize the Customs, had latterly     
 increased in power to a most dangerous extent, and whose object      
was rather to encourage than to check the extravagance of the      
Court. Amongst these Belgians M. Naus and his co-adjutor
      M. Priem were specially obnoxious.

  The National Bank Concession was granted on Feb. 1, 1907,
and the Loan and Current Accounts Agreement with the
Government passed the House on March ~6. On Feb. ~o
the Shah was compelled to dismiss M. Naus. who, however,
was detained in Tibran until May 30, in order that he might be
compelled to render an account of his stewardship. His un

popularity was increased by the knowledge that, in order to
increase his own profits, he had advocated the obnoxious Anglo-
Russian loan, and he was the object of a hostile demonstration
on May z. The leader of the agitation against him was the
Sa'dn'd-Dawla, formerly Persian LIinister at Brussels, a personal enemy
of Sn?~l'u'd-f~awla, then President of the Assembly, and
professedly a staunch patriot and reformer. Of the five objects
mentioned above, therefore, the Assembly was completely successful in
the first and in the most vital part of the last. The
establishment of the National Bank presented greater difficulties, for
though poor men, women and children, moved by the eloquence
of Aqa Siyyid Jamal and other preachers, came forward
to offer their small savings to the Nation's need, the wealthy
aml great hung back. The sympathies of the rich l'arsccs, or
Zoroastrians, of 13ombay, who might have been both willing and
able to afford efficient help, were unfortunately alienated by the cruel
and unprovoked murder, on Feb. '3, at Yazd, of one of
their co-religionists named Arbab Parwiz, which, though deplored by the
Press and the vast majority of the Persian people, including the '~lamd
of Islam', nevertheless created a bad impression
amongst the Zoroastrian community.
  At this point I may with advantage quote the correspondent
already cited, who, writing about the beginning of March, TgO7,
  "The National Assembly is growing in strength and boldness.
Their greatest triumph was, of course, the dismissal of M. Naus, which
the Government accorded very unwillingly. They presented
several demands of far-reaching consequences, amongst
which this and the responsibility of blinisters [were the most
important]. The Government refused, temporised, threatened,
but in vain. The Shah with his unarmed, unpaid, ragged,
starving soldiers, what can he do in face of the menace of a
general strike and riots ? The Government had to climb down
and grant all that was asked of them. It would be difficult to

1. See No. 12, of the Nida-yi-Watan, pp. 2-3. The promoter of this
murder was believed to be Sani--Hzrat, who was protected by Muhammad
'Ali Shah, but who was executed for this and other crimes after the
deposition of that monarch on July 29, 1909.

exaggerate the importance of this victory, especially in the case of M.
Naus's dismissal. It will soon become known all over the
country' even among the many tribes of Persia, that the real
power in the land is no longer the Shah, but the Majlis. The
danger of this impression working on the simple, ignorant minds
of the tribesmen is obvious. It is to be hoped that the Majlis
will take prompt measures to E'rovide the means to suppress any
outbreaks amongst the turbulent tribesmen, who may be encouraged by the
eclipse of the Royal Authority to give the reins
to their freebooting instincts. So far the Maylis has been almost
entirely destructive, and it has destroyed well ! It has reduced the
power of the Throne to a shadow of its former splendour; it
has preYented Princes of the Blood from aspiring to Ministries;
it has dismissed M. Naus, a work which three years' agitation
had been powerless to accomplish; it has firmly established the
principle of the responsibility of Ministers; it has rendered the
purchase and sale of high posts a matter of extreme difficulty.
There now remains for it to start on the mighty work of constructing on
the ruins of the old system a new and invigorated
Persia. Is it capable of this task? I am optimistic, though I
must own that nearly all European opinion here is pessimistic.
Of one thing I feel certain, namely, that this Dynasty can never destroy
the Maj~`s. The members of that Assembly, slightly
changing Mirabeau's famous words, might well say: 'We are
here by the will of the People, and naught but the force of
forezgn bayonets will turn us out.' The epithet is a necessary
addition, for it is difficult to see where any Shah could find the
native bayonets in sufficient force to crush this movement, which is a
strong, deep, genuine and widespread impulse of a whole
people, making one last, desperate struggle to shew to an
astonished world ~ ce `~ue c~es' 4U'~c7'e nat~orc qui ne ve~ct pas
  Writing again on April 2Z, T907, the same correspondent
  "There would seem to be a pause in the struggle between
King and People here, in which both parties are marking time.
Unfortunately the Shah's distrust of the National Assembly

is increasing, and the possibility of a durable understanding
betwecu two almost irreconcilable principles, Despotism and
lemocracy, is, I fear, remote. A great deal depends on the
Am?~IC'5-StCiga'?C, who is expected every day. He has travelled
much, and 'seen many men and cities' since his fall five years
ago. Has he learned wisdom ? Will he accept the inevitable
and work whole-heartedly for a Constitutional State ? That is
the question. At any rate he is the last arrow in the Royal
Quiver. If he fails, we may chant the a?e 1D?ofundis over the
Qajar Dynasty! "
  On March 17 the Musicf?u'd-Daw~c resigned the office of
Premier, on grounds of health, as stated in the Persian Press
, t~e.g. JVidn-'z-Wata?l, No. 18, p. 7), but more probahly because he
could not prevent, and would not further, the Sh~h's selfish
and unpatriotic policy of destroying the National Assembly,
even at the price of foreign intervention. For the time being
the office of Grand Wazlr was left unfilled, but the Wa~/r-~-
Afkham was made Minister of the Interior, and the Farman-
farmd Minister of Justice.
  It was not, however, the Shah's intention to leave vacant the
important post which the Musf~fru'd-Dawlac had )ust resigned,
and he was in communication with the am~u'S-s~c~n (whom,
to avoid confusion, we shall continue to speak of by this, his
earlier title, not by the title of A tdiak-~-A'~a?n). This experienced
and wily statesman, suspected of compassing the death of his
rival the .Hak~m~c'l-Mu~l, and denounced by the "zu~tahids as
an infidel for his share in bringing ahout, in conjunction with
M. Naus, the two Russian loans of '89~900 and ~go~, had
been compelled to flee the country at the end of 1903, and had
for three years and a half been travelling far and wide in Europe and
Asia. To him the Shah now turned, inviting him to return
and resume the office of Prime Minister. This, after some hesitation,
he consented to do. In Russia, on his way to the Caspian,
he was treated with conspicuous honour, was sent to Anzalf
(Enzeli) in a Russian gunboat, and was received with a liberal
display of flags and salutes. The a,~Jumn?ls, or political societies
which had been so extensively developed in Persia since the

1. See p. 108 supra.

Constitution was granted, and, indeed, all patriotic Persians
regarded his return with tl~e deepest misgivings, and the
people of Rasht forcibly opposed his landing on Persian soil
until he had solemnly sworn fidelity to the Constitution. He
finally reached Tihr~n on April 26, and within a week was appointed
President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of
the Interior.
  The situation with which the A'n~n's-51~in was confronted
was calculated to appal even that wary and resourceful minister. The
finances of the country were in the utmost disorder: the
Treasury was empty: the Sh~h and his courtiers were resolved
on the destruction of the Assembly and the restoration of the
old regi~2e, while the Assembly itself was div-ided into a moderate
party led by the Sa~zf'1v'~-~`z, a friend of the An~fnns-Sultan. and an
extreme party led by his old enemy the Said~'d-Da~~la
The former party was supported by most of the clergy, the latter by the
more revolutionary o.~'ju'iZa115, and it was the former party which the
~47/,si'u's-Sult~1' strove to win over to his view that in the
circumstances a foreign loan afforded the only means of
providing the money so urgently required on eYery side. Even
he understood the violeI't feelin~ of the National Party against any
fresh loan from abro;~d, and without a n1ajority of tile
Assermbly at his back he dared not venture on such a step.
His chief opponent in the Assembly, the Sa'dn'd-Daz~ria, whose
sincerity began to be suspected by the National Party, ceased
to attend the Majlis after the end of May, and for the next
three months it looked as though the ~4~nssss~s-S`citan might
succeed in carrying out his policy.
  Meanwhile disturbances continued to occur in almost all
parts of the country In M;lrcll tile people of 1sfahan revolted
agah~st the Shah's uncle, tl~e Ziii'~'s-S'~"tan, who had to be
dismissed, and at the end of the same mortth there were riots at
Sh~raz in the South, and at Tabriz itl the North-West, where a
large consignment of arms h1tended for the Shah was seized
and held by the people. In April disputes arose amongst the
BakEtiyan chiefs; in May there were disorders at Sultanabad;
in June more or less serious disturbances occurred at Kirmanshah, Tabriz
and Maku, while lid rs continued in a state of turmoil.

[Photograph of Mirza 'Ali Asghar is bound between pages
140 and 141 with the following text run under the picture.]        

        Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan Amina's-Sultan and Atak-i-A'zam
          Assassinated by 'Abbas Aqa on August 31, 1907

and the Shah's hrother, the Salaru'd-Dawla, claimed the throne,
came out in open revolt, and was finally defeated and captured
after a pitched battle lasting three days at Nihawand. He took
refuge in the British Consulate at Kirmanshah, but was ultimately, on
satisfactory assurances of his safety being given, handed over to the
Zab~r'd-Datula, the Shah's representative, on June zz.
More serious in its moral effects, as still further increasing
the people's suspicions as to the Shah's good faith, was an
attempt made in May by the son of the afterwards notorious
Rahim Khan to remove by violence certain prominent reformers
of the National Party in ~zarbayjan. Of this event and of the
S~lar~'d-Dawla's rebellion the correspondent already quoted
gives the following account in a letter dated June 19, 1go7:-
  "You have probably seen fragmentary accounts of the
troubles going on in Persia. The M`zJlts and the people
firmly believed that the Shah had instigated Rah~m Khan's
son to march on Tabriz, in spite of all official denials. Rahim
Khan is a robber chief, whom the Shah, when Wall-'aid (Crown-
Prince), had imprisoned for various offences. According to the
popular version, the Shah arranged with Rah~m Khan that his
son, who is at the head of a force of bandits in Azarb~yjan'
should march on Tabriz, break up the local a?'y~man, and with
fire and sword tame the unruly citizens of that turbulent town.
Meanwhile, to create a diversion in his favour, hired assassins
were sent to Tabriz to murder several prominent citizens of the
any~ma? and throw the popular party into confusion. Unforte~nately
[for the success of the plot] these ruffians were
caught while engaged on the royal errand. One was killed
in the scuffle; the other two, under the influence of torture,
confessed. Telegrams from Rah. Im Khan to his son were
intercepted, and the cat was out of the bag. Tabr~z was up
in arms; 8000 armed citizens patrolled the streets, swearing to
exterminate Rahim Khan's son and his bandits if they approached
the town. That gentleman thought prudence the
better part of velour, and stayed at a safe distance. In
Tihran the people's anger knew no bounds. The Shah's
representative went to the Maylis to deny any connection with

Rahim Khan, but was greeted ~vith loud angry cries of ~ dur~gh
~nf-g;'fynd' ('he lies !'). It was Sunday, May 26, and according to
Persian custom the Sh~h's birthday began at sunset that day.
The town was decorated, and illuminations everywhere prepared.
By six o'clock in the evening, every decoration, every lamp had
been taken down, even in the inner courts of the Royal Palace.
The Shah, to assuage the popular svrath, sacrificed his tools, and Rahim
Khan was given up to the Ministry of .Justice to stand
his trial....By these means the Shah succeeded in patching up a
sort of truce with his people, and the reception of the Corps
~iplome~i~`e and the official dinner given by the N~ib~'s-
Saltena' were able to take place. But can the harm created
by this criminal blunder be so easily repaired ? The Shah has
officially denied any connectio'1 with Rahm Klldn and his
bandits, but the people are sceptical2. Is it not a sorry
spectacle, this of Muhammad ~All Shah, with his robber chiefs
and his hired assassins, thinking to get the better of a movement of
this magnitude, of a people in the throes of revolution,
working out their inevitable destiny ? Verily he is not
worthy of our consideration, this Qajar Prince (if Qajar he
be). Ele is no longer a serious factor. ' Gz~ar`la e passa.'
"We have also had a sort of miniature civil war in which
the Saler~'d-Da~vla, the ShAh's brother, played the leading part. He had
been prancing round Hamadin with a few hundred
Lurs, threatening to march on Tihran and depose his brother.
At last he had to be taken seriously, and an army was sent
out to meet him. The two forces met at Nihawand, of historic
memory. How the heroes of that great battle, in which Persia
made her last stand against the Arabian hordes and perished
nol~ly, must have laughed in their unhallowed graves'! Three
days the Salfira'd-De~zvla and the royal forces engaged in bloody
combat, and scarce two hundred casualties were reported! After
that the SaMr'`'d-/Jawla retired. And that was all! But then
"twas a famc~us victory I '
"The National Assembly is at present stronger than ever,
Kamran Micza, son of Nasiru'd-Djn Shah and unc~e of l~luhan~mad'Ab Shah.
2 The subsequent career of Rahin~. Khan fiully justified this
scepticiSm. The great Battle of Nihawand took pl~ce in A.D. 644.
Prtnce Al~u'l-Fath Mirza Sd~r~'d-Dawla
Born 1880: claimant to the throne of Persia: defeated at
Nihawand, Ju~le 1907

largely owing to the folly of its enemies. It has passed at 1east one
great constructive measure, which it has forced the Sh~ah
to accept, nan~ely the formarion of local government all over
Persia. It remains to be seen whether this measure will be
satisfactorily carried out, but anyhow a great step has been
made. Local Assemblies (a'lJumans) are to be elected in every
province, and the administration will no longer be in the hands
of arbitrary Governors. t has also, amongst other things,
passed a la~v by which all "~y~ilat (hefs) return to the State. I need
made no comment on the daring nature of this reform.
It has now turo formidable tasks before it, the reformation of
the ,~dliyy~ (taxes), and the question of suppressing that
enormous abuse, the mz~stam~rriy~d' (permanent pensions).
The second of these reforms, if the Assembly dares to attempt
it, will, as you know, be a very ticklish matter. But I believe
in the Mayl~s. Its members are daily gaining experience, and
the tone of the debates, the general procedure, is daily improving. The
people are awake and slowly learning. The
most remarkable manifestation of the popular awakening is the
large increase in the number of newspapers'. Not the old,
stilted, futile style of paper, but popular journals, ~vritten in
comparatively simple language. Everyone seems to read a
paper now. In many of the Qakwa-khanas (coffee-houses)
professional readers are engaged, who, instead of reciting the
legendary tales of the S~-?'ama, now regale their clients with
political news."
On July z5, ~907, the Assembly celebrated, with great
~ Of these modern papers, essenlially connected with the constitutional
movement, the earliest, so far as I can ascertain, was the,l~aylzs
("Assembly"], of which No. I appeared on Nov. aS, 1906. This was
followed by the Arzdd-yi-Watan (Dec. z7, 1900~; the TamadG!un(Feb. ',
19071; thelYahiu'l-MatintApril,9, 1007); theS~r-i-lsrdf~ (May 30, 1907~;
the AIsd~dt (Oct. 13, 1907~; and the Tiydtr (;day 5, rgo81. Other
papers, of which I do not know the dates of appearance, are, the
Mahzrif' the ~arydd, the l~hrs~iiad, the il~fus.a-~ar, the 'A~z~at, the
Tarbiynt, the Azdd, the Watan, the f~rri~yatl the Anj~rnar, the
Gulistdn, the ~Yas~i~l, al-.Jandb, the Sr~bh-i-Sda'iq, the R~hu'i-
QYdlYs, the Taraqqf, the Chibra-an;d, the Alayalla-i-fstib~ad, etc. The
weekly Calcutta ~Yabl"'I-Matin was founded about 189, and the younger
homonymous Tihran daily is an offshoot of it. See pp. r:7-8, supra. The
papers published in Persia before the granting of the Constitution (such
as the frdn, Sharaf, Ittlld', etc.) were worthless.

pomp, the first anniversary of the Constitution.1  Of this event the
correspondent above cited, writing on August 14, gives the
following account:-
  "It is so difficult in the narrow confines of a letter to give you any
idea of the progress of events. ~The old order changeth, giving place
to the new.' Slowly hut steadily Persia is working
out her salvation. One by one the props of tyranny have been
overturned, and the people are little by little gaining that sense of
responsibility which is the beginnh~g of wisdom. You
probably saw in the papers some account of the National
Festival, on the date of the granting of the Constitution. It
was a magnificent fefe, and it produced an excellent effect.
It sealed, so to speak, t~,c solem'1 compact of the Constitution. The
National Assembly, ~vith a wise prodigality, spared no
expense, and arranged a f~le worthy of the greatness of the
occasion A great reception was given in the Baharistan (the
House of Parliament) which lasted from 3 to ~o p.m. In the
afternoon we strolled about in the gardens, and bands of school-
children marched round reciting dithyrambs in praise of the
Ala~Izs and against despotism, etc. As soon as it became darlc,
we went up to a large tribune erec~ed in front of the 13ahiristan,
dominating the whole ~acaya(~ . This tribune was reserYed for
the Corps Dzploma~i,~ne, the Ministers and Deputies. The whole
sJiaya~a~z was brilliantly lit up, and on all sides were smaller
tribunes erected by popular societies. The fireworks started
by an inscription being lighted up in front of the tribune: ']n
Jashn az barayi abl-i-tran '7~ba?a,l-ast' ' This festival is a
blessed one for the people of Persia'). A das`-kha (autograph
letter) from the Sh~ah was read from the tribune and received
with cheers. It was truly e. strange spectacle, and my mind
went back to the same time last year....when those r~,ooo
refugees were encamped in the garden of the British Legation.
Much water has flowed under the bridge since then, and it is
no longer the people who require to take bast anywhere As
I stood there, looking round now at the tribune, with its
strange medley of foreign representatives, Persian Ministers and I
CalledJashn-z Afiiat, "the N:ltional Festivalt'

Deputies, now at the seething crowd below shouting enthusiastically,
'Down with Despotism,' 'Long live Freedom,' etc.,
my last doubt vanished, and the belief ~ have held all along,
that the people will win in the end, became a certainty. In
spite of the appalling difficulties which encompass it, in spite of all
the powers of darkness and tyranny leagued in unholy
alliance against it, the National Assembly will triumph~ for its cause
is the cause of Justice and Progress. Every European
standing there on that historic occasion who wishes well to
Persia must have echoed in his heart tl-~e cry of the n~ultitude which
swelled from below, and, taken up in the tribunes, ran
from end to end of the 7nayd~rz: '~zn~ baf! ll~aj~ i-S~tiY~-yi
Y'zilif-i-l'~`zn./, ('Long iive the National Consultative Assembly of
Pcrsia l').
"I was greatly struck by the famous Tabriz member Taqizada,
~vho was sitting quite close to me on the tribune. He
has won deserved fame by his fearless independence and his
wonderful grasp of political affairs. There is something so
sympathetic in his face, so attractive, that it escapes all definition.
Imagine a man of barely twenty-five years of age,
slightly built, just over the ~niddle height, ~vith a handsome,
boyish face and eyes sparl;ling with cheerful animation, but
dimmed at times, especially as he leaned forward to look at
the crowd, by that expression which belongs to the dreamer
beneath the man of action. He was dressed, as a Persian should
be, in a light' bluish-gray 'aba (cloak), with a white and blue
turban, the emblem of his birth (for he is a Siyyid). His
clothes were spotlessly clean, but there was nothing of the
(irang"-~'za'~' (Europeanized Persian) about him. He has
a cheerful face, a face which inspires confidence. If I am not
mistaken, he is of those whose genius is capable of inspiring
great enthusiasms, great sacrifices, and whose influence leaves
a lasting impression on the history of nations. What was he
doing, this boy of twenty-five, during the long, bitter years of
humiliathlg despotism ? Surely the mere presence of such men
in the National Assembly effectively destroys the theory that
Persia stu~nbled into liberty by accident. Did laqi-zada only
learn his political science after some twelve thousand of his

countrymen had taken bast in the British Legation?...l wish
you would spend another year amongst the Persians, and, before
it is too late, make known to the world the origins of this
movement, which may, perhaps, be the greatest of modern
All competent observers seem to agree that the deputies from
Azarblyjan, and especially from Tabriz, constituted the salt of
the Assembly. Their arrival at the capital on February 7, ~907,
was hailed with enthusiasm; the people of Tihrin flocked to
meet them, embraced ~hem, congratulated them, and were lavish
in their offers of hospitality. Fron~ their arrival, moreover, dated
the growing strength and boldness of the Assen~bly, its determination
to make its po~ver felt and its voice heard, its refusal
to be ignored or suppressed. These Tabriz deputies, who were
regarded as being sincere patriots almost to a man, represented
the more extreme or radical party, and seem to have been
influenced by the ideas of the Russian reformers. Taq(-zada
was spoken of as almost if not quite a socialist, and as being
very well informed as to the political ideas current in Europe,
sincere, resolute, eloquent ~nd tactful-altogether a very remarkable
man. Next to him in ability was placed his colleague
Mirza Faxl-'AIf Aqa. Both of these, but especially the former,
were said to have shown debating ability of a very high order,
and a wonderful power of keeping the discussions to the point,
or bringing them back to it when (as was too often the case)
they tended to wander into irrelevancies.
Next to the National or Popl~lar Party, the so-called "Clerical
Party "was the most interesting and important. It was led by
certain nz'~jfakid~s, amongst whom Siyyid ~Abdu'llah Babbahani
and Siyyid Muhammad Tabataba'i were the most prominent.
Most of those who watched the Persian constitutional struggle
were struck by the rare phenomenon of a popular movement
in which the Clergy played so prominent a part, since this
movement, if successful, could hardly fail to deprive them
of a large part at least of their influence and power. It must
be remembered, however, tllat, lil e the [ris]l priests, the Persian
m73~las are an essentially ~lational class, sprung from the

people, knowing the people, and, if suspicious of administrative
innovations, yet more suspicious of foreign interference. The
movement ~vhich gradually became constitutional was, as we have
seen, in its inception a popular protest led by the Clergy against the
extravagance of the Court, which, to gratify its caprices,
was ready to surrender the country into the hands of foreigners
and unbelievers. Without the support of the Clergy the people
could neither have broken down the Tobacco MonopQIy nor
have extorted from the Shah a Constitution. On the other
hand the Clergy certainly did not approve of all the democratic
ideas of the Popular Party, and many conflicts took place
between these two factions. Thus the democrats desired to
make all Persian subjects equal in the eye of the Law, but the
clericals strongly opposed any surrender of the privileges at
present enjoyed by Muslims over the adherents of other
religions, and demanded that no law -agreed upon by the
Assembly should become valid until it had been ratified by
a clerical committee as being in conformity with the SJ,ar`, or
Ecclesiastical Law of Islam. Nor did the opposition of the
clerical leaders confine itself to great questions of principle: they
have in some cases objected to words and expressions
savouring of neology, or suggesting foreign ideas.
Yet in spite of the almost inevitable conflict which must
exist between democrats and clericals, in any country and in
any age, these two parties have on the whole worked together
in the Persian constitutional movement, the success of which
is largely due to this co-operation. The democrats cannot
afford to dispense with the influence of the Clergy, and are
careful on all occasions to emphasize the fact that true Islam
is democratic, and that their aims are inspired by and conformable with
the Muhammadan religion. The clericals, on
the other hand, know that, great as their influence is, they can only
keep it by moving with the peopIe, and that opposition
to the popular feeling would seriously damage or even utterly
destroy their power. And so these two parties, in spite of an
occasional divergence of interests or ideals, are compelled to
seek each otherts support.
The Sh~h and the Court Party desired nothing else than

to restore the old autocracy and the old corruption, and to
effect this were prepared to submit to, nay, even to bring about,
foreign intervention. In spite of the many oaths of fidelity to
the Constitution which Muhammad 'Al' Shah had sworn, his
enmity to the National Assembly was deadly and sTeepless, and
during his short reign manifested itself in a hundred ways.
The plot of ~hich Rahm Khan was the agent has been already
mentioned, and it was soon followed by another for the execution ~of
which the clerical leader Shaykh Fazlutlldh was chosen as
the instrument. This learned ecclesiastic, prompted certainly
by jealousy of his associates' and probably bribed by the Court
Party', retired about the end of June or the beginning of July
to the Shrine of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azlm, situated a few miles to the south
of Tihran' and commenced a reactionary propaganda,
denouncing the popular leaders as atheists, freethinkers, Bab(s
and the like. On July 3 his "lambs"distinguished themselves
by a cowardly and cruel assault on a certain Mtrza Ibrahim
Khin, former!~, a secretary in the French Legation at Tihran,
who had come out to meet a friend arriving from the South.
He was severely man-handled, and it might have gone ill with
him had he not fortunately been rescued from the hands of his
persecutors by some members of one of the Azarb~y; in t ,z~us"ans.
Assisted by two Siyyids of Yazd, named Muhammad and 'All,
Shaykh Fazlu'llah had contrived to produce certain fr~rged documents
purporting to emanate from the a~umans of Azarbayjan
and the Caucasus, in which occurred various heterodox or
blasphemous expressions calculated to damage their reputations;
and he had also forged letters from the Babt leaders expressing
approval and admiration of various prominent Nationalist
deputies. His agents had succeeded in provoking more or less
serious riots at Anzall, Tabr~z, Kirman, and other places; and"
' see t3~e .5u'?~-z-IsraW for June ~6, 19O7, where an imaginary
conference of the reacUonaries is described. It is there stated tllat
Shaykll 1 azlu~llah received the st~m
of 4s~ooo i~ma7rT fabout ~g,ooo). Some lesser c3erical reactionaries,
such as Akbar Shah, the ra2~sa-kJ~zodn, Siyyid Muhammad and Shaykh
Zaynu~d-Din of zanjan, had made an abortive demonstration against the
Constitution in Muharram IFeb. h~arch, 19071, and had then.retired to
Shah ~Abdu'l-'Azlm, where they ~ormed a reactionary anv=~'an, which, it
is stated, received material support Irom Muhammad 'All Shah.
Shaykh I;azlu'lldl~-i-Nuri
The celel)rated reactionary ~ujtahid wlm u-as han6ed
on Jul) ~ I, 1 9O9

finally his reactionary activities became so apparent that the
supporters of the Mn'Zis hlduced the ?~`,italcid Siyyid Muhammad
Tabataba'i to write and sign the following document:-
"1h ~lze Na'~e of God ~e Ale~cifut tf~e ~orgiviIg.
'4 I guarantee that if His Reverence HaJji Shaykh Fazlu'llah
should act contrary to the undertakh~g ~vhich he has given,
I will in person expel him from Tihran. Mulla Muhammad
of [mul and Hajji Mirza Lutft.'llah must also go."
"9 Jumada !, 1325"(=June zo, 1907~.
The undertaking in question was as follows:-
4' He shall not perform any action contrary or opposed to the
Sacred National Consultative Assembly; he shall not form
a?`J?~,llal~s or pitch tents; he shall everywhere support the
Notwithstanding this, however, Shaykh Fazlu'llah and his
hired myrmidons were destined to give a great deal more
trouble, which culminated in the disturbances of December,
'907, synchronizing with the Shah's attempted colip ]'eta~ of
December ~5.
To the internal troubles with which Persia was distracted,
there ~vere added in the month of August dangers from without.
Russia, which had all along been suspected of aiding and
encouraging the Shah against the National Assembly, and of
supplying him with the money he needed to foment disturbances,
began to warn the Assembly through her Legation that she
could not indefinitely allow the disorders in the
continue, and appeared to be seeking a pretext for intervention. Turkey
went still further, and her soldiers actually crossed the N.W. frontier,
invaded Persian territory and occupied a number
of towns and districts which undoubtedly belonged to Persia.
Margawar was occupied on Aug 3, and three days later
Urmiya was threatened by an array of 6,ooo Turkish soldiers
uith artillery, while a Persian force sent to chastise the unruly Kurds
was defeated by the Ottoman troops. The hostility of
both Russia and Turkey is easily explicable by the detestation
in which all popular and representative institutions and all

really constitutional forms of government are held by the
Russian and were at that time held by the Turkish ruling
classes, which desired nothing less than the establishment of
a free and democratic Parliament in Persia. And even England,
from which Persia had hitherto received sympathy at least,
if not active help and encouragement, was now known to be
engaged in an attempt (unhappily, as it proved, a successful
attempt) to come to terms with Russia in the l~ope (a vain hope, as many
of those who have most closely studied the question
believe) of safeguarding her own interests in Asia.
Meanwhile the need for money became ever more urgent, for
disorders were rampant, especially in Fars, Gilan, and Azarbayjan; the
troops were few and ill paid, or not paid at all;
the revenues were coming in slowly and irregularly; many
governorships were vacant because few of the old governing
class cared to take them, r~ow that a stop had been put to illicit
extortions; the enemy was within the gates; and the Persian
Geueral and Commissioner, the ~arma'?~-/ar'?la, who had been
sent to remonstrate, and, if possible, negotiate with the Turks, was
isolated and surrounded. The National Bank Scheme had
failed; the proposed Germarn Ioan had fallen through, owing to
the unfavourable report of the German banker sent to investigate the
practicability of the scheme; and the people remained
invincibly opposed to another Russian loan. Yet this last was
stir] the object towards which the A??I/?p~c~s-sI`ita~n continued to w
ork, and, by means of his inexhaustible patience and rare
powers of persuasion, he had almost succeeded in obtaining
a majority in the Assembly, when, on August 3 ~-the very
day on which the ill-omened Anglo-Russian Agreement was
signecl at St Petersburg-he was shot as he was Jeaving the
13ah~iristan in the company of Siyyid 'Abdu'llah Bahbahanl by
a young banker of Azarbayjan, a member of one of the any'`mans
or political societies, named ~Abbas Aqa, ~vho immediately
afterwards shot himseEf, after stabbing a soldier who tried to
arrest him. The A?Ji~?~,s-s~c~ta?f was lifted from the ground
where he lay, wrapped in his cloak, and driven to his town
residence, where he died about half an hour later. On the
body of the assassin were found four capsules of strychnine, a
'Abbes A~a of rabriz ("Fida'i No. 4~"),
who shot the ~4~`f?`u's.5~`u first and himself akerwards on
August 31, ~go7

piece of lunar caustic and a paper bearing the inscription:
' 'Abbes Aqa, banker, of Azarbayjan, member of the A?`yi~man,
nationalJ[d4'/ No. 4r."It did not appear to which anj~man he
belonged, but the ominous re-appearance of the term id~'f
`"self-devoted "), originally applied to the assassins who wrought the
behests of the "Old Man of the Mountain," and the fact
that this one al~jKffla?' numbered at least forty other members
ready to purchase a life for a life, could not fail to cause a deep
impression 3.
Of course the assassination of this powerful and ambitious
minister produced a great effect on men's minds. "The chief
event of the last few months," writes a correspondent in a letter dated
Dec. 5, rgo7, "was the murder of the Atabak, which was
the turning-point of the liberation movement. It showed that
this was no child's play, that there was a grim determination
somewhere, that Persians were ready to remove any Minister
whom they believed to be plotting against their newly-won
liberties. I am loath ever to approve of political assassination, but
it is impossible not to recognize the immense good this
murder did to the Reform Movement. Since then no one has
dared to oppose the MaJlis openly, and that Assembly has at
last been able to achieve some useful work "At first, indeed,
some horror was expressed by the Persian newspapers at this
act of violence, but subsequently and more especially when
the contents of the Anglo-Russian Agreement became known,
popular sentiment veered strongly towards the assassin' and
'Abbes Aqa was venerated as a patriot who had given his life to
rid his country of a traitor. On the fortieth day after his death,
'Alohas `4qa's grave was visited by crowds of persons who
wished to do honour to his memory, and speeches praising his
action and holding him up to admiration were delivered over
his tosrtb. The following account of these celebrations is from
No. ~35 of the ~atln'l-Mal~, dated October 8, rgo7, pp. 5-6:-
Every day and every hour acts and achievements are
witnessed on the part of this noble and newly-awakened people
Accounts of the assassination are given in No. 56 of the 'isa-yi- Wa~sn,
No. 106 of the I/allntf-~ta~f?, and No. I: of the S`r-i-~'s~dJa.

which overwhelm the world with amazement, indicate the
delicate perceptions of this race, and afford eloquent testimony to the
extent of their appreciation of virtue and merit. I he
denizens of the whole world are filled with astonishment as to
whence and by what teaching this nation has in so short a space
of time travelled such a distance as other peoples have not been able
to accomplish in a whole generation. We can only assume
that spiritual help and divine inspiration continually support
and aid them, and that they are the object of special regard
to His Holiness the Imam bf the Age.
The proof of this statement is what happened on Sunday
the 27th of Sl~a'ban [= 0ct. 6, ~go7], which indicates their
sentiments and their alertness, proves their perfect patriotism
and devotion to their cou"try, and makes it clear to all that
this nation appreciates its ~d~i'zs [those ~vho sacrifice themselves
for it], and assigns to each his proper rank and station. On
that day the spirit of the late ~Abb~s Aq] was gazing down
with all joy and love upon his people, gladly accepting the
handfulls of flowers u~hich the!, strewed upon his grave, contemplating
with joyful gaze the vast multitude which hastened
headlong towards him, and uttering his thanks with words
"Yea, every one who lays doivn his dear life for the salvation
of his people and his Country's cause, and spends the coin of
his existence for the ransom of the Nation and the Constitution, ought
to be respected by his countrymen with a respect exceeding that due to
their own spirits and bodies, and to be
regarded as an evident Proof of God's Mercy.
"Jn truth, as a consequence of the blow struck by this brave
youth, such a change has been wrought in the course of affairs
in this Kingdom as could no~ have been accomplished by several
millions of money or by fifty thousand soldiers. The Fundamental Law has
been connpleted'; pickets have been set to
watch the hypocrites ~vho have occupied the Holy Shrble', ancl
~ The 1O7 additional articles were sig,ed on the day preceding the
issue of this number, vsz. Oct. 7, rgo7.
~ Allusion is made to the abolre-mentioned Shaykh Farlutllah and his
roilo~ers who retired to the Shrine Or Shih 'Abdu'l-'Azim. see pp. 14~9,

who have now withdrawn, baffled and disappointed, to the
rccesscs of their hovels; all the towns of the interior are
relatively safe and tranquil; all the nobles and barons have
become constitutionalists and loyal servants, and have sworn
the most solemn oaths of fidelity'; the National Assembly
enjoys internal order, the Deputies are disciplined, the power
of the disloyal is broken.
8'It w-as decided to celebrate the fortieth day [of 'Abbes
Aqas death] on the above-mentioned Sunday. Most of the
shops were closed, and' the people, on foot and on horseback,
flocked in crowds to the tomb, bearing flowers and sweet herbs.
So crowded was the plain that there was scarcely room to pass.
The number of those assembled was estimated at ~oo,ooo. eAII
the a~`yz`'nans and most of the students and school-children
came in groups. Tents were erected and tea, coffee and other
refreshments were freely offered by generous patriots. Companies of men
beating their breasts recited soul-stirring verses.
Eloquent orators and sweet-voiced poets made speeches or
recited solemn elegies; while trays of sweet-meats exceeding
computation were distributed gratuitously. In short, such zeal
and enthusiasm were displayed by the people as were calculated
to serve as an example to all nations. The Shuj]`u's-SaRana
also brought with him in his carriage a great bouquet of flowers, which
he laid on that honoured grave.
For the moment we will content ourselves with the above
brief description of the event, and of the many verses composed
for the occasion will only cite the following few lines from an
elegy composed by His Reverence the [akhru'l- Wa~zzi~z ('Pride
of Preachers'):-

This alludes lio the event of Oct. I, ~hen the reactionary Court Party,
headed by the Shah's cousin the oc'd~'a'-Dazula, attended the Assembly
in a body and swore to be [aithful to the Constitution.

The Am~zu's Su~an had, as we have seen, long been regarded
w~th suspicion by his countrymen as one ready to sell his native land
into foreign i~ondage, but the immediate cause of his death was the
discovery by the a~'mans of certain treasonable
documents ostensibly emanating from him, and addressed to
reactionaries in the provinces, inviting them to take action
conducive to the overthrow 0E the Assembly. But it was darkly
hinted that the real author of these incriminating documents
was, not the Am~n's-S'`It~z1~, but his rival and foe the Sa'dn'd-Da~~ia,
who `vas playing a double game, and was in close
~ Sikandar (AIexander the Great) is supposed by the Muslims to have kept
back the savage hordes of Gog and Magog from devastating the world by
building the Great Wall of China, which they therefore call Sadd-i-
SiJ,andar, "the Rampart of Alexander."
2 io make the chroncgram I have had to change the sense of this last
dine. In the original it is: "A man with a six-shooter reviviSed a v,-

relations with the Court on the one hand, and the anjumans
on the other.1
  The death of the Am~nu's-SuRan was the sign for the
resignation of his Cabinet and of the President (Sanfu'd-
lPawla), and the wily Sa'~u'd-Dazvla, a persona "rata alike to the Shah
and to the Russian Legation, attempted to form a new
Cabinet composed of creatures of the Court. Against this
attempt, however, the Assembly revolted, and on Sept. ~o chose
as their new President the ~tishAm~'s-Sabana. Three days later
Nasru'llah Khan Mushiru'~-lOawla, formerly Prime Minister,
who had been invited and had refused to co-operate with
Sa'dn'd-Dawla, died suddenly under most suspicious circumstances. On the
same day Sa'd'~'d-Dawf~a was appointed
Minister for Foreign Aflairs, and for almost a fortnight the
forces of reaction seemed to be in the ascendant. But soon even
the Court Party began to realize that the Assembly was too
strong for them, and urged the Shah to become reconciled to
the leaders of a movement which he could not resist, with the
result already noticed, that on October ~ the Princes of the Blood and
Nobles of the Court waited on the Assembly and swore
an oath of allegiance to the Constitution. Next day Se'd~'d-
17a2e,1iz resigned, or was dismissed, and before the end of
October a new Cabinet had been formed under the presidency
of the ~dsiru'l-fl~fk. This Cabinet included the new
Mz~sJliru'd-Dawla as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sa1~z~u'd-Dawla,
Mu'ta7'iin2`'l-Atu~z and As`'fu'd-Dawla, all of whom, v~ith the
exception of the last, enjoyed the esteem and confidence of the
Constitntional Party.
The Nd.s~r~'J-Mulk's Cabinet remained in office for six or
seven turbulent weeks, finally resigning in the middle of
December, just before the Shah's coup d'~tat of Dec. '5. The
political horizon continued dark as ever: the Anglo-Russian
Agreement, which was not officially communicated to the
Assembly until nearly a month had elapsed from the date of
1 It was e~ren stated on good authority that Muhammad 'Al1 Shah, growing
jealous of the Amf~r`'s-Sultd"'s increashlg influence, issued in his
name the documents which caused his death, and which were designedly
ellowed to (all into the hands of the anj?`mans.

its ratification, filled the hearts of the Persians with misgivings;
the Turks contillued tlleir adva~,ce in Azarbay~an, occupying
a line of country on the Persian side of the mountain-frontier
extending southwards from Salmas to Margawar through Baradust
and Targawar, and continually extending eastwards;
Turkmans raided the Tihran-Mashhad road as they had been
wont to do in the old days before Russia broke their power and
annexed their country; and more or less serious disturbances
prevailed in Fars, Kirman and elsewhere On Nov. 4 the
~!ctasiM'nus-sa~t~z~a left Tihran for Urmiya, but did not reach
it until Dec. ~z, and did not enter into communications with
Tahir Pasha, the Turkish General, until Dec. ~g.
Towards the end of October the Sh~h's conduct aroused
great suspicion, and inRammatory hararlgucs against him were
delivered h1 some of the mosques, ~vhile a newspaper entitled
R`i/~?I'l-~45 ("the Holy Spirit"), in its issue of Nov. 6, published so
violent and threatening an article against him that it ~vas at once
suspended and proceedings were taken against the editor.
This article, entitled "A Word from the Unseen, or an unambiguous Hint,"
opened with the quotation:-
WiN the breeze, then, ro~zv.~ from me to the ar of Solo~,o,'
A rouns~ ~wierisn is the ~velf-being of ~he king~om?"
"We neither dream of authority," continued the writer, "nor
think of office: we strive with our ,.vhole souls to guard our
native land and protect our fellow-countrymen, nor will we
disregard the duty of uttering the truth. There is a difiference between
subjects and slaves to submit to selfish ambitions is
incumbent on slaves, not on subJects, who are no slaves but free men,
nay, even equal to the Kil~g himself. It is for them to
reward the King's claims for l~is guardianship only when the
King fulfils the duties of such guardianship and shepherdhood.

`4 jr~ ske~ does ?`o' rxi~f for ~Mc b`~`ciit of ] the Jhephera', lVath`r
~oes ~he s*~er`;f exist for ils servicr~"'

The writer then brieRy reviews the history of Persia, recalling
the names and deeds of Shapur the Sasanian and other
great Kings of Persia, who in their wars and conquests had in
view the security of the lives and property of their subjects.
The decadence which he deplores began, he declares, with the
present Qajar dynasty, but, though territory was lost in the
reigns of Fath-'All Shah and Muhammad Shah (A.D. ~ 797-
~ 848), still Persia remained fairly secure and prosperous'. "But when
the cycle of sovereignty reached Nasiru'd-Din Shah,"
continued the writer, "the leaf was turned back, and the evil
star of the nation was in the ascendant. A gang of pampered,
poor-sl~irited courtiers, bereft of hotlour, encourage`] the autocratic
tendencies of the King, revealed their ingrained baseness
of character, and stretched forth sacrilegious hands against the trust
confided to them by God, to portion out the lives and
possessions of an oppressed nation In order to procure for
themselves parks and carriages and fine houses, they plundered
the people's property like robbers, and sold their homes piecemeal to
foreigners....At length the King of tyrants and the
Chief of traitors', overtaken by the sighs of an oppressed nation, each
became the target for a patriot's bullet."After a few words of praise
for the late Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, who granted the
Constitution, the writer describes how, since the present Shah
ascended the throne, matters have gone from bad to worse, so
that the people are not only plundered but destroyed, svhile
Persian territory is occupied by foes and oreigners. He recalls
the invasion of Azarbayjan by the Turks and the depredations
there committed by them; and the wrongs and bloodshed
perpetrated by Persian officials, such as the f~ba~'s-Sefta'~a, the
Waeir-i-Ni~im and Jahan-Shah Khan; "until the nation, if it
1 This well-known verse is from the Gulist~n of Sa~dl (Book i, Story :y,
e~l. Platts, p. 39)

~ Aqa Muhammad Khan, the founder of the Qajar dynasty, undertook a
campaign agairst Georgia and captured Tiflis in A.D. Ij95. The
humiliating treaties of Gulistan (Oct. ~o, 18~3) and Turkmanchay (Fete,
~T, 18~8, which Persia was forcecl to conclude with Russia, both fell
in the reign of Fath-'AII Shah (A.D. 179j-~834). 3 Nasiru'd-l)ln Shah
and the ~ ~i'nu's-Sul.ian are meant.

seeks to save itself from the wolves within the fold, is overtaken by
dogs and wolves from without."
  Then he thus addresses the Shah:-"It were well that, after
this orgie of autocracy, thou shouldst somewhat recover thy
senses, open shine eyes, and glance a. thy kingdom and at other
kingdoms. Have all the kings of the world neglected their
duties and proper functions and turned their attention to
butchery? Are all the nations of the world, like the unhappy
nation of Persia, become thralls to the tyranny and selfish
ambitions of their rulers? I know not why all other nations
tend towards prosperity, expansion and increase of numbers,
save only Persia, of which some part each year, nay, each
month, becomes the portion of others, and some souls become
the food of ~volves, while what remains of its prosperity is
turned into desolation."Why, he asl~s, does Muhammad 'All
Shah so hate constitutional government and love absolutism,
when he sees how the free nations, like England and Japan,
prosper, and how the pride of Russian autocracy was humbled.
"Is it not possible, then," he continues, "that the story of Louis the
Sixteenth may be repeated in this kingdom? ~erily God
is ?~ig~lf~ a?'d strong to azrenge:-
ast night 1~e ?was cirea,~rng of plunder and slaz~ghter: z~zs`ea~
himsrif O the ?orroOr' ~uas headec~ss and cr~rsIess and dead.' Does
he not know for certain that from the blood of Fida'/
JVo. 4~ ~ there hath arisen a greater F~a"for a greater task, who waits
to complete the proof? By his royal insight and discen~ment he should
perceive and understand that it is unwise
to play with snakes and vipers, which, des,oite their beautiful
markings and spots, are filled within with deadly poison; and
that it is not expedient privily to confer and take counsel with the
despoilers of this kingdom and the representatiYes of foreign Powers2.
1~or 'the thief loves confusion in the market,' and the 'Ahbas Aqa, u~ho
shot ~he An~l;'z~'r-S`lltdn, as nalTated above, on Aug. 3n See p. '51,
sr~2, third line.
2 A]lc~sion is here made to the private interview~s allege4 to have
take'~ place betueen Muhammad ~Ali

stranger seeks his own advantage. He must surely understand
that there is no essential difference between the subjects of this state
and of other states, and that their abasement must needs
be changed to glory, but that no rule can endure lo the King in
the face of foreign dominion, under which he will have to
exchange the dream of Empire for the dervish's horn, and the
glory of sovereignty for the misery of subjection. If His
Majesty the King and his family consider it a pride and an
honour to become the attendants and servants of foreigners, we,
the people, deem subjection to such dominion a shame and a
disgrace. Patriotic zeal alone has caused the sceptre to
continue in this family; else the garden of the Constitution,
which has not been watered for two.monthsl, is athirst, and the
time is come for it to be refreshed and regaled by means of that unknown
and unseen Pid~'f who is its guardian, so that flowers
and sweet herbs may blossom therein; or, in other words, the
wise unknown surgeon will remove the gangrenous limb, so that
the remaining members may be saved from that disease.
'Twere best that we should close our lips from speech and
Thw Rook is lost: th~ Pawn adbanfetd stiff:
fJishoA and ~night ~c to the task tvifl brin~:
The f~anicr's JLain-'tis chc~k-'natc to th~ k-ing~t"'

Threats more undisguised than this it would be hard to
frame: that they could be printed and circulated at all in the
Shah's capital shows how embittered the strife had become, and
how acute the crisis. On the one hand we see a King, selfish,
l i.c since the blood of the A'nin"'s-SuCt~n was shed at the end of
August, r90l. All the pieces in the game of Chess are here mentioned;
the King (Sidh), tho (tueen (called arz6` or Waz~r, "the Prinne
SIinister "), the Rook or Caslle (~), the Pawn (Piyd~a), the Bishop
(called Ai, "the Elephant "), and the Knight (Ash "the Horse "~.

obstinate, headstrong, who, having looked fonvard to enjoying
one day the unrestricted power of his predecessors and indulging in his
turn in their lavish extravagance, suddenly finds
himself checked and thwarted in his aims by a young but
sturdy Parliament, for the destruction Gf which he is willi~,g to pay
any price, even the price of Persia's freedom and independence. On the
other hand we see an ancient and talented
people, long oppressed an d downtrodden, long schooled to
servitude and silence, but now suddenly awakened to new hopes
and conscious of new powers, and resolute not to suffer the cup
of Freedom, as yet hardly tasted, to be dashed from their iips;
a people clearly conscious of the manifold perils overshadowing
them, betrayed by those to whom they had a right to look as
their natural protectors against foreign invasior1, llalf ~nad with
anger and terror, yet resolutely groping their way tllrough the
tr~ple darkness of Anarchy, Bankruptcy, and Chaos towards the
Light which they would fain share with other happier nations.
Can it be wondered at if, their anger growing at each fresh
proof of their King's faithlessness and reckless enmity to the
cause they held so dear' they should be betrayed from time to
time into some action w hich' though we may deplore it, we
cannot unreservedly condennn? To judge fairly the Persia of
to-day, we must think of her as we think of England in the
reign of Charles the First, or of France in the reign of Louis the
Sixteenth, but an England without a Cromwell, a France
without a Danton.
"To understand it"(viz. the above article from the R2ik~'l-
Q`cd~fs), lYrOte the correspondent last quoted, in a letter dated Dec.
5, 1907,~'you shou]d know that it was written a month
a~,o during one of those terrible periods which have occurred
from time to time during the last year, and in which things
look most hopeless-disturbances everywhere, the Shah plotting
against his people, and the people, oppressed with the dread of
the final disaster, mad with indignation against their sovereign, who
prefers to be the king of a nation in foreign bondage rather than the
constitutional mona.rch of a free people. The article,
as you will see, is an open tl~reat against the Shah, a arning
that a similar fate to that of his grandfather and the A'r`~n's

Stclten is awaiting him, unless he amends his ways. The paper
was suppressed by order of the National Assembly, and the case
of the Editor is sti]1 s7cJo J`~`f~'ce."
It may be added that about the same time that the Ruic~'l-
Q?`dus was threatening the Sh~h, the Hab~'l-Matfn was calling
on the people to arm themselves and be prepared to shed the
last drop of their blood in the defence of their country. These
articles seem to have causecl some alarm amongst the European
residents, who regarded them as the preaching of a Jib~ and a
manifestation of "fanaticism," though they would have called
the same sentiment manifested in themselves in such a time of
national peril by the prettier name of "patriotism."At all
events the popular leaders ~verc far too anxious to give no
excuse for foreign intervention to suffer Europeans to be
molested in any way, and, according to the judgment of the
most competent observers, the Shah owed his personaL safety to
similar considerations.
On Nov. ~z the Sh~h visited the Assembly in state, and for
the fourth time solemnly swore to be faithful to the Constitution,
though at that very moment he was preparing fresh
means for its overthrow. "At the time I write's (Dec. 5, ~907),
says the correspondent just quoted, "one of those periodical
waves of depression is passing over all. A great dread is
walking up and down in men's hearts. The Shah is believed to
be making a supreme effort, to be planning a co~ d'etal against
the Assembly. He has recalled the reactionary Court Minister
of his father, and that worthy has under his command a fair
force of ght~lams. These, with the Cossacks, would suffice to
master the situation in Tibran. But : there are many buts.
Will the Cossacks fire on the people? No one kno`vs. The
May'/is and the countless anju~f~ans, who form a force of public opinion
which it is difficult to overestimate, are not idle. They will stop at
naught to defend the Assembly. The Shah owes
his life to the mere fact that the a~u~nans dread the aftermath
of a royal assassination in these troubled times. As in the past, I
steadily refuse to giYe way to the prevailing depression. God
grant I may be right as in the past!"
Of the co'~ ~e'fat foreshadowed in the above letter ten days

before it actually happened, rr~y correspondent spoke as follows in
another fetter written on Ncw Ycar's Day of the year tc,o8:-
It was apparent to all that during November things were
approaching a crisis. The Shah was doing his utmost to
destroy the Mayf~s, and the people knew it. Under pressure of
fear, caused by the growing anger of the people, expressed
openly, seditiously, by their preachers and press, the Sh~th went to the
Assembly for the first timer in the beginning of November, and on the
~l`~n took the solemn oath of fidelity to the
Constitution, prescribed in Article 39 of the Constitutionai Law." [This
oath in its entirety runs as follows:-
"1 take God Almighty to witness, and I swear on the
(i~r a?', and by all that is dear to the Creator, that I will
employ all my strengt1 to maintain the integrity and indeperdence of
Persia, and to preserve the territory and the rights
of the Nation; that I wi]l maintain the fundamental articles of
the Constitution and rule conformably to the established laws;
that I will maintain the Sh;4a faith; that I will never forget in my
acts and conduct the presence and control of God Almighty;
and that I will pursue no oth':r aim than the greatness and well-being
of this country. I ask tile Almighty to aid me in the
performance of those services which it is my duty to render to
my people in the way of progress, and I call upon all the holy
saints to aid me."]
"But ~l~is was merely a farce. Surrounded by his unworthy
favourites, Amfr Bahadur Jang, S`;z'.~c'~-~aw~ and others, the
Shah contrived to plot actively against the Assembly. The
storm broke on Dec. ~5, when the Sh.h summoned the Cabinet,
whicl1 h;lt3 alreacly resigul:d [o~1 tlic preceding day], to tl~e
l'alace, and imprisoned Was7.~.'1-~I'`~l, the Premier, in a cell with
chains round his neck~. By the energetic intervention of
the Britis]1 Legation3, jas`'ru.'i-~lI'`iJ: was rescued from tile ~
11~ough, as ~l~entioned a feu lines L"ck, this `~-as the fourlh time
that the Shah had talen the oath, it was the first time he had ~isited
the `~laylts in person. 2 At the same time he arrested .~a'd-.Da-.~fa
and M~~Inu'~f-Davvia, brothers of the ~tfThd',r~'s-Saltaa.
s The news was carried to the British Legation by a faithful servant of
the ~linister, who was warned by some of his acquaintances at the
Palace, as he a~aited his master, that the latter was doomed to die, and
that he would do well to flee :f he Abu'l-~sim Khan ~a.s~ru~l-AIu~

fate awa~ting him, and escaped to Europe'. On the same day
the hired ruffians of the Sh~h' mostly muleteers, grooms, etc.,
were let loose on the town. They took up their quarters in the
Ma'~dan-i-~4p-~hana (4 Gun-Square'), where tents had been
pitched for them, whence reactionary mullds preached ta them,
incit~ng them against the Assembly, composed, so they said,
of Bib~s, infidels, etc. A detachment of Cossacks was also
stationed in the Maydan, to protect them and the approaches
to the Arg (citadel). The blow can~e as a surprise to the
Assembly, and both it and tlte anyi~ma?`s, taken completely off
their guard, made no resistance on that day. Heaven only
knows what stopped the Sh~h from following up his first co~,
and dealing the decisive blow. Some say that his nerves gave
way ~n the evening. Perhaps it was only a part of the irresolute polecy
of the wretched man. Perhaps, and this seems the true
reason, he could not count on his troops. If the Cossacks had
been reliable, and he had sent an armed force to occupy the
Bah~ristan that night to prevent the deputies from reassembling
there, he might have been for a time master of the
situation in Tihrin. Instead of this he did nothing, and the
precious moment slipped by for ever. On the morrow the
Maylis and the a?,yi~mans recovered from their inaction'. The
bdcdrs were closed and the people Rocked round the Bahirist~n,
rifles were brought out, and soon rifle~nen were scattered over
the roofs and walls of the Bahiristin and in the adjoining
Masjid-i-Sipahsilir, which was connected with the Bah~tristin
by a gate in the wall. The anjumans collected in force and
compelled the Assembly to sit, while they guarded all the
wished to avoid the same fate. Having found Mr George Churchill, tbe
Oriental Secretary, he communicated his fears to him, urged him to
hasten to the Palace without delay, and lent him his own horse. lt
appears that Mr Churchill was only just in time, and it is probable that
when he arrived the Shah himself believed that the Minister was already
He left for Europe on the following day, Dec. 16.
The defence was well organized, and a leading part in it was taken 'oy
Mfrza Jahangir Khan, editor of the S,Jr-;-lsrdfll, Siyyid Muhammad Riza
of Shlriz, editor of the Alusdzadt, and other men of letters. Four
committees were appointed for the management of affairs, a General
Committee of Control (Iddra-i-Riydsat), a Council of War (l'~ra-i-
Niadn~l), a Committee of Supply and Expenditure (/a~dra-i-Ar~qa zva
`~asdri~, and a Publication Committee (Iddra-i.~4latb4'di).

approaches. It is typical of this movement that the rallyingpoint of the
people should have been the House of Parliament and the Mosque, standing
side by side. In and around these two buildings gathered the strangest
throng which has ever been seen fighting the old, old battle against the
powers of tyranny and darkness. Europeanized young men with white
collars, white-turbaned m?~las, Siyyids u ith the green and blue
insignia of their holy descent, the [nh~h-?;amadis (feltcapped peasants
and workmen), the l~rown 'abas (cloaks) of the humble trades-folk,-all
in whose hearts glowed the sacred fire gathered there to do battle in
the cause of freedom. ~ho does not instinctively remember Carlyle's
fiery chapter on the Bastille day? 'This day, my sons, ye shall quit you
like men I lly the meln`~ry of your fatllers' wrongs, by the holle of
your children's rights! Tyranny i~npends in red wrath: help for you is
none, if not in your own right hands. This day you must do or die!' 
        " I hope that 1 do not appear credulous in saying that some such
noble passion fired the hearts of that Persian crowd, gathered there to
defend all that was sacred to them on this earth, the Palace of their
Liberty and the Temple of their God. I am no friend to religion, for to
my mind it is everywhere the natural handmaid of tyranny. But give the
Devil his due: in Persia religion has, by force of circumstances,
perhaps, found itself on the side of I-iberty, and it has not been found
wanting. Seldom has a prouder or a stranger duty fallen to the lot of
any Church than that of leading a democracy in the throes of Revolution.
In the inevitable hour of the downfall of Persia's priesthood, it
l~ehoves us to stand reverently at the graveside, and, forgetting its
many faults, remember only that, at the crisis of the nation's history,
it threw the whole weight of its authority and learning on the side of
liberty and progress, and made possible the regeneration of Persia in
the way of Constitutional Liberty. 
        " As I said before, the Sh~h missed his chance, and after that
tragic Sunday, his fortune set its face towards decline. His ruffians
migllt dominate the AIayda~f-i-~s-~ha~ra, robbing and murdering, but
their hired velour was not of the stuff to 

induce them to attack the Assembly. Negotiations began between the two
parties, the Shah first trying to impose his terms, but gradually the
tables were turned. On Aqonday, Dec. 16, he sent the head of the Qajar
tribe' to the Majlis to request it to dissolve temporarily and allow the
Shah to restore order. The envoy got a stormy reception. The lion-
hearted ~tisham~'s-Saltana interrupted him in the midst of his
enumeration of the Shah's demands, saying, 'This is not the point at
issue: we have not to discuss this or that course of action: what we
have to ask is this. What is our duty towards that person who has, on
the Holy Qurtan, sworn the most solemn of oaths, and has broken it?'
The 'A~dn'l-Mu~. Iooked uncomfortable, and reminded the ~tisham~'s-
Sahana that he also was a Qajar, and should remember what he owed to the
tribe. The Sh~h then moderated his demands, merely asking for the
expulsion of some of the deputies (Taqi-zada, Mustasharu'd-Dav~ia and
Siyyid Nasru'llah) and the great preachers Siyyid Jamal and Hajji
Maliku'l-Mutakallimin. But he soon had to give way all along the line.
The news got to the provinces: Tabriz; Rasht, Qazwin, Mashhad, Isfahan
and Kirman...telegraphed to the Mey~s, notifying their solidarity with
the popular cause. Tabriz went further, and telegraphed to the 11laj~is
and to all the foreign Legations, declaring that it no longer considered
worthy to rule over Muslims a man who had broken an oath sworn on the
Qur'an, and asking that he might be deposed and a successor appointed.
It also sent telegrams to all the Shah's courtiers and servants, and to
the Azarbayjan regiments in Tihran, to the effect that if they raised
a hand against the Constitution, their houses in Tabriz and Azarbayjan
would be burned to the ground, and their wives and children put to the
sword. Then followed more solid offers of assistance, namely of armed
contingents. In fact several hundred armed m'~J~id~'n' 
        I The aged 'Azudu'l-Mull, now Regent. 
        ~ i.~. persons who undertake a jiidd, or Sacred War. I shall
allude in a later chapter to the extraordinary manner in which the
Special Correspondent of the ~imer at Tibran confused the terms muidhid
(fromJiddd, "a striving or fighting in a holy cause ") and muJtahid
(from ijtiAda!, "a striving to apprehend the ultimate bases of religious
belief"~. To talk, as he did (~im~ of Oct. Il and l~, r90~} ahout the
"ir`Jtahids (instead of the muJdhi~) being disarmed is as though in
English one should talk of the chaplains (instead of the captains) being
deprived of their swords.        166         

of Qazwin' have arrived in Tihr;in, in spite of the efforts of the
Assembly to keep tllem back. One thousand horsemen from
TabrIz are no`v on their way to Tihrdn, and will with difficulty be
turned back. The Shatt was forced to give way, and peace
was patc~ted up between the two part~es. The Sh~ah agreed to
exile Sa'du'd-lawla, dismiss Amtr Bahadur Jang from all offices
except that of chief of his body-guard, punish the ~ff52 guilty
o.f outrages in the Maydan-i-Tup-khana, bring the Cossack
Brigade and the Household troops under the Ministry of War,
and send a sealed Qurtan to the M`zylis with solemn oath to
observe the Constitution; ~Yas~rn'l-Mulk to be gi~en complete
liberty of movement, 'Al~itfc'd-Dawla and M~"nn'd-Dazuia to
be recalled, etc. Peace has thus been made, but is felt to be a
hollow truce. [here is no longer any hope of the Assembly's
trusting the Shah~ and the only end `vould seem to be the
abdication or violent deposition of MuhammaD 'Ali Mirza,3 as
many of the telegrams from the provinces styled him!
  "Many points of this drama will be apparent to the eye of
history which we no~.v, in too close connection with it, do but
dimly perceive. One thing it has strewn beyond all doubt, viz.
that tlie constitutional tUea has taken firm hold of the whole
people of Northern Persia. I am always fearful of letting my
keen sympathies for the Persian people lead me into error, and
I wish, therefore, to avoid all exaggeration. The people did not
actually have to stand the shock of armed force, so that we
cannot say how they would have acquitted themselves in that
supreme trial. But this much we can say. The people of
Tihran and of all Northerrl Persia shewed that they would
not give aNvay their liberties "ithout a struggle. No one a

' These nrz~yab`~r', or ~ational Volunteers, Of Oa~v~in were
con~mandcd by Mizza ilas~n .9iay~h",J-'sJa~^r; qaz~ini' whose lieutenant
uas a young n~an narr~ed Mirza Gha~r ICban. The latter arri~ed ~s a
rugitive in Cambridge a litt]e while after the ~ot`, er`7at of June '3,
r908, almost without money or clothes, and kno~ing bardly a word or any
l~mopean lanuage. ne h ~d the a~ldress of bis co`'sin,
who resides l~ere, written do"n on a piece of p~per, aud on his arrival
in Lon on be placed this paper and his purse in Ihe hands of ane
policeman after another ~having heard of the~r honesty and
helpfulness to strangers), each of whom set him a stage fi'rther on h~s
Journey. ~ Roughs.
3 i.r, f~rincr instead of.~i~ Muhamcnad 'Ali.

hIirz`i Ghaffar of Qazwin
One of the ~ll~ydhidr`' or National Volunteers

year ago would have said that men from Qazwin and Tabriz would leave
their homes and hasten to the capital to defend what they professed to
hold dear. No one would have believed that the people of Tibrin would
have stood their ground against the armed force of the Shah, or that,
in the face of such grave danger, the people would be as one man in
defending the cause of the Constitution. No one who saw those riflemen
scattered over the roofs, those crowds sitting in the Mosque, with
rifles uncler their 'abas, listening to the eloquence of H;ijji
Maliku'lMutakallimln and Siyyid Jam;il, could have doubted that they
were ready even to die for this cause, which Europe affects to treat as
en ' immerse blague.' Providence did not put them to the final test, but
I am sure they would not have been found wanting. Much progress has been
made in this year. Taq[zada said in his beautiful speech, thanking the
people after it was all over, 'Let us be thankful to-night that the
curtain which went up last Sunday is now coming down on the scene, and
in truth it has been a tragic and historic scene. We had, and still
have, complete confidence in the people.... But now let us take leave
of this scene.... We had forgotten a word of the E~rophet, namely, that
" ~e Hand of God is w~th the mu~irude"'. And, glory be to God, we have
seen that the union of the people made the whole world tremble. Now I
will remind the people that a year ago they had not one by one this
strength, and were under the yoke of tyranny and despotism. But from the
thne that they gave each other the hand and united, they have seized
their rights; and we hope that this unity may last until the coming of
the Twelfth Imam (may God hasten his glad advent!).' (Remark this quaint
touch at the end of this so western speech. It may not inaptly be
compared to the cock which Socrates ordered his disciples to sacrifice
on the day of his death.) 
  " The anjz~mans were the cause of the victory. They had drawn the
people together and united them in one common cause, and had organized
their strength to such an extent that

in the day of trial tyranny found, to its surprise, a united front
against it.    "I must refer to one other feature of the crisis. In the
whole of Northern Persia, while the sovereign and his people were in
open war and the capital was divided into two armed camps, not a single
European was touched. This was no mere chance, but a set purpose of the
popular party, who would not give any excuse {or intervention-and this
is an Oriental country, a Musalman country, an ~uncivilized' (?)
country! Can Europe furnish a similar example of such stern
selfrestraint ? 
  "Fanaticism is dead in Persia. The reactionary '~ullas, with
Shaykh Fazlu'llah at their head, raised the cry of 'llablism,"
Islam in danger," Infidels,' etc., etc, but their appeals to the popular
fanaticism fell on deaf ears. Of a truth much progress has been made in
this year. Given another year, who can
prophesy what further progress will be made ? To-day the
people were ready (I an purposely understating the case) to
put themselves to grave inconvenience and danger. In another
year, they may be ready to die for the Fatherland, even as the
'canaille ' in France, who routed the chivalry of Europe at --
Valmy. Therc is no~v i'1 l~ersia that wllicll can make her live: of this
I am certain. It matters little how the object is - attained, whether
by the help of a dictator, or by the slow, l
ceaseless efforts of a Parliament. f ran is alive, and I do not
believe that she is destined to die. However hopeless the
situation may seem, we mus~ always count somewhat on the
unexpected when we are dealing with democracy, especially
a democracy in revolution. The Hand of God ~s with the
  "Well, I must now close this voluminous budget. I fear I have told
you little, but perhaps even this imperfect sketch will give you some
idea of the crisis through which wc are now passing, thougll I haYe
perhaps told the story with my heart, not my head. I will excuse
myself with Taq~-zada's beautiful words in his speech on
the Sc'lar-i-Al``fakJ2k~ and the prisoners sold by him to the
Turkmal~s.  That excitement which appears in the people is inspired
~lOt by reason but by love.... Some say 

that we should act in accordance with reason, but I say that in such
matters our action should be inspired by love."' 
  Through the kindness of another friend at Tihran, two
curious Persian documents belonging, apparently, to this period
(they were enclosecl in a letter dated Jan. ~, ~908) lie before me. The
first is a warning to the Shah, emanating, I presume, from one of the
a?`jul~ze~ls, and its translation is as follows:- 
  "His Imperial Majesty has apparentty forgotten that his accession to
the Crown and Throne ~vas heralded by nothing more than a telegram of
two lines to summon him [to the capital] and five mounted men, and that
he was not born by his motller possessed of crown and signet-ring, nor
does he hold in his hand a warrant of absolute sovereignty from the
L'nseen World of Spirits. Assuredly if he had but reflected for a moment
that this sovereignty depends only on the acceptance or rejection of
the People, and that those who have elected him to this high
position and acknowledged him [as King] are able also to elect another
[in his place], he would never have swerved aside to this extent from
the straight PatlZ of Justice and the requirements of
constitutional monarchy. Yet perhaps he has deigned to give full
consideration to the matters above mentioned, but is confident in the
erroneous opinion that the people are still unaware of this their right
to dismiss and to elect. 
  "We, well-wishers to this kingdom and nation, guardians of the honour
of Church and State, and protectors of the Crown and Throne of
Sovereignty, do most respectfully submit this our last representation,
whereby we divest ourselves, our nation, and our administration
of all further responsibility, in order that henceforth we may not be
accused by other nations of discourtesy or shamelessness. 
  "Let the ambassadors and ministers of friendly states, who are present
in this capital, and have beheld the events which have taken place in
this city, bear ~vitness and give testimony as to how grievous are the
affairs of this noble nation, and how near to the bone the
knife has reached! 
     "he [God] is ~J~e ,4ve~zger, '{e Exal~ed one!', 

  The second document purports to be an account written by
Muhammad ~AIf's ex-tutor, the notorious Russian few, Shapsllal Khan, for
one of his Russian friends, of the jewels and other valuables on the
security of which the Shah ~vas able to raise money from the Russian
Bank1 in order to pay his hired myrmidons to create the riot described
above.    "The list of the things deposited in pawn in the Russian Loan
Bank in Tibran, by the intervention of Shapshal Khan, on behalf of FIis
Majesty the Court Jester (~?i~f-b~shI) in order to borrow the sum of
60,000 tumans, to be spent on entertainment and drink for, and other
expenses connected with, his hired ruffians, and to be divided amongst
godless ecclesiastics, in order to destroy the foundations of
the Sacred Consultative Assembly, is as follows:- 
  "On the personal insignia and orders of His Majesty, 5,000 tumans. 
  "On the pendant of Her Majesty the Queen of the World 
   and Empress of Persia, 20,000 tumans.
   "Three pearl rosaries, per the Keeper of the Privy Purse,
'Adlu's-Saltana, 20,300 tumans.
  "Three or four other pieces of jewelry, 15,000 tumans. 
  "Total, 60,000 tumans (= about 12,000). 
  "You must know also that after telegraphic consultations lasting from
ten to twenty days, and much loss of self-respect and violation of the
honour and dignity of Persia in the eyes of the Bank, the Manager of
the Bank, and the Russian Minister, and a thousand statements unworthy
of consideration on the part of the five-thousand-year-old sovereignty
of l'ersia, the Russians were compelled to agree to accept the Queen of
Persia's bodice, and lend to His Majesty Muhammad 'Ali Shah the sum in
  " Shapshal Khan likewise added in the course of conversation that on
the second day, w hen the progress of events in the Maydan-~- T~;p ~ana
(Artillery Square) had begun to halt, and 
  1 As wili be set forth ~n Ch. XI it appeared, when Muhammad 'slits
financial obligations c:~'ne to be investigated after his deposhion,
th:lt he v~as indebted to the Russian Ba'~k to the extent of 300,00o,
though unhapp~ly the purposes to which this loan WAS applied are not
the money was all ready at the Bank, and it had been settled that we
should take the three pearl rosaries with 'Aa'b`'s-' Saltane, and
receive the sum of zo,000 tdmans, on that day 'Ad~'s-Salta,~a kept me
waiting, and did not appear, and it ~vanted but little that he should
disgrace me before the staff of the Bank. 
  "This is a true copy of the Report of this Russian, and this
is the full-length portrait of our present sovereign, which faithfully
pourtrays to us the dishonourable means whereby the five-thousand-year-
old sovereignty of Persia acquires money, and in what discreditable and
disgraceful ways it spends it." 

                           CHAPTER VI. 
                          PERSIAN EYES.
  THE Anglo-Russian Agreement concluded on August 3 I, '~o7, has been
only mentioned incidentally in the last chapter, where a ful]er
discussion of its scope would have interrupted the sequence of events.
In brief it dealt with three countries of Asia which had long been
the field of Anglo-Russian rivalries, to wit, Tibet, Afghanistan, and
Persia. Its object was, so far as possible, to put an end to
those rivalries, and establish a friendly understanding between
li:ngland and Russia in regard to several questions which had in the
past led to considerable friction between the two countries, and had at
least once' brought them to the verge of ~var. The hupe that
this desirable result had at length been obtained caused the Agreement
to be received with a considerable show of enthusiasm in
both countries, though naturally there was a minority on either side
who grumbled at an arrangement whereb~', as they maintained, their
country had giYen up more than it had gained. 
  In England the Agreement, though hailed as a triumph of statesmanship
even by the leaders of the Opposition, was sharply criticized i~y some
politicians, such as Lord Curzon and Mr H. 1~. 13. Lynch, who were well
acquainted with Persian affairs. But this criticism was, as a rule,
directed not so much against the way in which Persia's fate appeared to
have been settled, without consulting her feelirl~s, as against the
potential division of her lands between her two
great neighbours which seemed to be foreshadowed. The Agreement was
criticized not on the ground of its essential immorality, but on the
ground that 
  ~ On the occasion of the " Panj-dih Incident." 

         [MAP - FILL THIS IN LATER]  

  England had got the worst of the bargain. Mr Lynch, however, in a very
eloquent speech, which he was unable to deliver in its entirety in the
House of Commons on February ~4, 1908, but which was afterwards
published in full in the Imperzal a Asiatic Quarlerly f~evie~w for the
following April, dealt ~vith both aspects of the Agreement. Speaking of
his own work in Persia he said, " Of the three roads which my friends
and myself have constructed in Persia, covering hundreds of miles, the
two right honourable gentlemen in front of me have placed two-those from
Qum to Tihran, with right of extension to Isfahan, and
from Qum to Sultanabad-bodily in the Russian sphere; while as regards
the third, the road across the Bal;htiyari Mountains from Ahwaz on the
Karun River to Isfahan they have treated Isfahan, the terminus of the
road, in the same way. Any further facilities on these arteries of
traffic we shall, I presume, be obliged to obtain through the Russian
Government or ``ith their consent." But he touched a nobler note when
he came to discuss the effect of the Agreement on the people of Persia-
 " not the grandees and the reactionaries, who may have profted by the
Anglo-Russian rivalry, but the leaders of the reform n~ovement, and the
men who are engaged in pouring new wine into the musty old
bottles of Persian absolutism. This aspect of the Convention is a
Liberal interest, and I think I shall be able to shew that it is also
a British interest, perhaps the greatest of the British interests which
are touched by the Convention." And after a masterly attack on the
Agreement from both points of view, he. concluded as follows:-    "Let
us hope that this convention may lead to better relations with Russia,
and that she may realize and respect the substantial grounds for our
fears. I am afraid that it can scarcely tend to improve our
relations with Persia. Persia is the ghost at the feast which we are
celebrating with Russia in honour of this Convention. While the feasting
is in progress and the toasts are being exchanged,
this small natio'i-which has contributed so much to the artistic and
intellectual wealth of the world, and whose prospects looked at least
promising before this Convention was signed-is lying between ]ife and
death, parcelled out, almost dismembered, helpless and friendless at our

  That the Anglo-Russian Agreement, in so far as it affected Persia,
was tantamount to a p;lrtition of that unfortunate country seems to have
been at first the general impression, not only in Persia
(when,after considerable delay, the contents of the Agreement became
known), but also in England, and the cartoon which appeared in P7~nc~
on October 2' ~907, fairly represented this impression. The British lion
and the Russian bear are represented as mauling between them an
unhaypy Persian cat, and the lion is saying, " You can play with his
head, and I can play with his tail, and we can both stroke the small of
his back," while the poor cat moans, " I don't remember having been
consulted about this!" 
  Great Britain, owing to the shelter which her Legation had given to
the '4,000 or ~s,000 refuE:ccs in the summer of 1906, and the
consequent granting of the Constitution by Muzaffaru'dDin
Sh;ah, enjoyed unbounded popularity amongst the party of reform, until
it began to transpire that she was engaged in negotiations with
Kussia which dealt, amongst other matters'with Persia. Suspicion was at
once aroused, for, as the Persians say, " enemies are of three sorts,
enemies, the enemies of friends, and the friends of enemies." Russia,
the home of unbridled despotism, the ancient foe of liberty in all its
forms, the destroyer of so many once free nations, was
regarded by the Constitutionalists as their most deadly enemy, and if
England sought to make friends with her, how could she be regarded any
longer as a trustworthy friend ? And so suspicion grew, as more
information leaked out as to the progress and nature of the Agreement,
until it deepened into a hostility all the more bitter on account of the
disappointment of those who hoped to find in England a
powerful and sympathetic friend, if not an active supporter of
the liberal n~ovement, whicll owed so much to her example and her
countenance. It is desirable that Eng]ishmen should have before the~n
the means of judging the effect of the Agreement on l'ersian
lJublic opinion-for since the growth of a [rce l'ress such opinion had
come into existence where a few years ago no such thing
existed-and therefore I shall here translate in full a series of leading
articles on this subject published in the I~'1Mat',' in
September, '907. The first article of this series began 

  in No. ~ ~ ~ of that important journal on September 9, before the
contents of the Agreement were known, and is as follows:- 
  "2 pro,~os of the A~`gio-Russtan ~greement. 
  " For more than two years the question of an understanding between
Russia and England in Asia has been the subject of discussion
and consideration in political circles and newspapers, that is to say,
ever since Russia sustained her disgraceful defeat in the Far East, in
consequence of which she turned in despair from that
quarter, incidentally convinced that England had arranged these tricks
and troubles in Manchuria and China, and that, being no longer
able, single-handed, in face of the pecuniary losses which shc had
sustained, to work alone, it was to her advantage to come to
an understanding with England. 
  " Every one knows that England's favourite policy in other countries
is to produce some extraordinary excitement and preoccupation which
shall fully occupy those countries with their own affairs and prevent
them from pursuing more ambitious schemes. Thus in recent years she has
kept the Ottoman Empire so busy with its own troubles that the statesmen
of that Power have been distracted with worry. First there was the war
with Greece, and all the military preparations and operations which it
involved; then the Armenian agitation and other internal troubles; then
the Cretan affair; then the war with the Arabs in Yaman; then the
Macedonian and Balkan questions. And while Turkey was thus
preoccupied, England was enabled to fix her claws more firmly in Egypt,
trample under foot the right of the Sultan, subdue
the seventeen million inhabitants of the Sudan and take possession of
its spacious cities, kill 'Abdu'llah Ta'ayish;, the Khalifa of the
pretended Mahdi, utterly defeat his army, seize his kingdom and plant
the British flag in those lands. And it is'clear that had not the Sultan
of Turkey been confronted by such internal difficulties, he would not
have been contcut to remain so quiet, or to disregard his
established and admitted rights. 
  "Of a similar policy did Great Britain make use in her dealings ~ith
Russia. First shc stirred up tl~e war in the Far East, which caused
Russia an infinity of trouble and distress;

then, by whatever means, she turned the thoughts of the Russian
people towards freedom, sc' that no sooner was Kussia re~eased from her
war with Japan than she was confronted with a revolution at home, during
which, ere her rival was aware of it, England had firmly established
her power and influence in Tibet. 
  "So again in the case of Persia, England kindled in the Persians an
enthusiasm for a constitution, the formation of a National
Assembly, liberty, and the like, and so secured for herself a field free
from rivals wherein she might direct her course as she pleased.    "In
the midst of this hocus-pocus), however, there intruded
itself one disagreeable incident, which, quite unexpected by
England, suddenly disclosed itself, viz. the Indian revolution, and the
ideas which had begun to germinate in the brains of the Indians since
they heard the news of what was happening in Russia and
Persia,whereby they were somewhat awakened from their secular slumber,
and began to demand the rights which they had lost. Now it is evident
that these ideas may lead to a result highly distasteful to the English,
just as the inhabitants of the Transvaal, so soon as they awoke, caused
the British Empire endless trouble, inflicted on it heavy losses both
in money and life, and disturbed the peaceful repose e~lioyed by British
statesmen for several years, u~ltil finally they succeeded in securing
the formation of a Chamber of Deputies, so that now, although they are
nominally British subjects, it is evident that from their subjection ilO
aclvantage or profit accrues to the English, since they will neither
give them their wealth nor aid them h1 time of distress, so that their
subjection is a mere name not connoting any reality, though the English
are perforce compelled to content
themselves with this. 
  "Let us not, however, stray from our subject. The longer watchful
States live, the more their experience and knowledge grows, and the more
they profit by their former mistakes, against the rccurrcnce of w}licl'
h~ the future they secl; to guard themselves. At the beginning of the
last century the Powers of Europe persistently oppc.sed and thwarted one
another, and   

  ~ f.la7sa-baysa. 
were constantly engaged in strife and contention, as is exemplified by
the Napoleonic wars with England and Russia~and other similar wars
between the different States. Thereby for the most part they sustained
loss both material and more], and were injured
rather than benefited. 
  " The first country which appreciated this fact was England,
which consequently ceased to make war against strong States and
substituted a kind of political warfare, advancing her interests chiefly
by skilful diplomacy. Gradually other countries also apprehended this
policy, andJ laying aside sword and gun, adopted in their place the pen
and the tongue, confining their rivalries to diplomatic
juggling and intrigues'. Lately France has apprehended the important
truth that rivalry conduces to loss, since for years England and France
have been busy in increasing their influence in Egypt and the Sudan on
the one hand and Morocco on the other, with no result but
mutual embarrassment which prevented the efforts of either from bearing
fruit. For fear of France, England could not subdue Egypt, while, for
fear of England, France could achieve no notable success in Morocco. So
at last M. Delcasse started this idea of a rap,~roc~ement, telling both
sides that, if matters continued as they were, for another century
England would derive no benefit from Egypt nor France from Morocco,
while both would be compelled to expend large sums every year in
guarding against one another, France in bribing a number of the
leading men, 'nta?nd and newspapers of Egypt to support her in
opposing the English, and, vice vers3, the English pursuing a similar
course in Morocco, while there always remained a possibility that while
both sides uere preoccupied with this rivalry, some event might
llappen which would leave the heads of both hatless, such as that the
Egyptians might suddenly develop like the Japanese. 'So,' said he, 'it
is better that we should confer together in a sensible
manner, settle these questions in a brotherly fashion, and make a just
clivision of the disputed territories, after which each may set
about subjugating his own share, free from anxiety as to the action of
the other, and refrain from interfering with the other.' Thus Egypt and
the Sudan were assigned to the 
  ~ G``rba-ra~sl, " making the cats dance.', 

English and Morocco to the French, and by a fortunate coincidence an
event happened at this juncture which served greatly to strengthen the
bonds of union on both sides, and shewed them how advantageous to them
both was this Convention and its loyal observance. This event
was Germany's championship of Morocco; for it is certain that, had this
Convention not been made, as soon as Germany intervened, England would
also have had a finger in tl~e matter,and France would have been checked
in her schemes of conquest. ~7z reva7zcte, France would
not have remained inactive, and would have done the same in Egypt, so
that both nations would have remained portionless. 
  "Meanwhile the French told the Russians, who were their allies and
confederates, that their tortuous diplomacy was not to their advantage,
and that their policy should rather be to come to
friendly terms with England. The English, too, were praying for this,
and thus it was that both were well inclined towards one another. The
idea was first whispered in a veiled manner, the Press on both sides
setting forth the virtues of such an understanding, which gradually took
definite form, until about a month ago telegraphic information reached
us that, in the height of the hot weather, when most
government offices are taking-holiday, and most people have gone into
the country, the 13ritish Ambassador and the Russian Minister for
Foreign Affairs ~vere still in town, energetically sifting the matters
to be dealt with in the Agreement, of which the most important portion
bore reference to their dealings with Persia, while the remaining
clauses had been already settled and done with, though the Persian
question was still the subject of serious d~scussions. Incidentally
hopes were expressed that by the beginning of autumn all the provisions
of the Agreement would be settled, and that it would be duly signed by
both parties. The interest in Persia manifested by Germany,
and the concession obtained by her for the formation of a German Eastern
Bank, increased the eagerness on both sicles, since they knew that if
mucll more time were wasted in discussion, a powerful rival would appear
on the scene, and that France would then of necessity be
involved, whereby the matter would be rendered difficult, and could no
longer be regarded as concerning these two [i.e. E ngland
and Russia] only." 

  The second article of the series appeared in the next issue (No. 'r3),
published on the following day (September ~o), and ran as follows-   
"In these days it is rumoured that the above-mentioned Agreement has
emerged from the realms of consideration and discussion, and that all
its provisions and clauses have been arranged in their
final form. All discriminating and wellinformed persons suspect that,
in view of our negligence and ignorance, the signing of this Agreement
will be shortly followed by the end of Persia's independence and
autonomy. For as soon as the Agreement is signed, the contracting Powers
will at once begin to give it practical effect, and to pursue their
rcspcctive ambitions. We do not complain so much of our own ministers,
since these have for years been anointing themselves with this oil, and
are so timid that they can do nothing in the presence of foreigners but
submit and obey. One of our most patriotic ministers himself repeatedly
said to the writer: 'Say wllatever you like about the Shah and his
ministers, or the internal affairs of the country, but beware
of discussing foreign affairs, or alluding disrespectfully even to the
hoofs of their horses, or we shall get into trouble, and incur the anger
of the ambassadors.' In the case of the MaCitif't-ThjQ'fir (`King of the
Merchants'), when the Hal`6c'l-Alazliz wrote a few lines dictated by
patriotic zeal and a desire for the recognition of the rights of the
nation, it was punished in several ways, being
first suspended, then required to apologise, and fina.lly mulcted in a
fine of fifty tz`7z'`i~'s, wllilc on the other hand it was agreed to
send ~fi~ji Maliku't-7;~`fr to the Ministry of Justice, which has not
yet been done. ~liZ/ifi NaS7'7`'fi-Df'Z, Taf~a .6a)'fit (` New Life')
and other [Muslim] newspapers published in Russia may say whatever they
like and write wllatever they choose about our KinD, our ministers and
our deputies, and no one dares to remonstrate; but say only a word on
the other side, and there is the l~evil to pay! So, to be brief, we hope
nothing from our ministers: all our hopes are centred in the deputies,
who' after all this shouting and spcechifying, ought in such emergencies
to do their duty. In minor matters Iyin~ outside the scope of their duty

business they wrangle incessantly, but say nothing to preserve the
independence of their country.... 
  "At all events the Asse'T,bly ought to make investigations, and should
ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs whether the report is true that
while we are living in our house others are arranging its
disposal and making compacts and conventions with one another
without even informing us of the matter. A strange rumour this, the like
of which no one has seen! It is the duty of the members of the Ma~lis
at once to summon the Ministers to appear before it in public' put a
stop to the Committee-mongering and secret conclaves of the last three
or four months, and investigate this matter openly, and to inform all
the Powers officially that any such agreement concluded without our
knowledge is in~alid. 
  "Hitherto our knowledge as to the contents of this Agreement is
confined to the following three points (~) The integrity of Persia, that
is to say, the preservation of its independence, so that no foreign
power has the right to take possession of a single span of Persian
gromnd. {~) Russia and England guarantee the personal iRdependent
sovereignty of the Shah of Persia. (3) Isfahan and Kirmanshah are
included within the limits wherein Russia's p~litical influence is to
  " Now, although this Agreement ostensibly professes to aim
at preserving the independence of Persia, whereby some of our
deputies have been deceived and have declared in the Assembly that this
Agreement will not hurt Persia, since its primary object is to safeguard
her independence, yet such as are versed in the jargon of politics know
very well that wherever one of th,ese Powers
has acquired influence, it has done so under the guise of just
such specious and fair-seeming words. Now if these two powers
really desired the continuance of Persia's soverei~nty, then there was
no need for such an Agreement.
  Are the United States of America or Japan likely to come from the Far
West or the Far liast respectively in order to attack or subjugate
Persia, that there should be any need for such an Agreement? It is clear
that the danger which threatens Persia is precisely from these tv~o
Powers [which are parties to the Agreetnent], and that, if they had no
sinister designs,
there would have been no need for any Agreement or Convention. 
  "Yes, it is precisely under cover of such words that they will
interfere in a thousand ways in our country, as they have already done
in ligypt and other lands. England's Agreement with Egypt also includes
just such a clause, viz. that England guarantees the continuance of the
Egyptian Government to the Khedive, but that by virtue of this very
guarantee she must set in order the finances and organize the troops of
Egypt. And since, moreover, she guarantees the preservation of the
throne, she must also guarantee the uresenation of public security,
since the absence thereof would be injurious to the throne. Ifor the
same reason a number of English troops must be garrisoned in Egypt to
preserve public order. Assuredly if it is written in this Agreement that
the two Powers undertake to safeguard the right of the
reigning sovereign, it necessarily follows that as soon as any rival or
rebel appears in the country, these two kind friends, actuated by the
purest affection, will bring in their troops to suppress him, and then
it will be that the business will begin to produce consequences which
will be prolonged until the Day of Judgment. 
  "In order to make this matter clearer, we will content
ourselves with one illustration. Let us suppose that this Agreement had
been concluded three or four months ago, and that
the Sd~r'~'d-Dazvla's rebellion had happened after it had been
i ratified. Reuter's Agency would immediately have informed the whole
world that the Saldrn'd-Dazvla aspired to the throne. The Daily Mr~i!
would have aclded an editorial note to the effect that,
according to trustworthy information, a number of the notables and chief
men of the country were faYourably disposed towards his cause. The
Slandard would have said: 'Reliable information has reached us that
several tribes in the South and West of Persia are following the
Pretender, and it has been ascertained that his army now numbers thirty
thousand men.' Next the British Ambassador would officially enquire of
the Ministry as to the demands of the new Pretender, and our responsible
I`Iinisters would be obliged to reply that the Sa~!arn'dl~awla's claim
was to the Throne itself. 'Very well, then,' the

British Minister wou]d answer, 'Why, then, do you not send trool~s
against the cucmy?' 'Well, we are preparing to clo so, they would
answer. Some days later news would arrive that the Sal~'r'`rd-Dcl~wla
had raided the environs of Nihawand and Malayir and was besieging these
two towns. 
  '`The T'mes would instantly publish a long article saying that, in
accordance with the guarantee given by the two Powers for the
preservation of order and the sovereignty of the Shah, the
necessary preparations ~nust be made to send troops, in case of
necessity, to ensure the tranquillity of the country and to overcorme
and destroy the Pretender. And since the disturbed districts were nearer
to Russian territory, troops should be brought from Russia, but tl~at
the expenses of the expedition wonkl be equally borne by the two Powers.
There would be a `70te in Parliament, followed by a
correspondence with St Petersbur^. The troops would arrive. The Saiar
would be taken prisoner. The troops would remain for some time in the
district, detained by ' restoring order.' The expenses of
all these proceedings would be calculated, and would be found to amount
to about five million pounds sterling, which would have to be recovered
from the Persian treasury (just as in China they demanded the
expenses incurred in sending troops and also a fine~. Well, the
Persian treasury would practically be unable to pay this sun`, so it
would be found necessary that an official should be appointed on behalf
of each of the two Powers to increase the revenues and supervise
expenditure, and that the Russian official should watch over the North
of Persia, and the F:nglish official over the South. After a while each
would report to his government to the effect that, having in view the
destitution of Persia, the revel~ue could not be increased, and that the
payment of this sum was impossible, and that, in some way or other, the
condition of Persia must be improved so that her
revenues might be enlarged. Persia, they would add, only
needed certain necessary reForms to beco~e mure prosperous. Roads and
means of communication should be improved; railways were needed in
certain places; dams must be constructed to increase agriculture; the
erection of factories was greatly needed. Finally, after
prolonged discussions, it would be agreed that a sum of at 

least twenty million pounds sterling must be lent conjointly by the two
1,owers, of which sum part should be spent on irrigation, part on roads,
part on mines, part for administrative purposes, and so on, and that
with the remaining two millions a Bank should be
established. The Persian Government would, under the circumstances, be
compelled to submit to these conditions and sign the required bond,
comforted by the assurance that the conditions were very light and easy,
and comprised no more than ten clauses, that the loan would cause Persia
to blossom like a garden of roses; and that her
revenues would increase tenfold! " 
  The third article of the series appeared on the following day (Sept.
~ ~, 1907) in No. ~ 14 of the paper, and was as follows:- 
  `'In our last number we reached this point, that the officials
representing the two Powers concerned in the Agreement would declare
that the well-being of Persia could only be secured by a new loan; and
since on the one hand there would be a claim of perhaps five million
pounds for restoring internal order, and also previous loans
~vhich must be extinguished, we should be compelled by these
two claims already established to shew a certain compliancy and
obedience. The terms of this new loan would comprise at least
two clauses, the ratification of which would close for ever the
charter of our independence.... 
  "One of these conditions would be that the officials in control of
all the financial departments of the Government must be appointed by
the two Powers, and that they in turn must appoint the minor
officials. These would assume control over all the frontier
districts, possibly over the interior also, and would impose a complete
check on the functions of the home officials. We need not remind our
readers how much one single Belgian official' on obtaining complete
control of the Persian Customs, increased the induence of foreigners,
or how l~e caused l'crsian er'tIloy~s to be ignored and
humiliated, and this notwithstanding the {act that we were able to
dismiss him at any moment we pleased, and that he had no sort of
independent authority in our country. Whoever has examined the new
Customs Tariff [drawn up by himj knows of what treason to

our country this ungrateful wretch was guilty, how he increased Russian
influence, and how he behaved towards the Persians. Hence it will be
evident how the Russian and English officials, enjoying complete
authority and unrestricted power, and representing Persia's creditors'
are likely ro conduct themselves. Every one who has read about the
Denshawi incident in Egypt will understand our meaning: how on that
occasion they hanged several Egyptians for killin~ one Englishman, and
imprisoned a number more for various periods, and how Lord Cromer shewed
a ruthlessness which will never bc expunged from the page of history.
Moreover since the borrowed capital will be under their own control,
they will employ it in such a way that most of it will revert to their
own countries. 
  "Another condition will be that all concessions granted by Persia,
whether internal or external, must he approved, sanctioned and ratified
by the two Powers. Accordingly a Persian subject will neither be able
to obtain a concession for the manufacture of paper nor to set up a
factory, since the granting of all such concessions will be in the hands
of the above-mentioned functionaries, who, in one way or another, will
prefer their compatriots to us, so that all commercial undertakings will
pass into the hands of Russian and Engl ish mercl~ants. 
  "Another condition will be that these officials shall receive their
salaries from Persia, who will recognize their claims and rights, and,
in return for their services to their governments, they will receive a
yearly payment in cash from the Persian treasury. It will be the old
story of Lord Cromer and lS:gypt, when it was said in Parlia. ment that
in return for securing Egypt for the English he ought to receive from
the revenues of Egypt fifty thousand pounds. 
  "Another condition will be that all the material wealth of Persia must
be handed over to guarantee the debt. This stipulation will include the
mines, coasts, customs, ports, telegraphs and revenues, and since the
debt must be pai~l out of these sources of wealth, and the P~rsians do
not know how to manage them or put them to profitable use, therefore
officials appointed by the two Powers must superintend them, and take
such steps as may be required to render them productive. The Persian 
Ministers must therefore be subordinated to these foreign officials,
whose commands and prohibitions they will not have the slightest right
to disregard.    "Some years ago ~ recollect that a certain Egyptian
edited a classic work designed for use in the Egyptian schools, and
forwarded it to the Egyptian Minister of Public Instruction, who
approved it, and ordered that a certain number of copies should be
bought and distributed amongst the Government schools. When news of this
reached the AdYiser to the Ministry appointed by the English, he angrily
refused his consent, saying, 'If the Minister wants the book he must pay
for it out of his own pocket.' His real obJect in displaying this
outburst of temper was to weaken the Egyptian Minister's Power, in order
that people might clearly understand who enjoyed the real authority,
and who must be courted and flattered. 
  "Sooner or later, then, this loan would be effected, and the officials
of the two Powers would arrive, and would enter into the control of all
departments of the executiYe. They would then consider it desirable, in
order that in the future they might have at their disposal more
efficient men, to improve education in Persia, and an Englishman would
be appointed Adviser to the Ministry of Public Instruction, who would
make English the official language of the schools, as has been done in
Egypt. Should Russia raise any objections, then 31ussian would be made
the second language, JUst as in the Egyptian schools all instruction is
given in English) while no attention is paid to Arabic. Thus our
children too would be educated in English ways and fashions, and would
become anglicized and anglophil, losing all national sentiments and
becoming the (riends and admirers of the English. 
  "However lack of space forbids us to pursue this theme further, and
our ~neaning will be sufficiently apprehended from the above brief and
summary sketch.  Now the first two articles of the Agreement are at
complete variance with the third, since the inclusion of Isfah~n and
Kirmanshah within the Russian sphere of political influence clearly
points to a partition and is incompatible with the independence of
Persia; although to-day~s telegrams assert the

contrary of this clause, declaring that the influence of the
two ~Powers extends through the whole of Persia, and that they have
agreed to regard the ~vhole of Persia as open to their respective
inlquences, and have abandoned the idea of its being divided. ~Our own
belief, however, is that the earlier information is the
more correct. Moreover, hitherto whenever they have talked of
their 'influence' they have limited it to commercial influence, ~but now
they have cast aside the veil and suddenly begin to ~talk in a
quite different fashion, turning the talk to political Finfluence. What
this means precisely we do not know. If it ~merely means
dictating and interfering, this is quite illegal and cannot be reckoned
as a fright' of any foreign nation. HJji ,~t Mali[`c't- 7)cjJ~r
embezzled other peoples' property and then took refuge in the Russian
Legation, and the Ambassador, contrary ~to all international laws,
protected him. This has nothing to do with the question: it is an
isolated act of pure lawlessness and violence, and with such as this the
Agreement has no connection. But if something else is intended, then it
were weli that it should be clearly explained. 
  "To-day's telegrams are deserving of close attention, and in
particular those in authority should read them carefully, apprehend the
essence of the matter, and take precautionary measures. 
  :- As a sample we here reproduce several paragraphs from them."  
[Here follow several quotations, describing the ratification of    _the
Anglo-lLussian Agreement, the satisfaction with which it has been hailed
in the English Press, as affording a fresh guarantee of peace in the
world, and some remarks of the Stfz~dard's 
  ~St Petersburg correspondent, who represents each of the two ~-:
Powers as consenting to the limitation of its political influence t o
a specified portion of Persia, while in commercial undertakings they
shall be on an equal footing throughout the whole ; of Persia. Thus
Russia has agreed that the gates of the northern provinces of Persia
shall be open to English commerce and enterprise, while England, on the
other hand, permits and approves Russian commerce in the southern
provinces.] The article then continues:- 
  "The beauty of the thi'~g is that Russia grants permission to England
to open the doors of her commercial influence in the 

North, while England kindly vouchsafes the same permission to Russia in
the South! But what business has Russia in Persia either to grant or
withhold such permission? From North to South Persia is ours: we are
neither minors needing a guardian, nor lunatics needing a
keeper. Although the Mnihb~r'~'l-MuJ~ declared in Parliament that
'Persia needed a tutor,' this is nonsense: the Persians have reached
years of discretion and need no tutor. If they did, they would not have
a Parliament, which implies the transference to the people of their
power and rights, so that they may manage their own affairs, and elect
from amongst themselves ministers to act for them. If they have not
attained discretion, then they are also not entitled to elect deputies.
At any rate we fail to perceive on what ground these
two Powers give permission to one another to enter some one else's
territory, or why they should 'spend money out of the guest's purse.'
If they intended to take precautions in the matter of the German Bank,
and were anxious to make a forcible protest, still what right have these
two Powers to interfere? The matter did not go so far as to justify such
a course. 
  "To-day it is necessary that the Foreign Minister of Persia
should clearly inform the two Powers that no Agreement having reference
to Persia and concluded without her knowledge is valid or entitled to
the slightest consideration; and that any Power desiring to enter into
relations with Persia must address itself directly to the
Persians themselves, no one else having any right to intervene in anv
~Yay; just as Persia would approach England directly in any
matter concerning that country, so ought England to act
in converse circumstances." 
  The fourth article of the series appeared on Septen'.ber r4, rgo7, in
No. ~ r5 of the paper, and is followed by the text of a very important
communication made by the British Minister at Tihran to the Persian
Minister for Foreign Affairs, with a view to allaying the disquietude
caused in Persia by the Anglo-Russian Agreement. 
  " It is worthy of special note that this Agreement should take

place at this critical juncture, when the internal affairs of Persia
are in such confusion that the wisest men in the country are utterly at
a loss as to how to remedy them. First of all the most careful
investigations are needed as to the actual articles of this Agreement,
for it is eYident that we must not suffer ourselves to be misled
by the diplomatic utterances of the two Powers into neglecting
to acquaint ourselves with the facts of the case, even though
diplomatic etiquette may forbid us to enquire officially about the
provisions of a secret treaty. Moreover, however desirous we may be to
obtain the truth of the matter from the contracting Powers themselves,
even this would not completely reassure us or set our minds at ease.
So, for example, if F:ngland and France should conclude a treaty with
one another, it would be Germany's duty to get possession by
external means, whether by the expenditure of [secret serviced money or
otherwise, of the actual text of its clauses, while should she seek to
inform herself by official correspondence of the real object of the
covenanting states, she would be guilty of an error. 
  `' In the second place, our primary duty is to be so watchful and
wary, and to take such effective precautions against coming storms, that
our watchfulness may put a stop to foreign designs against our country.
It is not for the moment necessary for us to regard the real motives of
the two Powers: we must assume that they actually intend to divide our
country. In this case it is clear that their method of procedure will
not be to bring in troops and forcilbly take possession. They will
rather insert their claws gradually, and adopt such means and methods
as will result in finishing us off in another ten or twenty years. We,
then, on our side, must make such preparations as will prove a
courter-charm' to their actions. Henceforth, then, it is urgently
necessary that we should earnestly and strenuously endeavour to set our
house in order, put a stop to the increase of foreign induences, and
make it so clear to them that we are alive and a~rake that they will
leave us alone. 
  "Thus, for example, one of the principal means employed to 

  ~ B]til~'' sibr. 
weaken a nation is to set obstacles in the way of its commerce, so that
it may be constrained by poverty to borrow money on any terms which may
be dictated to it. Now we see with our own eyes how the foreigners are
striving to empoverish us, and how every day the want of money makes
itself more urgently felt amongst us. If we compare the present state
of things with that which prevailed two months ago, we see that the
dearth of money is much greater and capital much more embarrassed. The
present state of things is such that by reason of lack of funds we are
unable to mobilize a single regiment, or even one hundred
Cossacks. Our merchants are at their wits' end, and do not know where
to turn for two or three thousand ti~cer~s. The Russian Bank, which in
reality is one of the causes which have brought about this state of
things, has ceased to do business, and is constantly pressing to recover
its claims, gladly receiving even five tumRns from one on whom it has
a claim of a thousand, since it knows that to remove from circulation
even this small sum helps to impede the wheels of commerce. It is
not improbable that hereafter it will not advance a single d'ndr to any
one, and, on presence of winding up its affairs, will exert pressure to
recover its debts. On this matter we shall give fuller explanations
  "Let us now return to the first point, namely the interpretation of
the provisions of the Agreement. It appears from to-day's
telegrams, which consist entirely of reports of the opinions expressed
by the Russian and English newspapers, that the English have got the
best of the bargain, for their newspapers express great satisfaction
and delight, while the Russian newspapers, on the contrary, are not so
well pleased. It is not yet clear why the former are so pleased and the
latter so dissatisfied, and our remarks are based on
conjecture rather than certainty. Here is an epitome of
to-day's telegrams, communicated to us by the Telegraph Company."   
[Here follow extracts representing the views of the
[iil~es, Stendard, JIorni'tg Post, and Daily Telegra,J`. "The Russian
papers also," adds the writer, "generally express satisEaction, but
their remarks are not inspired by any extraordinary gratification or

  We now come to the very important communication made by the Pritish
Minister at Tihrdn to the Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs, which
is intr~duced by the following paragraph. 
  "The British Minister at Tibran has also written an explanation on
this subject, dated the z~ith of Rajab last(=Sept. 5, ~907), that is
eight days ago, to the Persian Ministry for Foreign Affairs. It
appears from its contents that the British Mh~ister is very anxious to
remove the suspicion which has established itself h~ men's
minds that the above-mentioned Agreement refers to the partition of
Persia. With great difficulty we have obtained a copy of this document,
which w e here reproduce for the information of all our honoured
readers. Thereafter we shall supplement it with an expression of our own
personal opinions on the subject, and offer some suggestions as to how
~ve should deal with this intractable malady, w hicl~ suggestions may
perhaps be considered by those in power, so that they may seek for some
cure and remedy, whereby some light may dawn on
our dark horizon." 
  Here follows the- 

  British Minister] DATED RAJAB 26 " [= Sept. 5, i~7].

  "Information has reached me that it is rumoured in Persia that an
Agreement has been concluded bet~een England and Russia which will
result in the intervention of these two Powers in Persia, and the
partition of that country between them. Your Excellency is well
aware that the negotiations between Russia and England are of a
wholly d ifferent character; for the M?`shirn'lAf'`~ has recently been
in St Petersburg and London and has conversed w-ith the Russian
and English Ministers for Foreign Affairs, who, on behalf
of tlleir res~cctive governments, have clearly explained the ahns of
the two l'owers in Persia, which explanations he will no
doubt have reported. 
  "Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, has informed me of the substance of his
conversations with the ~J[usb~r'~'l-Mu~, and also of the
substance of his 
communications with M. Isvolsky, which have been officially communicated
to the British Government. 
  "Sir Edward grey informs me that he has explained to the Mushir?~'l-
~ that he and M. Isvolsky are in perfect accord on two essential points. 
  "First, neither of the two Powers will interfere in Persian affairs
unless some injury is inflicted on the property or persons of their
subjects.    "Secondly, the negotiations connected with the Agreement
between the two Powers must not violate the integrity and independence
of Persia.    "Sir Edward Grey also explains that hitherto antagonism
existed between Russia and England, each of which sought to prevent the
continuance of the other in Pcrsia; and that had this antagonism been
prolonged in the present uncertain state of Persia, suspicion would have
arisen on one side, or on both, that the other was interfering in the
internal affairs of Persia to prevent its rival from profiting by the
existing state of things, and to secure profit for itself at the expense
of the other. The object of the present negotiations between England and
Russia is to obviate the occurrence of such difficulties, and they are
in truth in no way directed against Persia, as M. lsvolsky explained
to the Mushin`'l-Mnik, saying, 'Neither of the two Powers demands
anything of Persia, and so Persia can devote all her energies to the
settlement of her internal affairs.' Both Ministers were in full accord
as to non-intervention, and left no room for any doubt on this matter.
M. Isvolsky's words, which likewise express the
intentions of Great Britain, are as follows: 
  "'The Russian &overnment's rule will be that, so long as no injury
accrues to its interests, it will avoid interfering in any way in the
h~ternal affairs of other countries. It is quite impossible that it
should deviate from this rule in the present case.' 
  "As for the rumoured partition of Persia between England and ltussia
which is talkocl of, the two Powers above mcrtioned desire to define a
limit of power for themselves. Sir Edward Grey and M. Isvolsky
have explicitly declared that these rumours are absolutely devoid of
foundation. What the two Powers desire is that an Agreement should be
made to prevent future

difficulties and dissensions, by ~vhich Agreement neither Power
ims at establishing its inRuence in those parts of Persia which re
adjacent to the frontier of the othe~. The Agreement hreatens
neither Persia's own interests, nor those of any other foreign nation:
it only binds Russia and England not to embark on any undertaking
injurious to one another, and delivers Persia for the future from those
demands which in the past have proved so hurtful to the
advancement of her interests. M. Isvolsky's statement is as follows:- 
  "'The Agreement between the two European Powers which have the
greatest interests in Persia, an Agreement based on a l uarantee of the
independence and integrity of Persia, will conduce to the advancement
of Persia's interests, so that she, l ncouraged and aided by her two
powerful neighbours, can l enceforth concentrate all her energies on
internal progress.' 
  "You will perceive from the above statements how unfounded are the
reports recently put about in Persia concen~ing the l olitical ambitions
of England and Russia in that country. They have no sort of intention
of attacking Persia's independence, l hich it is their object in
concluding this Agreement to ensure l r ever. Not only do they not seek
a pretext for intervention, l ut their aim in these
friendly negotiations is not to permit l ne another to intervene in
Persia on the pretext of safeguarding l heir own interests. The
two powers above mentioned hope l hat in the future Persia will be for
ever delivered from the fear l f foreign intenrention' and
will enjoy complete freedom to l anage her affairs in her own
way, whereby advantage will l ccrue both to herself and to
the whole world." 
  The importance of this document can hardly be overl stimated,
for thereby Great Britain, speaking officially through l
er accredited representatives, not only declared that she herself l ad
no intention of interfering in Persian affairs, but that Russia l as
equally innocent of such intention. Nothing can be more l xplicit than
the statement that in this Agreement the common aim of the
two contracting Powers was, not only to avoid an~r retext for
intervention, but " no' to per?n~t one ano~er to 'nterne in Persza on
pretext of safeguarding their own interests." 
  Thus England pledged her honour not merely as regards her own course
of conduct. but as regards Russia's-a rash pledge, as some may think,
fpr what would Engiand do if Russia should break her promise ?-a
contingency, if the history of her former proceedings in Central Asia
be considered, which cannot be regarded as wholly impossible' She
scarcely could, and certainly would not, go to war for a breach of an
Agreement especially designed to secure peace; and her only other course
would be to go on pretending that Russia was observing the Agreement as
loyally as herself until the facts of the case could no longer be
ignored, and then to declare that she could not consent to be bound by
an Agreement which did not bind the other contracting
party, and that henceforth the Agreement must be regarded as null and
void. But in the meanwhile Russia would have enormously strengthened her
position in Central Asia (how enormously is, perhaps, not generally
realized), and, so far as Persia is concerned, "ere the antidote could
be brought from 'Iraq, he whom the snake had bitten would be dead."   
One thing, however, is clearly proved by the communication cited above,
namely, that England repudiated any intention of interfering in Persia,
and that consequently all the discussions as to the respective values
of the spheres of influence indicated in the Agreement are founded on
a complete misapprehension of its nature. The truth seems to be that,
so far as the British Government was concerned, the Agreement was in
reality of the nature of a renunciation, and was dictated:- 
  (1) By a genuine desire for peace in general. 
  (2) By a special desire for peace, and, more than that,
increased friendliness with Russia, this being in some sense the outcome
of the Anglo-French entente. 
  (3) By a genuine desire not to add to the responsibilities of
the British empire, already heavy enough. 
  (4) By a desire to economize in military expenditure, especially in
India, a condition of such economy being that the ancient bogey of a
Russian invasion should be exorcised otherwise than by extensive
armaments. To attain these desirable objects it was necessary to do two
things which must have been very distasteful to a Liberal        

administration, viz. to ~vhitewash the Russian Govermnent and to thro~r
over the l~ersian Constitutionalists. It was unfortunate that at this
particular juncture the Russian Government was displaying its illil~eral
methods and barbarous cruelty towards its own subjects in a singularly
conspicL`ous manner; that courtsmartial, hangings, Roggings and secret
tortures in prison were not only matters of
daily occurrence, but happened many times a day in many di~erent places;
and that the venerable Count Tolstoy, who had titherto
avoided political utterances, was at last moved to utter and publish a
moving protest which threw these horrors into glaring relief'. It is
unnecessary to discuss these horrors-far worse than anything done in
Persia in recent years-in detail here, but according to the Prduo,
described as " the foremost legal paper in Russia," in twenty months
from ~6So to ~700 people had been executed by court-martial, or an
average of three a day2; while some idea of the ferocity with which
martial law was administered in the Baltic provinces between December,
~905, and March ~, ~go7, may be gleaned from a letter of Prince
Kropotkine's on this subject published in the Times of July z8, '908.
political exigencies must, apparently, even in the case of
a Liberal Government, over-ride mere humanitarian sentin~ents, and the
Government organs in the Press had to put the best face they could on
the matter, gracefully ignore the courts-martial, the hangings, the
farmburnings and the prison tortures of their new ally, and
sirmulate, at least, some enthusiasm for " Holy Russia," which seems to
wield so strange a hypnotic influence over a certain number
of prominent English Liberals. 
  As for Persia, well, she must look after herself. England had
helped her, indirectly at least, to get her Constitution, and
naturally had some sympathy for its supporters, but could not, of
course, give them any material help, or suffer the .Zil~'sS~l.~an, or
any other rival of the reigning monarch whom the Constitutionalists
might, in certain events, prefer, to contest the throne with Muhammad
'Ah Shah. All this, except, perhaps, the last item, was fair enough,
and the complaint uttered by  

  A translation of this DroteSt was oublished in the D'`il~r Chro~rirk
of lulv Ic.   D~' ~cms, J~e 4, ~go8. 
some of the Persian refugees, that England should not have helped them
to obtain a Constitution unless she was prepared to give it
continued support, is unjust, considering that England could not, if
she would, maintain the National Assembly by armed force against the
Shah, and also that Persia would-with reason-have regarded such
armed intervention as undesirable and dangerous. They had, on the other
hand, a right to expect that England would, in view of the promises
given by her Minister at Tihran, require of Russia an equally
scrupulous abstention from any interference, since any action
taken by Russia subsequently to the conclusion of the Agreement
would, unless formally and publicly repudiated by England, be supposed
to have her support and approval. 
  It is not clear how far the Persian Constitutionalists were actually
reassured by the British Minister's communication, but though the series
of articles, of which the first four have been translated above, is
continued in the next two numbers of the ~Yab~'l-Mall7', its tone
changes; the attacks on the Agreement cease,or take a
quite subordinate place; and the themes treated, though still connected
with the methods of European aggression in Eastern
countries, especially through financial channels, become much more
general, and, if the expression may be permitted, less personal.
The remaining articles, therefore, though interesting enough in their
way, have not a sufficiently direct bearing on the Anglo-Russian
Agreement to render necessary their inclusion in this chapter. 
  The explanation given above of the motives which prompted the
British Government to acquiesce in the principles embodied
in the Anglo-Russian Agreement is the most favourable, and, it is to be
hoped, the true one. But it must be remembered that many Persian and not
a few Russian politicians conceive these motives as being of a
much more cynical character, and assert that Great Britain's real object
was to prevent the spread of Constitutional ideas in Asia, for fear of
the influence they might exert on India and Egypt; to keep
Persia weak and distracted; and to maintain in their present
deserted and depopulated condition those provinces of Persia (Kirman
and Sistan) which lay nearest to her Indian frontier.

                               CHAPTER VII. 
               THE COUP D'ETAT OF JUNE 23, 1908, AND DESTRUCTION      
                      OF THE FIRST MAJLIS.
  We have seen how complete was the triumph of the Maylis and the
popular party over the Shah and the forces of reaction in the abortive
coup d,/tat of December, ~907. The crisis on that occasion lasted only
five or six days (December ~3 or t4 to December 28 or ~g). It began with
the demand on the part of the Majlis (December ~ 3) for the dismissal
of the Shah's reactionary advisers, especially the Amir Bahadur
Jang and Sa'~'d-Dawla. It was acute from December ~4-~8, when
the national volunteers (whose numbers at their maximum were estimated
at ~,000 by the Persian correspondent of the l~imes) flocked to the
defence of the Baharistan, or House of Parliament, and the Sipahsalar
Mosque, while the Shah's "~tis', or roughs occupied the
Artillery Square, or Maydan-i-7~dp-khana (where they remained
until Sunday, December zz), molesting passers-by and plundering the
Jewish quarter. And its acute stage came to an end on December 18, when,
after receiving visits from the French and Austrian Ministers and the
Turkish Ambassador, the Shah gave way, promising to punish the rioters
whom he himself had incited to riot, and to dismiss
his reactionary advisers. On December ~ 9, Taq-zada delivered his great
speech in the National Assembly. On December zo the Shah nominated a
new Cabinet with lViz~m~'s Saltana as Premier. Next day the
Shah's uncle, the Zillu's-Sultan, was ordered to leave the capital, but
he received the message with contempt, beat the messenger, and caused
him to be violently ejected from his house. Thereupon he was
warned in threatening language by the British and Russian Ministers to
keep quiet; an action comprehensible enough so far as the
Russians were concerned, 

                         Sultan Mas'ud Mirza Zillu's-Sultan
                                (born January 5, 1850)

but less intelligible on the part of the English, to whom that Prince
was so favourably disposed even so far back as 'B88 that his dismissal
from most of his governments early in that year was regarded as a blow
to English influence and a triumph for Russian diplomacy. The
.Zi~'s-Sult~z was hated by the Persians, especially by the lsfahanfs,
who had had the best opportunities of knowing him, on account of his
numerous acts of cruelty, and nothing could be more absurd and baseless
than the theory advanced by Dr E. J. Dillon and other partisans
of the Russian Government that he was " the brain of
the revolutionary movementl,'' which aimed simply at putting him on the
throne. But after the Zil~'s-Sult~n had been rejected by
the Constitutionalists and mulcted in a large sum of money, Dr E. J.
Dillon changed his tune, and ceased to speak of him as " an
unprincipled claimant to the throne of absolutism," " a tyrant by
temperament," and " an Oriental despot and human beast, whose cruelty
of heart is but rarely tempered by his clearness of understanding,"
describing him instead as " one of the most influential members of the
royal family," to whose charge "no crime was laid2." 
  After the coup d~e~tat df December, ~907, great efforts 1vere made by
the National Assembly to improve the relations between the Shah and the
popular party, and a " Conciliation Committee"
(`Majlis-i-Istib~o~) was formed, which had this for its principal
object. Their efforts were seconded by Sh~'a'n'sSal~ana, the
Shah's brother, and '~'I-Mulk, the head of the Qajar or royal tribe.
They so far succeeded that on the occasion of the two festivals
known as the 'jd,-i-GJ'ad{r and the 'ld-i-Qurban the Shah received
deputations sent by the Mallis to offer him their congratulations.   
In spite of these apparent improvements in the situation,
however, the political horizon continued dark and threatening.
The Turkish troops continued their advance across the NorthWest
frontier, and entered Sawuch Bulaq, the Persians, commanded by
the ~armms-farmd;, being unable to o~er any effective resistance, while
the attitude of Russia on several 
Con20n~orary ~;ow, for August, ',o8, p. '5~.
'Ibid., October, rgo9, p. 5ll.        (

matters continued to inspire the most lively anxiety. Soon,
moreover, tl~ere arose fresh grounds of friction between the
National Assembly and the Shah. On December 1 8 a Zoroastrian
banker named Arbab Firldun was murdered in TihrAn,
and it uras proved to the satisfaction of the Maylis that the
murder was instigated by the Mccjalla;~'s-Sultan, one of the
Shah's reactionary courtiers, whom, accordingly, it was decided
to pun ish. The Shah, however, ob~ected to this, taking up
the position that his courtiers were sacrosanct, and should not
be made amenable to the laws like ordinary mortals, and
consequently it was not until May, five months after the
perpetration of the crime, that he and his accomplices were
punished with exile to Kalat, whence they were brought back
in triumph by the Shah four or five weeks later after the
destruction of the Maylis.
About the end of February, 1908, a worse thing happened.
While the Sh~h was driving through the streets of the capital a
bomb was thrown which wrecked his automobile and killed one
of the occupants. The Shah himself' who was in another
carriage, was uninjured, but he was naturally very much alarmed, and
thenceforth the hope of any sort of reconciliation became
fainter ar~d fainter. Next day another bomb exploded in a
dust-heap near the same spot, killing two more trten. The
house from vvhich the bomb was thrown was occupied by a
goldsmith named Siyyid Ghulam Riza of Marand, who was
arrested and cross-examined, but nothi'~g definite transpired as to the
perpetrators of the outrage, apparently three in number,
who effectecl their escape. By the reactionaries it was, of
course, represented as the work of revolutionaries; while
the Nationalist leaders declared that it was engineered by the
reactionary party in order to prevent any reconciliation between the
Sh~h and the National Assembly, and asserted that the
bornb-thro~vers were known to have been in communication
with the r~otorious Shapshil Kh~in, the llussiall Jcw who was
the Shah's tutor during his youth, and througllout his reign his evil
genius'. The M`ca~ab`5ir~'f-M'clk, sometime editor of the
~ See, ho~ever, the disclaimer of "
Adjutant-General Chapchal "published in the
Daiiy ~c~c~grapl' of January '5, 1909.
~usayn P`sha Khan Amtr Bah~fdur Ja'
One of the chief Reactionaries

Tamaddun, in a narrative of the cezzp d''`at of June z3, '908, which he
contributed to the Calcutta (weekly) Hablu'l-l~al~ of September ~4,
~908, goes even further, and states that the Shah himself arranged, or
was privy to, the bomb-throwing, hoping thereby to discredit
the National Assembly. 
  About the beginning of April, ~908, the ~tisJ'd~u's-Salia?zn,
who became President of the Assembly at the beginning of September,
'907, on the resignation of $anfu'd-Dawla, resigned, and was
succeeded by the Mu)~zfasu'd-Oa-wla. He had made himself very
unpopular by his endeavours to restrict the freedom of the Press and of
public speakers, and by his opposition tq the formation of a
national militia. Under his successor matters progressed much more
smoothly. About this time punishment was inflicted on four of the
leaslers of the roughs who had demonstrated against the Parliament in
December. These were, the $anf-i-flaeral, Mug~adir-i-Ni~dm, Na'ib
Isma'll, and Siyyid Kamal, all of whom were bastinadoed and exiled to
Kalat for ten years; and similar punishment was inflicted on those
convicted of the murder of the Zoroastrian Arbab Firidun about a month
  The events which led up to the second and disastrous coup d'/`at began
towards the end of May, '908. The relations between the Shah and the
Assembly being still very strained, the aged
'Azudu'l-Mu~ constituted himself the intermediary between the Court and
the Assembly. The Shah demanded that the newspapers and the
popular orators should cease to speak against him, while the
Assembly demanded the dismissal of six of the most stubborn
reactionaries who were regarded as chiefly responsible for the
Shah's constant intrigues against the Constitution. These six were, the
Amir Bahadur Jang, Shapshal Khan, the ]~/~`fd:~irz~'`-M?~,
the ~4mhtu'1-Mulk, the Muzvaqgar7~'5-Salla?za and the
Mujalialu's-Sultan. The Shah consented to this, insisting, however, that
the Assembly should act first; but at length it was agreed that action
on both sides should be simultaneous. Finally the
Constitutionalists elected a Committee consisting of the great popular
orator Aqa Siyyid Jamal, Jahanglr Khan, editor of the
S?ir-i-lsrafil, Siyyid Muhammad Riza of Shiraz, editor
of the Musa'wat, 
and some deputies induential in swaying public opinion, and these so
exerted themselves on the side of moderation that very soon a much more
respectful tone was adopted towards the Shah both in the Press and by
the popular orators. But still the Shah refused to
dismiss the obnoxious courtiers until finally a number of the
nobles and notables, headed by Prince Jalalu~d-Dawla (cousin to the Shah
and son of the Zillz~'sS?`lten), 'A~'~'d{-Da~via, the M,c'tamad-i-
Klia'~an, the Sardari-Mans~r and the Waz~r-~:Humeydn, reinforced by the
anJUmans and the people, urged the point so strongly that the Shah at
last gave way on June ~, ~go8. The dismissed courtiers, however, did not
go far afield, and the Amir Bahadur Jang took refuge in the Russian
Legation, while Shapshal Kh;Sn and also the Cossack Coloncl Liakhoff
continued to visit the Shah, who feigned to be in fear of the
  On the following day (June z) took place an act of intervention by the
Russian Minister (and, as Siyyid Taq`-zada confidently
asserted, the British Charge d'Affaires') which greatly conduced to, if
it did not actually cause, the miserable results which followed three
weeks later. On the morning of that day, according to
Siyyid Tagl-zada's narrative, these two diplomatists, who were then in
their summer quarters, the one at Zarganda' the other at
Qulhak, telegraphed in French to the Minister for Foreign Affairs
informing him that they proposed to call on him at 4 p.m. that day,
"pour discuter la situation actuelle, qui nous paralt
tres-alarmante," and requesting him to invite the
'As~cdzil-Mu~z and the M?~7~`azu'd-Dawla (the President of the Assembly)
to meet them there. I hese two declined to come, on the ground
that all communications from the representatives of foreign powers
should be made through the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The
diplomatists arrived at the time specified, and M. de Hartwig,
the Russian Minister, 

Taqf-z4da's assertion, when first made, w.~s scouted by the as
a " I'ersian fairy-tale " (see leading article of N~v. ~8, '908), b ut
its truth was subsequently pro`-ed by the Blue Book (Persia, No. I,
19cg: Cd. 458~}, No. 175, pp. 139-140. M. de Hart~ig having expresied
his anxiety about Muhammad 'All Shah, and his wish to point out to the
Persian minister ~r Fore~ Affairs "the grave consequences ~vhich nZight
ensue to Persia should anything happen to the Shah," Mr
Marling, the British Char~A~asr~s, said he "was quite uilling to join
him," and did so. 
addressed a long remonstrance, concluding with a threat, to the
Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs. "The life of the Shah," he said,
" is in jeopardy. What business have these Nationalists to interfere
with His Majesty's personal servants, especially the old Amir Bahadur
Jang, who watches over his master's safety like a faithful watch-dog ~
The any~mans and Nationalists have transgressed all bounds, and wish now
to depose the Shah. This we cannot tolerate, and, should it happen,
Russia will be compelled to interfere, and will do so with the
approval and sanction of England." This was the substance of what M.
Hartwig said, and, when he had ceased, Mr Marling, the
British Charge d'Affaires, briefly endorsed his remarks. The two then
went on to the house of the 'A~ud?''l-Mu~, with whom they found
Prince Jaldiu'd-Dawla and the 'Af ~u'd-Dawla, and made the same
communication to him. 
  The Mashfnc'd-Daw~, the Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs,
went immediately after the departure of M. de ffartwig and Mr Marling
to the National Assembly, and reported the sinister message which he
had just received to the President, Mumt`~2`'d-Dawla, and Siyyid Taq[-
z~da and the Mustasfuiru'dI:Jawla, two of the Deputies for
Tabriz, who, dreading foreign intervention more than anything else, and
deeming "a sick nation better than a dead nation," decided that all
thought of armed opposition to the Shah must, in view of Russia's
threats, be abandoned. 
  Early next day (June 3, ~908) took place the Sh~h's sudden flight from
the city, where he was afraid to remain, to the Bagh-i-Shah (" King's
Garden ") outside the walls. This flight was carried out with great
skill First of all two regiments of Silahkhurts (about 2,000 men) were
suddenly let loose on the town, and rushed through the streets and
b~drs, arms and legs bare, shooting, shouting and slashing, and creating
a general panic throughout the city. Meanwhile a body of 300 Cossacks
and two guns passed the Ilahiristan, where the National Assembly was
sitting, discussing the situation. Thither crowds flocked to learn the
news or to prepare to defend the Assembly in case of
need. While their attention was thus distracted the Sh~h suddenly
emerged from his Palace amidst a cloud of

Cossacks, Shapshal Khan, sword in hand, riding at his side, and wcut
I;rst to the Cossack barracks or Qa~fy-/J~`ffza, entering by one gate
and almost immediately emerging by another. There he was joined by
Colonel Liakhoff and another body of Cossacks, who conducted him to the
Bagh-i-Shah, where his son, the Wali-'abd, or Crown Prince, a boy of ten
or eleven years of age, subsequently joined him. It was not until two
hours after the flight had been accomplished -that it became generally
known to the people that the Shah had left the city. 
  From the Bagh-i-Shah the Shah wrote to the Chief Minister
(Rta'fsu'l- l~`zar~!, the Mush~r~c's-Saltana, a reassuring letter,
saying that he merely desired change of air and rest, and that no
political importance was to be attached to his leaving the town.
Notwithstanding this, great alarm and anxiety prevailed amongst the
people, and the next day about a thousand armed volunteers assembled in
and round
about the Baharist~n, demanding that the gates should be closed, the
military stores seized, and the Shah's deposition
proclaimed. Siyyid Taq[zada, however, accompanied by Hajji M{rza Ibr~h~m
Aga, the Director of the Anjuman-i-A[nza~arl (which had its rooms close
to the entrance of the Baharistan, and served as
a meetingplace for representatives of all the other a~zjumans)
endeavoured to calm the people and persuade the Volunteers to lay down
their arms or disperse, in which endeavour they ultimately succeeded,
and tranquilUty ~A,as re-established. 
  On June 4 the Shah sent for the 'Az?~'l-MnI:k, and through
him transmitted reassuring n~essages to the nobles and notables,
requesting that a dozen or so of them, who had most urgently demanded
dismissal of Shapshal Khan, should wait upon him at the Bagh-i-Shah to
discuss the situation. The notables in question, amongst whom were
included Prince JaldlK'dDawla, 'AM'u'd-Dawla, the Wazfr-i-Hn,?~yufs,
the Mu'tamad-iKJca~an, the Sardar-i-~lans~r, the Mu'`imin7`'d-Dawla, and
the C~im-Maqam, very naturally mistrustecl the Shah, and at first
declined to go, but on June ~ they were finally persuaded, by the
assurances of 'Az~du'l-ll~, to repair to the Bagh-i-Shah. On their
arrival there they had an interview with the Shah, but as they were
leaving several of them were arrested by the    

Cossacks and detained. The M''~tamad-i-Xhaq~n, hc~ ever, succeedell in
effecting his escape, and hastened to the Asscmbly to inform the
Deputies of what had taken place. He described how they had at first
been well received by the Shah, but how, at the close of the interview,
as the Shah retired into his andardn, a bugle was blown and all but
himself (who hid behind the trees in the garden) were arrested; though
only three, as afterwards transpired, viz. Prince Jald:lu'd-Dawla, 'A
fa~u'd-Dawle and the Sara'ar-i-Mar~s~r were detained, and
subsequently exiled to F(ruzkuh 
  The Assembly had been engaged in endeavours to tranguillize the
people, to moderate the vehemence of the Press, the anjr~mans and the
public speakers, and to bring about an understanding with the Shah, and
a committee of twelve had been appointed that very day for this purpose.
The arrival of the M'tamad-i-Khdyan about sunset with this fresh news
of the Shah's treachery naturally caused the utmost
consternation and excitement, and Siyyid 'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad
at once wrote a letter to the Shah demanding the release of
the three captives. 
  Next day (June 6) the Shah continued to collect troops, and
seized all the telegraph-offices, which he placed under the
charge of the Mukhbiru'd-Dawla, so that the National Assembly was now
cut off from all communications with the proYinces. The Wasir-i-Akram,
who was the governor of Tihran, was dismissed and replaced by
Prince Mutayyidu'd-Dawla, an uncompromising reactionary. The Shah also
issued a manifesto in which he declared his intention
of "extirpating certain mischief-makers " in the country; and a few days
later the Director of the A'~yuman-i-Biradaran-i-Da?~ua'za-i-Qazzofn ("
Society of Brethren of the Qazw~n Gate"), M(rzi Sulayman Khan, who was
also Assistant Minister of War, was arrested on the charge
of supplying the supporters of the Constitution with arms from the
Arsenal, and was carried captive to the Bagh-i-Sh~h. 
  The Shah now established martial law, filled the town with Cossack
patrols, and put Colonel Liakhoff in command, besides disarming the
people as far as possible. On June ~ i he sent an officer and ,5
Cossacks to the Assembly with an ultimatum,

saying that unless the people assembled in the Mosque dispersed within
two hours, he would disperse them by force of arms, even if artillery
had to be employed for this purpose. The Emergency Committee (which
was practically the former Conciliation Committee, and consisted of the
same twelve persons) unanimously agreed that, in the
circumstances, their only course was to persuade the people to
disperse, and the President of the Assembly,
Mz~mtazm'd-Da-~la, the MustashdEnc'd-Dawh, and Siyyid
Taqi-zada accordingly proceeded to the Mosque, where some I0r000 people
were assembled' and advised them to depart to their homes. This at first
they refused to do, nor was Siyyid 'Abdu'llah, who
afterwards addressed them, more successful. Finally Taq{-z~da persualled
each of the any?~'nans to appoint one or two representatives to discuss
the matter, and at length he and his colleague and
fellow-townsman the Mustash~frn'd Dawla induced them to agree to
disperse. The people departed, weeping and sorrowful, and one man, Mahdf
" Gav-Kush" killed himself' declaring that he could not go back and face
his wife with the admission that, after all the brave show and brave
talk of past days, the Assembly was to be abandoned without
the National Volunteers striking a blow. 
  Next day (June ~ z) Taq[-zada and Hajji MIrza Ibrah~m succeeded in
somewhat reassuring the a~umans, but the Shah continued to make fresh
demands, and now required the expulsion from the capital of the
following eight persons: Mirza Jahangir Khan, the editor
of the 5~r-i-Israff7; Siyyid Muhammad Riza of Shlraz, the editor of the
Musa-`u~; the great Nationalist orators Alalikntl-Mutakallimfn and Aqa
Siyyid Jamal, both of Isfahan; Mtrza Dawud Kh~n; the Zall~s-Sult~n, a
cousin of the Shah, and a prominent officer of the National
Volunteers; Hajji Mirza Yabya Dawlatabadi; and MIrza 'Al'
Muhammad "Biradar." In addition to the expulsion of these leaders of
the popular party, the Shah demanded control of the Press and
disarmament of the people. These demands were the subject of protracted
negotiations, and all the while the Sh~h wasremoving arms and ammunition
as fast as he could from the town to his camp at Bagh-i-Shah 
  On or about June ~ 7 the shops were closed, and the 
               [qa Siyyid Jan~`lu'd-l)in of Isfahan
            The Alalik~'l-M~laballimin ("King of Orators")
                      COUP DETAT OF JUNE 23, 1908
merchants and guilds of craftsmen, accompanied by representatives of
other anJumans, sent a deputation to the Assembly asking that a
rallying-point, such as the Masjid-i-Jum'a, might be assigned to them,
and ultimately they were permitted to use the Sipahsalar
Mosque adjoining the Baharistan for this purpose, on condition that the
refugees should bring no arms with them. Thus during the day-time large
numbers of persons gathered again in the precincts of the
Baharistan and Mosque, but at night they returned to their homes,
leaving only their representatives and some hundred armed watchmen
supplied by the A?`J'` Meanwhile riots broke out in most
of the provinces, especially at Rasht, Kirman, Isfahan and Tabriz. The
town last named appointed a Committee of Assistance, raised
a subscription, and telegraphed that they had deposed the Shah. Between
noon and sunset ~ 300 tumans (about .~60) was collected in Tabriz from
the poor, and next day, having collected ~o,000 ~ma'ns (~;z000)
they despatched 300 horsemen under the command of A:ashid~'l-M`~Ik to
Tihran to the aid of the Constitution. Amongst these volunteers were 50
men under the command of Sattar Khan and 50 men under the command of
Bagir Khan, the heroes of the later defence of Tabriz. Other towns
promised volunteers for the defence of the Constitution (e.g.
Isfahan promised 5000 men), but the Tabriz contingent was the only one
actually sent off. 
  During these days messengers kept constantly coming from the Shah to
the Maylis with fresh demands and impossible proposals, and
the M?`Jh~ruJs-Saltana was now the only Minister admitted to audience
with the Shah, while all representations from the Deputies were,
according to the account given by the
Mudabl~ir~c'l-Mu~z (Calcutta fla~olutl-Matin, September '~, igo8) at
once translated and sent to the Russian Legation. On the evening of lune
zz, however (the eve of the fatal day), messengers from
the Shah brought reassurances designed to lull the Constitutionalists
into a false security,and it was agreed betueen the two parties that
all the matters in dispute between the Shah and the people should be
referred to a mixed Committee of Daz~latis and Aliflat~s, i.e. Royalists
and lS ationalists. That night about 9 p.m. three of the Ministers,
Dazula (Finance), M2`sktr?`'d-Daz~la (Sciences and
Arts) and M?`'ta'~an~'l-M'`lk (Commorce), came to the Assembly and
announced that the Shah had accepted the proposal for a mixed
Committee. After about an hour's discussion the Assembly dispersed, it
being understood that in the morning some of the Shah's
representatives should come to the Assembly and settle all
necessary details. At midnight the Mus~ru's-Salte?'a, the Chief
Minister, sent a letter to the J~mtazu'd-Dawla, the President of the
Assembly, announcing that the Shah had accepted all their proE,osaLs.
For the first time for more than three weeks anxiety was sensibly
relieved and the prospects of a reconciliation seemed brighter. 
  Early on the morning of the fatal z3rd of June a number of
Cossacks entered the court-yard of the Sipahsalar College' but
the ~fa~zJecJ~ls, or Nationalist riflemen, induced them by
friendly persuasion and exhortations to withdraw, whereupon the doors
were closed. At this time the Baharistan and Mosque were surrounded by
some ~000 Cossacks and soldiers, while the street was also full of
troops, and passage was interdicted. The eight persons whose
expulsion had been demanded by the Shah were in refuge in a room
adjoining the Assembly. News of ~hat was taking place was telephoned to
the '~la~ne and deputies, and the President of the
Assembly, M?vmtazn'a'-Dawla, MIrza Muhammad $adiq, editor of the J[ajlis
newspaper, and three of the chief '~ciama', viz. the Imam-Jum'a of Khuy,
Siyyid Muhammad Tabataba'i and Siyyid 'Abdu'llah Bahbahan[, at once
hastened to the scene and were admitted. Siyyid Taqi-zada was indisposed
and did not come until later, when he was unable
to obtain admittance. At first all who wished were allowed by the
Cossacks to enter, but none to come out; but afterwards both entrance
and exit were stopped. 
  Siyyid 'Abdu'llah Babbahani and the M'c?nta'z~c'd-Da-wla now sent for
the Persian officer in command of the Cossacks assembled
outside the Baharistan, a man named Qasim ~qd, and asked him what they
wanted. He replied that they were ordered to disperse the
people. They then undertook to persuade them to disperse voluntarily,
but the o~cer refused to listen to them. At this juncture (about an hour
after sunrise) 

  Colonel Liakhoff, accompanied by six other Russian officers, drove up
to the Bahiristan in a carriage, inspected the ground, divided and
disposed his troops, and placed six guns in six
different positions. Siyyid 'Abdu'lldh sent a message to the
Colonel requesting speech with him, but was met by a refusal. Some of
the National Volunteers asked permission to shoot Colonel Liakhoff, who
had now mounted his horse, but were forbidden to do so, lest this should
afford a pretext for Russian intervention. I?or the same
reason Shapshal Khin, who was prominent, ``as allowed to escape without
scathe or hurt. 
  Colonei Liakhoff now re-entered his carriage and drove away to the
Khiyaban-i-Zillu's-Sultan, and as he passed the rooms of
the An?umar-i-Aearb~yjen, the guns, under the direction of the
other Russian officers, opened fire on the Mosque and Baharistan.
Thereupon some fifty foot-soldiers, who were drawn up in front of the
buildings just named, stripped off their red coats, handed over their
rifles to the defenders of the Ma~4s, and, unarmed, entered
the Nationalist garrison. Many of the mounted Cossacks also fled, but
the llussian officers snatched their rifles from them and shot several
of the fugitives, whereupon the rest reformed and opened fire, killing
about a dozen of the Nationalist Volunteers (T~fang-~rs) at the first
volley. Just before this volley one Cossack wheeled and manccuvred his
horse in front of the A~?4man-i-~zarbay.~a'''' and discharged several
shots from his rifle. 
  Hitherto the Nationalists had refrained from firing, and indeed there
were not many more than a hundred of them provided with guns and from
50 to too cartridges apiece, but of these they no`v made good use, and
succeeded in putting out of action three of the six pieces of artillery
which had been set up to bombard the Parliament. A gallant attempt was
also made by the A?~,i~cman-i-Mzczaffaffand the
~4?~,iuman i Aza?a;yni' to capture the other guns, but they were
driven back by reinforcements of (:ossacks. The gun which did most
damage to thom was to the north, in the Khiyaban-i-Darwaza-i-Shimran.
In spite of the shrapnel poured in on the defenders, however, the
resistance was continued for seven or eight hours, until finally the two
buildings which had for the best part of two years been

the centre of the Nation's hopes, and the focus of the new spirit which
had stirred the dry bolles of a seemingly dead people to new life, the
Baharistin and the Sipahsalar Mosque, were reduced to ruins, and the
defenders either slain, taken captive, or put to tDight. The numl~er of
the killed on either side is unl~nown. Of the leaders of the people,
Siyyid Taqi-z~da, the M~'~id2''s-Saita?`a and some thirty or forty
others succeeded in reaching the shelter of the
British Legation, which, however, was instructed to admit only such
fugitives as were in danger of their lives. The eight Nationalists whose
expulsion the Shah had previously demanded, and who had taken refuge in
the Sipahsildr College (see p. zo4, supra), fled to the house of the
A,nf7~n'd-Dawla, ~vhich was close at hand, but this traitor at once
telephoned news of their arrival to the
Cossack headquarters, and soldiers were immediately sent to arrest them.
One, H;ijj{ Mirza Ibrahim, was killed while resisting the
soldiers' attempt to strip him, and the others were taken to the Shah's
camp at Bagh-i-Shah, where next day Mirza Jahingir
Khan and the Mal~''l-Mum{`zIlim~ were strangled. The
Shah's cousin, Prince Zah~'r~c's-Sz~l~a'', was also led out for
execution, but was spared at the last moment, owing, it was said, to the
~leclaration of his mother, the sister of the late
Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, that she would kill herself if her son were put
to death. After ~oeing cross-examined, he was finally released and
allowed to go to Europel. Of the remaining four, Siyyid Muhammad Riza
succeeded in escaping, and wandered about, enduring extreme hardships
from hunger and exposure, in Mazandaran and GIlAn, but ultimately had
the good fortune to reach a place of safety. ~4qa Siyyid Jamal also
escaped from Tihrin, but is believed to have been captured in disguise
near Hamadin and put to death. The hf~cstasMrn'd-Da-`vCa, the honest
and fearless Tabriz deputy, and Prince Yahya Mtrza~ long lay in
chains and captivity at the Bagh-i-Shah, with many other 

1. He paid me a visit at Cambridge on November ~o, 1908. s Yabya Mirza,
arter several weeks' captivity in the Bagh-i-Shah, was at length
released, and lived to be re-elected a member of the new Alaj~l, but he
died shortly after it was opened (in the latter half of 1900), as a
result of his sufferings during his confinement. 
                       Mirza Jahangir Khin of Shir~z
                          Editor of the $~-i-llrdia

                         Uajji Mirza Ibr~him Ag'
                             Deputy for Tabriz
                 VICTIMS OF THE COUP D'ETAT OF JUNE 23, 1908
prisoners, of whom the {ollowing twenty-two are included in a
photograph in my possession dated Jumada'l-ula 23, A.H. 1326 (=July 4,
~go81: (~) lKasirn'l-MaJnalik, brother-in-law of
the SaMr~'d-Dazvia; (z) .Hish~nat-i-AJi~m; (3) Mashhadf Baqir of Tabriz;
(4) Mirza Muhammad 'All Khan, editor of the Taraqqf;
(5) Muhammad Shar~f, partner of No. to; (6) Ibrah~m Tabbal;
(7) Faraju'llah the tobacconist; (8) Shaykh Ibrah~m; (g) Mirza Husayn;
( ~ o) Sult~nu'l-'uCamd, editor of the filiAzu'l-Qudus, which
was suspended for publishing a strong article against the Shahl; (l~)
Shaykh 'Al! Qazi-i-Qazw(n{, judge of the Supreme Court, one of the few
survivors out of Siyyid Jamalu'd-DIn's chosen band of
twelve disciples'; (I~) M(rza Muhammad 'All' son of
the Malil'~'l-M?'telallimfn who was strangled, as already mcntioned;
(~3) Mirza 'All Akbar Khan, of the Supreme Court; (~4) M[rza 'Ah Akbar,
brother of No. I ~; ( i S) HajJi Muhammad Taq(, a Deputy; (~6) 'Al; Beg,
servant of the Mustesf~r'~'dDatula; (17) Hajji Khan, the tailor; (~8)
Shaykh Ibr~him of Talaqan; (~9) Aqa Buzurg Khan; (zo) Yabya M[rza,
editor of the ~qz~r; (~ ~ ) Mirza Dawud Khan, the partner of Mirza
Jahangir Khan who was strangled; and (zz) Natib Baqir Khan, the
door-keeper of the National Assembly'. 
  For several successive days the houses of persons obnoxious to the
Shah, including his uncle the Prince Zillzc's-Sulten, and
his cousin Prince J~lu'd-Dawla (son of him last mentioned)
and the .Zahiru'd-Oawla (uncle by marriage to the Shah, father
of the Zalfr&`'s-Snita?', and at this time governor of Rasht), were
bombarded and looted by the soldiers, and priceless manuscripts and
objects of art fell into the hands of Colonel Liakhoff and his
myrmidons. The Baharistan and adjoining Sipahsalar MosquF, were reduced
to ruins, and all the precious records of the National Assembly
destroyed. Colonel LiakhoR was appointed military governor of Tibran,
which he placed under martial law. He surrounded the British Legation
with his    
See pp. 156-161, s~pra. ~ See p. ~o, supra.
In the photograph, which is reproduced as a picture post-card
with Persian inscriptions, the captives are arranged in two rows of
eleven each, one standing, the other kneeling, all in chains and nearly
all bare-headed. The numbers (added in the post-card) run from right to
left, Nos. r-'I being in the upper and Nos. ',-~' in
the louer row.

Cossacks to prevent more fugitives from gaining its shelter, though
these were removed a few flays later in defcrcncc tc, llritish
protests, and the Persia~z Minister for Foreign Affairs,
A~'zi's-Saltana, lately Persian Minister in London, was compelled to
offer to the British Charge d'Affaires a formal apology which would more
aptly have come from Colonel Liakhoff or whatever RuSSZ'a?Z
authority controlled his actions. Other disagreeable incidents
occurred significant of the hostility felt by the Court party and its
Russian aiders and abettors towards the English representatives, who,
if they had finally left the (:onstitutionalists in the lurch, had none
the less, by the support which they gave them in the summer of L906,
earned the hearty dislike and cordial mistrust of the reactionaries. An
affray, which might have had fatal results, took place between some
Cossacks and the Indian s'~wa'rs who constitute the guard of the
llritish Legation, but news of this was prevented from appearing in most
of the E?:nglish papers except (I think) the Da~ly Telegra~b, lest t'ne
" entente " should be damaged, and in this case Colonel Liakhoff was
obliged to apologize, while the Cossacks who took part in the affray
were punished. The following proclamation, ori~inally issued and posted
up all over Tihran in Colonel 'Liakhoff's name, was also, in deference
to British susceptibilities, and the desire to maslc in some degree the
active part played by Russian agents in the co'~p a{itat, replaced in
a few days t~y another signed by a dummy Persian governor
nominated aa'Izac, though Colonel Liakhoff remained practically dictator
of Tihrin until the entrance of the Nationalist army on July ~6, ~909.
The text of the proclamation mentioned above, translated from
the weekly Calcutta Haf'h4'1-Mai{'z of liamazan 2, A.H. 1326 (tieptember
28, ~908), pp. 8 et seqq., is as follows:- 
  "Agreeably to the Command of His Royal and Imperial Ma~esty (may our
lives be his sacrifice!) and for the assurance of public security and
the due enforcemeut of the laws regulating the internal order of the
city of Tihran, I announce for 
Celebratiolls at the grave of 'Abbes ,iqa l~e fortielh cl;;y afler hii
~lc:lll~ (Occ. G, '')o;). .Cicc~ p ';~ 
        Constitutionalists in chains at the 13agh~i-Sh;ih
        aner tbe Co'/p ~/~rZ o~ R~'le 23, IgOS. Ficc p. 209

the information of the public the matters hereinafter mentioned,
together urith the necessary general regulations which have been
enacted.    "(~) The regulation of all the affairs and dispositions of
the Capital is entrusted to the Officers and Cossacks of His
Imperial Majesty's Brigade, the Gendarmerie, the regiments of Khalaj
and Zarand, and the Police of the Department of l'ublic Security.    Any
persons tranagressing the commands of the Law herein set forth, or
failing in obedience thereto, will be prosecuted and punished with the
utmost rigour. Persons suffering from tyranny or oppression of any kind
are hereby permitted and empowered to submit their complaints and
appeals to this Office, or to lay them before me personally.  
"(3) Offenders proved guilty of acts of tyranny and oppression
towards such complainants will be summarily punished, and the wrongs
suffered by the latter will be righted, under the supervision of an
Officer nomh~ated by the Government. In cases of theft, assault, or
contumacy, the victims of such acts must, on their occurrence, notify
the Officer in command at the nearest guardhouse. 
  "(4) The prices of bread and meat must remain at the present rate.
Should the normal price be raised, those responsible for such rise will
be fined a sum of money double the amount of the difference between the
normal price and the raised price at which they haYe sold. 
  "(5) Assemblies in the streets or open spaces of the city
exceeding five persons, whether assembled to watch streetperformances
or to listen to speeches, will be dispersed by armed force. 
  "(6) Persons engaged in the sale of hre-arms or their appurtenances
are hereby warned that from this date onwards they are
rigorously prohibited from selling such to anyone without my
permission. Permission to sell arms to persons who are in need o[ them
will be granted by me only. 
  "(7) Seeing that the discharge of fire-arms in the to~vn may give rise
to the idea of some disturbance, [should such occur] a number of
Cossacks will at once be despatched to that 

place to put down the disturbance. If a gun be discharged by
mistake, the offender will bc i~prisoned for a definite period.
If a gun be fired at a thief by nightl some of the Cossacks who
are guarding the city will be detailed to entr-r the house and
make the necessary investigations. Persons deliberately and
wilfully discharging fire-arms will, when captured, be punished
with the utmost rigour.
"~8) Should a gun be discharged from any house in the
streets or quarters of the city in the direction of any street or place
patrolled by the soldiers, who will be constantly on the
move, that house will be destroyed and reduced to ruins by
~artillery and musketry, shoulcl it be clearly and certainly proved that
ulterior motives prompted such discharge. In such cases
the house will be destroyed and reduced to ruins with guns and
"(9) Persons who have been in the habit of depositing in
~the streets and thoroughfares loads of straw, fire-wood, planks and the
like, are strictly forbidden to commit such acts in the
"('o) Carriages and droshkies must stand one behind the
,other on the right-hand side of the street. Shoulcl any dispute be
witnessed between the drivers, they will be punished.
- "~) The duty of scavenging, watering and keeping in
order the streets and thoroughfares is incumbent on the owners
or tenants of the adjacent houses.
"(~z) I desire all the inhabitants of Tihran to assist me in
supervising all matters connected with the maintenance of order
in the city.
               [Signed] Palkonik Colonel) LIAKHOFF,
               Officer in command of the mounted Cossack
               Brigade ot His Imperial Majesty (may our
               lives be his sacrifice!)."1

  In spite of its specious form, the stringency of this proclamation
su~lciently accounts for the paralysis of all further
activity (at any rate open activity) on the part of the
Constitutionalists at Tihran for the next twelve months, since

1. Compare the translation of this document given at p. 159
of the Blue Book on Persia [Cd. 45811; (Inclosure ~ in No. Irl.)

                      Colonel V. Lial~lloff

the right of meeting and free speech was effectually removed, the free
press was destroyed, and the possession of arms or materials for th~
construction of barricades was rendered impossible. 
  Behold, then, Tihran prostrate beneath the iron heel of Colonel
Liakhoff and his Cossacks, despotism once more triumphant,
the young Constitution crushed, the Press gagged, the popular
leaders either violently slain (like M;rza Jahangfr Khan, the
editor of the );rrr-i-Israfff, the great orator Malik~'lM'rtaka~s~rin,
and Hajji Mirzi Ibrah~m), or in chains at the Bagh-i-Shah (like those
enumerated at p. ~og sr~pra), or fugitives in the forests of
Mazandaran (like Siyyid Muhammad Riza, the editor of the Mnsa7`Ja'),
or refugees at the British Legation (like Siyyid Taq{-zada). For the
time being all hope o,' freedom and better government in Persia seemed
to be at an end. 
  The prominent part taken in these events by Colonel Liakhoff and the
other Russian officers of the Shah's Cossack Brigade naturally gave rise
to much criticism in European circles. The official defence, put forward
on numerous occasions by Sir Edward &rey in the House of Commons, and
reiterated by the l~ih~res, was that Colonel Liakhoff being in the
Shah's service, no responsibility for his actions lay on the Russian
Government. As, however, when it was suggested to M. Izvolsky by Sir
Arthur Nicholson, the British Ambassador at St
Petersburg, on November 9, ~908, that these Russian officers "might be
withdrawn for a time by their Government ' this suggestion was declined,
not on the ground that the Russian Government could not recall them, but
that, in the existing circumstances, it would be " hazardous " to recall
them', this contention can hardly be maintained, even if no credence be
attached to the remarkable statements of M. Panoff, who, in the latter
part of ~cp8, acted for a time as correspondent of
the well-known Liberal Russian journal Ryech, and concerning
whom, and whose "revelations," sometlling must now be said. 
  M. Panoff, who wrote under the ?lOh?, de~`erse of "Tane," was by birth
a Bulgarian, and is thus described by an observant 

 See the Blue Book on Persia (No. ?, 1909: Cd. 4j8~), Nos. 299 and 3os,
pp. aos and 200'.
  English resident at St Petersburg who met him there after his
expulsion from Persia. " My personal impression of Panoff was not
unfavourable. He was clearly something of an adventurer, a man of action
and not a man of books, but it seemed to me that this was rather an
advantage for a correspondent in the present situation in Persia. He
had had an adventurous past; had been a bandsman in Macedonia: his
father had died in a Turkish prison, and his brother and sister had been
killed by the Turks in prison. Sorne of his statements on Persia were
crude, and in his lecture in the Women's Club he certainly overdid the
sensational side. Yet, so far as I could test his statements, he seemed
be remarkably well informed, and the editors of the Ryech declared they
were thoroughly satisfied with him.... On the whole ~ was convinced that
he was trustworthy, and am not yet convinced that he is is
clear that the [Russian] Government is prepared, when
Panoff publishes documents incriminating the Russian agents in
Tihran, to publish directly or indirectly documents that may
possibly compromise him. Perhaps it would be well to have this in view
when you receive Pano~s pamphlet." 
  The pamphlet above mentioned has not, so far as I know, been
published, but I received a type-written copy of it (in Russian) in the
spring of 1909, and caused it to be translated into English. It is
entitled " Russian Agents Provocatcurs in Persia," and consists of six
parts, viz. (~) a pamphlet or essay on Persia, especially its recent
history and the causes of the Revolution; (~) the alleged S;ecret
Reports of Colonel Liakhoff, of which further mention will shortly be
made; (3) account of a conversation which took place between the author
and M.
Izvolsky, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, at St Petersburg in
January, 1909; (4) the author's account of his expulsion from Persia in
[December, ~908, by M. Sablin, the Russian Charge d'Affaires at Tihran;
(5) an c.~cposure and denunciation of the proposed Persian loan; and (6)
an account of the Shath's e.Y-tutor, the notorious Jewish Russian agent
Shapshal Khan. 
  It is the second part of this worl;-the Liakhoff correspondence-with
which we are here chiefly concerned, but something more must first be
said about M. Panoffs adventures. 
  FIe appears to have gone to Tihran soon after the coup d:'t'm', since,
in writing of his expulsion, which took place in Dccembcr, ~908, he
says, " When, six months ago, I went to Persia in the capacity of
correspondent of a Russian progressive newspaper, I knew very well that
no roses awaited me h~ the land of Iran. I did not in the least deceive
myself with regard to the feelings likely to be aroused in Russian
administrators, not excepting diplomatists, by a
correspondent, especially a correspondent who wished to throw a dry
light upon things, seeing them without prejudice through his
own eyes." Notwithstanding these apprehensions, however, he was at first
very well received by M. de Hartwig and the other members of the Russian
~ egation, and by Colonel Liakhoff; obtained by their means audiences
with Muhammad 'Al; Sh~h and the Zi~'s-Sult`~', and was permitted to
inspect the ruins of the bombarded House of
Parliament. When, however, the number of the Ryech which contained his
first letter, describing his conversation with Colonel
Liakhoff, reached Tihran, this initial amiability speedily gave place
to an attitude of pronounced hostility. M. Panoff was branded as a
Social Democrat, an Anarchist, or worse, and it was added that he, being
no true Russian but a Bulgarian, " could not satisfactorily enter into
the purposes and views of Russian diplomacy in Tihran, and consequently
was not ;n his right place." At the same time it was suggested to him
that he should ``share " his information with M. Passek, the Russian
Consul, ~vho would indicate to him " how and of what he might write in
the Russian papers "; while Colonel Liakhoff offered to him, as an ex-
officer, a commission in the Cossack 13rigade. 
  Failing to achieve anything by these methods, Messrs de
Hartwig, Baranovsky ("the first dragoman at the Legation' who, as a
matter of fact, is everything in the Russian Mission "), and Liakhoff
began to interfere with M. Panoffs correspondence, epistolary and
telegraphic, and to put various obstacles in his way' while (at their
instigation, as lle asserts) sundry documents " bearing on the internal
affairs of Persia, the activity of Colonel Liakhoff and the Russian
Legation, and the [Russian] Discount an~l Loan Bank" were stolen fro n1
his room in the hotel. He was further warned that he would bc expelled
at twenty-four

hours' notice, and a special censorship was established over his
telegrams by M. Baranovsky, who himself supplied news to the
St Petersburg Telegraphic Agency, "which had latterly been
systematically supplied with telegrams al~out attacks by
Fi~'fs (N'ational Volunteers) on Russian subjects, and the dangers to
Russian interests which these attacks threatened.'' 
  About the middle of November, ~go8, M. de Hartwig left Persia
[or St Petersburg, where he arrived on November z5, and M.
Sablin became Charge d'Affaires at the Russian Legation. Towards the
middle of December the Ryecli published a statement, on the authority
of M. Panoff, to the effect that the Shah had telegraphed to Prince
'Ayn~'d-Dawla, who was in command of the Royalist forces investing
Tabriz, bidding him "to organize bands of sarbazes (soldiers) wllo, in
the guise and under the flags (National Volunteers), should
make attacks on Russian subjects and foreigners in Azarbayjan "-
evidently with a view to giving a pretext for Russian intervention. On
l~ecember ~, M. Panoff was summoned before Messrs Sablin and Baranovsky
at the Russian Legation, and threatened with expulsion unless he
revealed the name of his informants, and consented " to present Persian
matters in a more reasonable light" and " renounce his intended
revelations, which would be inconvenient to the Legatio,n." As he
refused to agree to this, he was expelled from Persia, by virtue of a
Russian Consular regulation as to the expulsion of "undesirables," on
December 15 or ~. The R'rech, for which he had acted as correspondent,
had an article on this event on December ~8 (5 old style) strongly
denouncing the arbitrary action of the Russian Legation, and reference
was made to the matter
in several English newspapers!. Even the IVovae Yremya, reactionary as
its views generally are, protested in its issue of January ~9 (6 old
style) against such high-handed proceedings on the part
of Russian officials abroad". 

e.~. the Morning Post d Dec. 18, and the ~imes, Oaily A~esus, WCJIC~*
Alorn;?rg JV^us, etc. of Dec. ~9. See also {urther notices in the ~in`es
of Dec. '5, the dllansing f~olt of Dec. :3 and ,5, the Daily 79~1egra,~h
of Dec. ,5, and the A!anchester Guard~a of Dec. :6, 1908. 
2 See the Mornig ~Post for Jan. oo, 15~9. 
  M. Panoff, on his expulsion from Persia, came to St Petersburg, where
hc foregathered with a somewhat mysterious personage
named M~rza Shaykh'AIi, described in the Mor~zng Pos';' as a ?'z``j~akid
and a mermber of the Sh{'ite Ecclesiastical Council of Najaf, concerning
whom a somewhat violent controversy presently arose, the
Russian reactionaries, followed by their English friends, declaring that
he was not a m~'y~ahz] nor even a Persian, but a Tartar of Lankuran and
a Russian subject. On the other hand, an English friend of mine at St
Petersburg wrote of hin~ as follows:- 
  "It was fortunate that I saw a good deal of him and that I happened
to know enough Persian to talk with him independently of Panoff,
otherwise 1 am afraid ~ should have begun to doubt very greatly. Last
Wednesday (February ~o) a staten~ent appeared in the papers here to~the
effect that enquiries made in Najaf showed that no such m~J/afizzd as
M~rza 'Ah was known there, that the only Mtrza 'A1; known was a Russian
subject, a theological student from Lankuran. The inference was that the
man who was here was an impostor. Later on I discovered that some one
had been spreading this view amongst the Cadets
(Constitutional Democrats) who sympathize with Persia, and then I
learned that the person who had been doing so was M, whom you
know....As to Mirza Shaykh 'Ah, after a lot of roundabout talk he said
(~) that the Russian Consul in Najaf says that there is no such person:
(~) that the son of the M,rza at the Russian Legation in Tihran, ~vho
is now studying in lYIoscow, and who knows all the ?'zl`Jtat?a'S in
Persia by name, declared on reading of M~rzd'AII in the papers that
there is no such ?'zl'Jtahzd: (3) that the chief dragoman of the
Tihran Legation, Batyushkoff (13aranovsky is only IOC?Im te~zells},
called on Mirza 'Al', found he could talk no Persian but only Arabic,
and was insulted by Panoff. On this ground he declared that Mirza Al;
was an impostor. As to the incident with Batyushkoff, I
witness it, and Panoff did certainly treat Batyushhoff strangely, to say
the least of it. It was strange, too, that M;rza 'Ah refused to
talk Persian, but perhaps Panoff 
        1 Jan.,  1909. 

had told him not to do so, for fear of spies. That Mirza 'All was a
l'crsi;ln I am 1,crfcotly sure. 1 tried to slJcak lurkish with him at
first, but he answered very lamely, and I don't think he was
merely pretending. Resides, he seemed to me to be a
singularly intelligent and cultivated man. I talked with him about many
things, and he was always ready to give me clear information. I
cannot ren~ember whether he actually said he was a'~i`J~zb~d or not. Ele
told me a great deal about Najaf: as to the Ayas (4 Masters,' i.e.
the great m`~ylaJ~ids) he said there were only four or five big
ones (e.g. Mulla Kazim-~-Khurasani and some others) and that he was only
a ' little' one. He also said that he taught Arabic in a ~nadrasa at
Najaf. His birthplace, he said, was Isfah~in, and his
pronunciation was that described in the grammars as the Isfahan
pronunciation. Ile told me a great deal about Isfahan, and
particularly about the Bakhtiyaris, in whom I was much interested.
Altogether he made a very favourable impression.... Hasan
Mamedoff, the Muhammadan deputy from Elizavetpol (Ganja), talked with
Mirza 'Ah a good deal. He ridicules the idea of his being a Lankuran1,
says he is certainly a Persian, and is convinced that he is a
?~;jta}~id, or at any rate a very learned theologian, because he put a
of thorny theological-legal questions to him, and received
very satisfactory answers. He says he does not know who he (MIrza 'All)
is, but he seemed to be certain he was traYelling under a false
name for security's sake. If that is true the mystery is exylained, but
it woulcl be useful if his real name could be made known now that he is
safely out of the country. He told me he was going to Constantinople
from here." 
  On the whole it seems pretty clear that M'rza ShayPh'Ali was a Persian
and a man of learning, but not a "u', tahid in the strict sense of the
word, and that the name under which he passed was an assumed one. The
matter would hardly merit so much notice but {or the vigorous attempts
made, not only in Russia, but in a certain section of the English Press,
to make capital out of it to the detriment of the Persian
Constitutionalists and their sympathizers. ~he three papers most
conspicuous .~or this, as well as for other attempts to give currency
in this          
country to the views of the Russian reactionary party in regard to
l'crsia, wcrc the 5~i`dard, the 021~1ook, and the Cont~or~~ Revie7f',
of which the two last mentioned appear, so far as foreign politics are
concerned, to be practically the organs of that party in England'. The
support given to the constitutional movement in Persia and
the condemnation and practical excommunication of the Shah by three at
least of the chief 'n,~jt`'kids of Karbala and Najaf are so well known
that the views of lesser Shl'ite theologians are of comparatively small
  To return to M. I'anoff. He left St Petersburg for the Caucasus in the
first half of February, 1909, and before long was reported as having
joined the Persian Nationalists at Astarabad About the middle of April
reports reached St Petersburg, and were thence transmitted to this
colmtry, that the Turkmans had captured and looted that town, and that
Panoff had fled. On May I the l~aily ~elegr~ph had a letter from its
special correspondent at St Petersburg dealing briefly
with Panoff's history, and concluding with the following account of his
supposed end:- 
  "A ~nonth later [after Jan. ~8, the day on which the correspondent saw
him and Mirza Shaykh 'Al' at St Petersburg] Panoff, whose knowledge of
the Persian language was very limited, emerged at the head of the rebel
contingent v~aging war against the Shah. Day by day his reputation as
a Nationalist warrior grew and spread. He entered the city of Rasht at
the head of the triumphant pda'fs, and breathed military fire into his
nondescript followers. Finally he captured Astarabad, and, learning that
the Turkmans were advancing, conceived the daring plan of an advance to
attack and annihilate them. 
  "He accordingly set out for the district of Ramasha (~) at the head
of 500 men. The Turkmans, informed of his departure, entered the city
of Astar~Zbad and sacked it. Then Panoff, turning back by the
shortest route, surprised the enemy, whom hc complctcly surrounded. ThE
fierce TurkmaT,s fought with the courage of desperation, but for nine
mortal hours the event 
See especially the Sta'~ard for January 28, and February 2, 18. 2], ~Znd
23; the O~`tiook for April r;, Finy r, ~f.Zy ~r, :ay 22; and reviev,-s
of Foreign Affairs in the Co'~en~porar, Re~i=~!, paslin`.

seemed doubtful. At last Pano~s partisans came to the end of tlleir
ammunition, and were severely defeated and hotly pursued. 
  "Panoff, bleeding from four wounds, was unable to seek safety in
flight. Capture by the enemy might mean exquisite torture.
Suicide, therefore, seemed the unique issue out of the difficulty, but
he had only one bullet left. Turning to his friends he exclaimed:
'Comrades, love freedom as I have loved it; and have loved it
dearly. Farewell!' and, raising his revolver to his head, he blew out
his brains. 
4' The tidings of the successful leader's death has produced
widespread grief in revolutionary circles ~n Persia." 
  On May ~, however, the Daity 7~ele~graph's romantic narrative was
overthrown by an annot~ncement in the Eve?`i'g Standard (based on an
article in the R!yech, for which M. Panoff had acted as correspondent)
that Panoff had l?een arrested at Moscow for travelling with a false
passport, and on June 5 the ~lor?`ing Post published a message from its
St Petersburg correspondent in which the following further
part~culars were given:- 
  M. Panoff, a former correspondent of one of the Russian journals, who,
after his expulsion, fought on the side of the Nationalists in Northern
Persia, has been kept for over a fortnight in solitary confinement in
the Secret Police Department at Moscow. No charge is made against him,
but it is assumed that the ground of 1lis arrest is the report that M.
Panoff was on his way to Europe as an agent
of the Persian Nationalists. 
  "It is conceiYable that the Russian Government may have a reason for
disapproving the actions of M. PanoR, but that fact alone would hardly
seem to constitute sufficient legal ground for keeping a
Bulgarian sul?ject in prison without preferrtng a definite charge
a~ainst him." 
  Two days later the same journal announced, on the authority of its St
Petersburg correspondent, that M. Ilanoff had been sentenced to three
months' imprisorltnent for making use of a false passport. That may have
been the reason of his arrest and detention, but it is at least possible
that his chief cri~ne in the eyes of the Russian
Government was his publication of the 

four follo~ving documents, purporting to be four secret despatches of
Coloncl Lial~hoff to tile Chief of the Military Staff in the Caucasus. 
Co~zes of fo'`r Secret Re~orts re~zting to '/ze destruct~on of tize
Persi`?~' PerI'ament a72 7~'e 23, Igo8, alle~ed to have bee~z sen' by
Colo~zel ~'a~o~ to bead-y~caYters.
(Translated from the Russian.)

        " Your Excellency,
  "On the ~6th of May (June 8j H.M. the Shah summoned me and the First
Dragoman of the Legation to Bagh-i-Shah. In an intimate conversation
the Shah expressed his agreement to our former proposals, of which I had
the honour at the time to inform your ExceHency to abolish
the Constitution, disperse the Ma,7is, and, by means of a whole
series of manceuvres, so as to escape the insistence of the European
Powers, to return to the former absolute form of government. TO which
he added that in asking fior a plan of further action he would request
that there might be as little bloodshed as possible. TO this I ventured
to remark that in a concest bloodshed vvas unavoidable and
indispensable.    "When we had returned to the town that evening, I and
the first Dragoman drew up at the Legation a plan for further action
against the nest of robbers that is here grandiloquently called a
parliament. In lhis, as a basis for further action, the aim adopted was,
up to the actual moment, to lull to sleep both the Mnylis and its
adherents on the one hand, and the European Legations on the other; then
unexpectedly to bring about a collision, and, making use of our
organised military force, to destroy the nest of these bribe-takers and
kill all its defenders who should think of offering any resistance.
Those who survive its
destruction should be prosecuted by means of administrative order' and
subjected to the very severest punishments 
  Kno~ving the local custom of aU the authorities, not excepting the
Shah himself, in season and out of season to shove their noses
into e`!ery arrangement, and thereby spoil things, we thought it
expedient to insist that after the acceptance of the plan we had drawn
up, 1, as the chief person concerned, should be gi~en full freedom of
action, with the right not to submit to anybody's orders whatsoever from
outside, no matter from whom they might emanate, until the task
shoubl be completely accomplished.

  Although from the former orders and instructions of your Excellency
the fashion of my action and the limits of my full powers are quite
clenr, yet I venture humbly to beg you to make clear to me the limits
of :,ctive participat~on in the matter in hand, apar~t from the secret
share which I shall take in bringing the rreatter about. 
  "When the plan of campaig~n which we have drawn up has been approved
by the Minister and the Shah, I shall have the honour of forwarding a
copy to your Excellency without delay. 
        "May z7 (1une 9), Icp8, Tibran." 
        " f2e~sorS Wo. 60. 
        "A~vaiting your commands,
        " Your Excellency,
  "The plan drawn up by myself and the First Dragoman of the Legation
was approved by the Minister, after preliminary telegraphic
communication with St Petersburg, almost without any objection being
raised, with very ummportant modifications. As to the Shah, he long
hesitated, like a Persian, fearing the blood which n~ust necessarily be
shed, and began to propose some sort of half measures, compromises, etc.
In view of this we were forced to bring into play tI~e final decisive
means. NVe announced that the plan had been approved by the Russian
C;overnment as the best for the purpose in the present condition of
affairs, and that if the Shah is not willing to agree to it, Rassia will
refuse him all support and
disclaim all responsibility for whatever further may happen. The means
were strongly effective and of course he agreed without delay, and
granted complete liberty of action for carrying it into effect.    "The
fundamental points of the plan are as follows: 
  (1) With the funds of the Legation and of the Shah to bribe important
n~embers of the ~Ifeylis and the Ministers, so that at the last sittings
they could carry out whatever policy is dictated to them. 
  (2) U p to the final moment, when all preparations have been
completed, to keep up comparative friendliness with the Mnj~is,
pretending that there is a desire to come to terms with it on a basis
of mutual concessions, and with that purpose to enter upon negotiations.

  To attempt by bribery or other means to tempt out the armed men from
the Ma7~fis, the Mosque, and the adjacent buildings of the An'~mans. 
  (4? To endeavour to buy over the majority of the leaders of the great
city A'~yi`~'s, so that on a given day they should not let out but keep
in their members. 
  (5) On the day before, or in good time, to send out into the ,ll'ZJliS
and the Sipahsalar Mosque disguised Cossacks to give an excuse for the
bombardment by firing in the air, and afterwards to kill ale the
defenders to be found there. 
  (6) To take the most energetic ~neasures in order that not a single
malcontent should succeed in taking sanctuary in the European Legations,
especially the British Legation. 
  (7) When all the preliminary preparations are completed, on a fixed
day to surround the .U`zj~is and adjacent buildings with Cossacks of the
Brigade and Arti]lery, and to bombard it and kill a]l who resist.    8)
After the bombardment to give up the houses of eminent
Constitutionalists and Deputies to be sacked by the soldiers and rabble. 
  (9) To arrest without delay eminent constitutional leaders, deputies,
and partisans, and hang or exile them according to their social position
and importance.   (10) To publish, for the tranqui]]izing of men's minds
and for the Powers, a manifesto to say that the `1lay7is will be
convoked a second time.    "The Shah expressed his consent and preferred
a wish that the Persian forces should take part, but I resisted
categorically and obstinately, in view of the fact that this is just the
most suitable moment for the Brigade to render real service and take the
place that befits it in the life of the Persian State' and so render
more easy the attainment of further aims.    "As to my direct share and
active participation on the day of the bombardment, the Minister was
against it, fearing the objections of the Powers. But 1' keeping in view
your Excellency's orders, and the circumstance that however much the
Persian Officers may be devoted to ltussia, still they remain Persians,
and at the decisive moment may by some sentimentality or other spoil the
whole thing, insisted on my own personal direction.    "I may
confidently assure your Excellency that in the Brigade ``hich is
entrusted to me, both among the officers and the non-commissioned ranks,
there is excellent discipline and devotion to the cause, and unless any
conditions from outside interfere, I can answer for success. 
        " May SI (June r3?, IC9OB,
        I ibrAn."
        "Awaiting your commands,
        COLONEL V. LIAKHOFF.''        '1

"Report No. 62.                              Secret


"Your Excellency,
  "With regard to Your Exacllency's enqniry as to the action of the
Cossacks near the English Legation in not allowing any one to enter it,
I have the honour to give the following explanation:
  "From my former reports Your Excellency knows of the intention to
surround all the Legations, with the object of preventing the public
from entering them and taking sanctuary, and of my punctual execution
of this plan. As to the special measures taken by me against the English
Legation, the reason was as follows. On the sth (~8th) of June in the
evening I was called up on the telephone to the Legation by the
Minister, who informed me that, according to inforDlation rcce~ved, the
English Legation was in vague c,utlines guessing what was being
prepared, and uas intending to offer sanctuary to the malcontents, so
as thereby to weaken the effects of ouraction. Accordingly he advised-
that n~ore special measures should be taken against the British Legation
than against the rest.
  "Asto the Minister having advised me (as reported) instead of
surrounding the English Legation to surround the houses and shops of
Russiar~ subjects in the streets near by, and so to prevent access to
the Legation, there was at the time no talk of this between us.
  "Although I admit that this would have been wiser than what we did,
since the final result would have been the same, and it would have
deprived the English of a direct ground for protest, we did not adopt
this course, not, I imagine, because I would not listen to advice, but
simply because in the fever of work this combination came into nobody's
  "Herewith I have the honour to forward to you a list of the officers
who specially distinguished themselves and were thought worthy by me of
being rewarded with Russian decorations.
                          "Awaiting your further orders,
                              COLONEL V. LIAKHOFF."
"Juue 12 (25), 1908,
"Report No. 63.                                      Secret.
                      DISTRICT OF THE CAUCASUS.

"Your Excellency,
  "Before a group of Officers of the Brigade, devoted body and soul to
Russia and the Idea, I read your Excellency's despatch to the effect

            The Baharistan (House of Parliament) after the
                     Bombardment of June 23, r908

HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY the Emperor thought fit with his own hands
to trace on the telegraphic announcement from His Brilliancy the Viceroy
(of the Caucasus? of the action of t]le Cossack Brigade against the
revolting Parliament, 'Well done, Cossacks! Thanks to the brave
officers!'   "Indescribable joy seized all of them, and the thunderous
echoes of a mighty hurrah were long in falling silent. The enthusiasm
of the officers simply beggars description.
  "Thereupon it was resolved by the council of officers to ask me
through your Excellency and His Brilliancy the Viceroy to offer at the
feet o~ our idolised Monarch the~r genuine feelings of loyalty on the
part of all the Officers of the Brigade, their burning desire to lay
down their heads only at the command of the hiost Puissant Ruler of
Mighty Russia, and their readiness to sacrifice everything for the
carrying out of the Monarch's Will.
               "Made happy by the [avour of the Highest,
                                   COLONEL V. LIAKHOFF."
"June 15 (28), 1908,

  Now if these documents be genuine, they conclusively prove
the hollowness of the official assurances given by the Russian
Government to the British Foreign Office, and by the latter to
the Parliament, Press and People of Great Britain, as to the
complete innocence of the Russian Government of any share in
or knowledge of Colonel Liakhoff's actions. Thus, on July 3,
1908, M. Izvolsky gave Sir Arthur Nicholson, the British Ambassador at
St Petersburg (Blue Book, p. 138), "the most positive
assurances that Colonel Liakhoff, in carrying out the Shah's
recent measures and assuming military command of Tihran
(if he had done so) acled -~without lke orders, knowledge or approval
of tice Imperial Government"; Sir Edward Grey stated on July g,
in reply to a question by Mr H. F. B. Lynch, that "whatever action
Colonel Liakhoff took in the emergency which arose the other day was
taken independently of his Government"; while the [i~nes,
in a leading article published in its issue of September 17, though
admitting illjudged actions on the part of Russian agents in
Persia, considered that "the statements made from time to time
in Parliament by Sir Edward Grey have never left any room for
doubt as to the absence of any serious difference of opinion
between the British and Russian Governments in regard to the
situation in Persia, and the equal determination of both Powers
to abstain from all direct interference in her domestic a~airs."

Again on October 15, 1908, the Times, commenting on the
manifesto signed by two of tllc cxilcd l'crsian Dcputics,
Siyyid Taqi-zada and the M~'~zzzdi's-Sahena and published in its
columns on the same day, while frankly admitting that "both
in Tibran and Tabriz Russian influence seems to have been
exerted in unwise directions," and that "the stories of local
intrigue and of intervention with reactionary intentions [by
Russian agents in Persia] narrated in the manifesto appear to be by no
means imaginary," held the view that "the Russian Foreign
Office was equally guiltless [v~ith the British] of the machinations
ascribed to it by the politicians of Tihran."A little later
(Nov. z), inRuenced, apparently, by Russian susceptibilities, as
reflected by its St Petersburg correspondent, the 7~z"ies began
to scold the exiled Persian deputies and their linglish friends
(or "advisers," as it chose to call them) for their apprehensions as to
Russia's designs, and to characterise their statements as
"Persian fairy-tales"; and from that time onwards until the
capture of Tihrin and deposition of Muhammad 'AIf Shah by
the Nationalists in the middle of July, 1909 (an event which
falsified all the predictions of its very confident Special
Correspondent, a gentleman conspicuous for his dislike of all
constitutional movements in the East) it continued to show a marked
hostility to the Persian Constitutionalists, and to treat them as it
had treated the liberators of Italy sixty years ago, thus giving a
stronger proof of its consistent sympathy with reaction than
of its political foresight!
  The genuineness of the alleged Secret Reports of Colonel
Liakhoff cannot, however, be regarded as proven, and the fact
that the scheme therein set forth for the destruction of the
la~/is corresponds so very closely with the actual course of
events may be regarded as a suspicious circumstance rather than
an evidence of truth. The originals in Colonel Liakhoff's own
handwriting, which M. Panoff asserted to be in his possession,
have never, so far as I know, reached this country, and only two pieces
of confirmatory evidence have as yet been forthecoming,
viz. rst, that two experts in the Russian language, one an
Englishman and the other a E(ussian, who examined M. Panoff's
memoir both observed that whereas M. Panoffs Russian was

very faulty, the language of the alleged Liakhoff documents was
correct and appropriate, and couched in such a style as might
be expected from a Russian Officer; secondly, that a Russian
politician whose name is well known in this country, though it
would be obviously imprudent to mention it, told an acquaintance of mine
that he knew it to be true that the Tsar had in
fact telegraphed his congratulations to Colonel Liakhoff on the
destruction of the May~zs. Owing to the dualism, or even
pluralism, which, as all observers agree, exists in the Russian
administration, it is quite possible that Colonel Liakhoff received from
high quarters incitements and encouragements of which
M. Izvolsky had no knowledge' and indeed the allegation was
that the colonel received his instructions from the chief of the
Military Staff in the Caucasus, who in turn received his instructions
from the reactionary Camarilla which surrounds the person
of the Tsar. M. Panoff, of course, scouts the idea that Russia
was not responsible for Colonel Liakhoff's actions.
  "Colonel Liakhoff," he says, "is not in the least to be
reckoned an officer in the Persian service: he wears Russian
epaulettes, Russian uniform, is on the strength of the active
Russian army, and gets his pay from the Russian Government;
and the statements of certain organs of the Press that for the
actions of Colonel Liakhoff the Russian Government is not
responsible are an evident lie with a purpose. It is impossible to shut
one's eyes to facts that clearly cry aloud. Colonel Liakhoff playing the
part of commander of a distnct corps of police in
Persia, executing the most horrible ferocities, is none the less, I
repeat, carrying out the will of the Russian Government, but
not in the least that of the Russian people."M. Panoff adds
that M. de Hartwig was a notorious Anglophobe and a personal
enemy of M. Izvolsky, so that he had a double motive for seeking to
~vreck the Anglo-Russian Agreement-"Izvolsky's pet
child."He it was who extended to the arch-reactionary Amir
Bahadur Jang the protection of the Russian Legation; who
confirmed the scheme for the destruction of the Maylts drawn up
by Messrs Liakhoff and Baranovsky; who encouraged Liakhoff
to surround the British Legation with his Cossacks in order to
prevent the hunted Constitutionalists from taking refuge there;

        ~and who, while out~vardly pretending to be on bad terms with
~I~ialihoff, lZrivatcly "dccl;~rccl ~, corrcs~Jon~cnts wllo interviewed 
him that the Colonel harf acted excellently," only quaZ~ifying this
statement by the remark that ``he went a bit too far." 
        "Liakhoff," says M. Panoff a little lower, "does not subordinate
himself even to the Shah. There was an occasion when the Sh'ah demanded
the surrender of a Cossack who had ~vounded General $a-,zi`-i-~acrat.
L~iakhoff declared openly that `. he would not give him up,'because he
was not a Persian Cossack, but a Cossack of the Brigade."' "With
Liakhoff," he adds' a little further on, "in the capacity of school-
instructor to the Brigade is one Popoff, a runaway coroner from
Novocherkassk, who sends off his own and likewise Liakhoff's articles
(which he signs) to the Caucasus papers, the Golos ~os~v~ ("Voice of
MOSCOWR,)J Golos Prav`6 ("Voice of Right,'), and the St Petersburg
(Gazette), praising loudly the actions of the gallant Co]onell,' In
conclusion M. Panoff makes a statement of which I have received
independent confirmation, viz. that soon after the co'~ d~eta~ the
contract of the Cossack Brigade was renewed for a fresh period
of twelve years, the number of Russian officers and non-commissioned
officers being doubled. The fact that the old contract was on the point
of expiring, and that it was quite certain that the National Assembly
would never wil~ingly consent to its renewal was stated by Siyyid Taqi-
zada (whose statements I have always found to be correct) to have
precipitated the conp d'etal of June 23, 1908. 
  Here a few more particulars concerning the no~v notorious Cossack
Birigade may appropriately be given. The text of the contract drawn up
in ~ 8~z between Mfrza Sa~id Khan, the Persian Minister for Foreign
Affairs, and the Russian Minister was published in No. ~ of the daily
Tihran Ha~k`'l-iLfat~ (May ~ i, 1907) in the course of a leading article
  "Who zs tf~e Palf,~onciz Li e. Coloriel L"zIIco~l, fZli~ ~J`at      
  2S ~ZS ~'or-k ? " 
and opening with the apt quotation:- 

4 Be not A'ee~less any [o'~g;er, for ~ 671IZ Rfraid
    Th`'t ~'en '~ay imagi'`e Ma' '4is is a servan' who has no 7'zasler
~ "          The contract in question comprises eleven clauses, and is
said to have remained the same' save for changes in the names, ever
since. The contents are briefly as follows. 
  CIanse '.-Colonel Charkovsky is appointed by the General Staff of the
Caucasus to succeed Colonel Doumendovich for a period of three years as
military instructor of the Persian Cossacks. His duty is to train and
drill the mounted troops assigned to him by the Persian Ministry of War
in the same way as the Russian troops are trained and drilled. 
  Clal~se 2.-Colonel Charkovsky shall be aided in this work by 3
officers and 5 sergeants (ouryadniJe) similarly appointed by the General
Staff of the Caucasus. The names of these persons shall be at once
communicated by the Colonel to the Russian Legation at Tibran, which in
turn will communicate them to the Persian Government. 
  Cla~lsc 3.-The Persian Government undertakes to pay the Colonel a
yearly salary of 2400 ~na?'s, or 24,000 francs, to be paid quarterly in
advance, besides allowances for 5 horses. The other officers shall
receive the same salaries which they received in the time of Colonel
Doumendovich, while the sergeants shall receive 20 t~?nd,ls a month, or
z40 ~ma?ts a year. 
  CZause 4.-On the signing of this agreement, a sum of one hundred half-
imperials is to be placed at the disposal of Colonel Charkovsky for the
expenses of his journey, and a sum of 75 half-imperials is to be
assigned to each of the new officers and of z4 half-Imperials to each
of the sergeants for the same purpose. 
  Clause 5.-The salaries of the above-mentioned officers and sergeants
are to be payable from the date of signature of
this agreement. 
  CIause 6.-A sum of 400 ldindns (4000 francs), being an advance of two
months' salary, is to be paid to Colonel Charkovsky on the signing of
this agreement. 
  Cinuse 7.-In all matters connected with his service Colonel Charkovsky
shall act in accordance with the instructions of the 

Persian Ministry of War, to which he is subject; and this l
Ministry undertakes to pay him his salary.
Clause 8.-A!l travelling expenses incurred by Colonel
i Charkovsky in carrying out the orders of the Persian Govern
ment shall be defrayed by that Government.
Clacse 9.-Colonel Charkovsky cannot abrogate or modify
any of the provisions of this agreement, nor can he quit the
service of the Persian Governmcnt before the conclusion of the
period of three years mentioned in Clause I. But should his
health break down within this period, so that he is unable to
perform his duties, the Persian Government shall accept his
resignation. He shall also be allowed leave of absence for a
period not exceeding three months should his health or private
affairs require it, but in that case shall not be entitled to his salary
or other allowances for this period. Similar conditions
apply to the other Russian o~cers and sergeants employed by
the Persian Government.
CIause lo.-The Persian ;overnment undertakes, on the
conclusion of the period af three years, to pay to Colonel
Charkovsky and the other officers and sergeants the same sums
for travelling expenses mentioned above in Clause 4. They
shall be entitled to the same sums if this agreement be cancelled by
desire of the Persian Government before the conclusion of
that period.
C~use ~ ~.-The above-mentioned officers and sergeants shall
present themselves at Tihran within two months and a half of
their receiving, through the Russian Legation, the travelling
allowances above mentioned.
The agreement is dated Ramazan ~z, A.H. 1299 (=July 28,
In the succeeding number No. 12) the 1Yabld'l-Mat~n com
meets vigorously on the evils of this arrangement, and on the
dangerous extent to which the powers of the Russian com
mander of the Brigade have been allowed to grow since the
time of the agreement of ~882.
  The Tamaddun (No. 16) dated 2 Rab'ii, A.H. 1325 (= May
15, 1907) supplements the above articles in the Hablu'l-Matin
by publishing the budget of the Cossack Brigade for the preceding

year, A.H. 1324 (= Feb. 25, 1906, Feb. 13, 1907),
which is as follows:- 

Salary of the Russian Colonel 5,520
Major 2,760
two , Captains 4,600
six sergeants (,nz~-b~hf ))
and farriers (baypfr) J 3~3~2 ~,ndas
Total sn!Iries of Russinn oDicers 16,~92 ~6,19Z
ToJal salaries of Persinn o~iccrs 36,549
Pensioners ~ z,z76
JSalaries of persons brought from abroad) 8 8 ~
l for service in the Brigade ~ 2 '4 9 _
Wages of two quarter-masters 360
Wages of tailors, saddlers, etc. (6 persons) 560
Wages of ~ 5oo privates at z2 t~in`Ans 33,000
Officers' table expenses 5,4
Travelling allowances of privates 27,375
Fodder for Russian officers' horses 756
Fodder for 50 artillery horses ~,800
Fodder for privates' horses 36,ooo l
Uniforms etc. for ~,500 privates 17,475 l
Light and fuel ~,950 ~ I
(Russian) farriers' expenses 350 ~ l
Hospital expenses 800 ,' l
Repair of fire-arms, etc. 130 jl~ I
Various stores and necessaries 860 ~Q l
Repair of barracks etc. 2,000 ~ l
Extraordinary incidental expenses I, I zo I IL I
Office expenses 540 ~ . l
Shoeing horses (1,200 at '2 qirdns) 1,440 E I
Disabled horses 240 ~ l
Medicines for horses 120
Deduction for rejected horses at 5~/. 300
, , (artillery) horses 750 l
Expenses in camp: officers' mess 600 j . ~
Present to officer in charge of camp loo l
Grant in aid to members of Brigade 1,058 -I
Presents to privates on occasion ofl 1,500 l
reviews, etc. J l
, Tota' 230,~02 1

In other words the Cossack Brigade, if this account be correct,
costs Persia something like -46,ooo a year, besides having
played the chief part in the attempt to destroy Persia's newlywon
liberties and to cast her back into her ancient thraldom.

According to No. 10 of the Surush (for October 13, 1909),
the Brigade was originally instituted during the Russo-Turkish
War of 1876 at the instigation of the Russian Government,
which hoped to employ it against the Turks in certain contingencies. It
says a good deal for the perspicacity of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din that he should have foreseen sixteen years beforehand that
it would one day be employed against the Persians
l See p. :6 rr~pra, and note I ad cale.

                   CHAPTER VIII.

               THE DEFENCE OF TABRIZ.
(First Period: June-December, 1908.)
  IF the late Abijits had been as incompetent as certain
influential organs of the British and Anglo-lndian Press asserted,
Persia as a whole might have been expected to witness
its destruction with indifference, and to return with complacency to the
former state of things. Thus the 7~i'?`es, in a leading
article published on June ~5, two days after the catastrophe,
described it as having "furnished a signal example of the
inability of Orientals to assimilate the principles of self-government";
and as having "talked a great deal, but strewn little
readiness to settle down to solid work."Again, on July ~, it
declared that the Maylis, "in its late shape, needed drastic reform
even more than did the Palace"; that "it had been
delivered of a prodigious quantity of frothy rhetoric, but had
displayed no constructive ability whatever "; and that it
"systematically attempted to outstep its proper functions and
to encroach upon those of the Crown.""Sofne of its chief
members,)' it continued, "are charged, and apparently not with
out reason, with corruption, and one was believed to cherish
dangerous ambitions. The free press in Persia, it is worth
observing, proved to be as mischievous and as dangerous as it
has proved to be in other Oriental lands. Above all the Par
1iament shewed itself unable to deal with that most formidable
of all problems in times of disorder. It could not provide for
the most elementary of the financial needs of the country.
The situation, which has been bad for many years, grew steadily

worse. Amongst the liberties of which the people availed themselvcs most
widely was that of refusing to pay taxes. Insecurity
increased, trade languished and disturbances were rife. The
existence of a Royaiist party became manifest, and the enthusiasm of the
Nationalists grew cold."In this strain the 7~i,nes
continued to express itself at intervals during the succeeding
twelve months; and though, in face of the Turkish Revolution
of duly z4, ~908, it had to qualify its views as to the "inability of
Orientals to assimilate the principles of self-government"by a
declaration July z5, ~go8) that`iTurkey is, after all, far better
qualified to receive the boon of free institutions and a free
Press than the backward and comparatively isolated country of
Persia," yet the tone wllich it adopted during the short-lived
success of the Turkish counter-revolution of April '4, ~909,
revealed a latent hostility to the Turkish Reformers quite in
keeping with its attitude tc.wards the Persian Constitutionalists. The
unique position which the Times still holds, and the
semi-official character generally ascribed to it, especially abroad,
makes it necessary to devote to its study, particularly on matters of
foreign policy, a closer attention than is necessary in the
case of lesser journals and periodicals in this country which
adopted an attitude of more open hostility towards the Persian
reformers. Of such were the Sta,~dar! which, on Jan. z8, ~909,
made itself the mouthpiece of the views held by the most
reactionary ca??la~iiia of the Russian Court; the O'`tioo~z, ~vhich re-
echoed them, with some additional absurdities of its St Petersburg
correspondent, in the following April; and the Conte,~porary
Rev~e~w, in which Dr E. J. Dillon, a graduate of the University
of St Petersburg and ax-Professor of the University of Kharkoff,
continued to regale his readers with similar stuR inspired
from a shnilar source.
To what extent, then, we must enquire, are the criticisms of
the [i)nes justified by facts? And if they are not so justified, to what
motive or motives ~nust we ascribe them? The charges
brou,ht against the first National Assembly are briefly these:
(` ~ that it showed much capacity for "frothy rhetoric," but
"no constructive ability`.~hatever": 12) that it "systematically
attempted to outstrip its proper functions," and strove to become 
an executive as well as a legislative body: (3) that some of
its members wcrc corrupt, and others moved by "dangerous
ambitions": (4) that it failed to grapple with the urgent question of
finance, or to maintain order: (5) that its incapacity cooled the
enthusiasm of its supporters and recreated a Royalist party: (6) that
the freedom of the Press which it permitted was fearfully abused: (7)
that the a7'j?cmans, or political clubs, which
were its chief support, consisted for the most part of violent and
dangerous revolutionaries. These charges must now be briefly
examined in detail.
I ack of Constn~ctive ~bility.
It would appear sufliciently obvious that to clear the ground
of ruins, ~ris and rubbish must be the necessary preliminary
of any constructive effort. The Persian National Assembly,
when it began its work, found itself confronted with disorders
and abuses which had grown up for centuries and had finally
become so acute as to goad even the patient people of Persia
into that Revolution of which the Assembly was itself the outcome. Money
was urgently required in every department, but
even more urgent than the need for money was the necessity of
safeguarding the independence of Persia, and of checking foreign
control, which, as we have seen, had already assumed dangerous
proportions. This foreign control was, as it were, personified
by and embodied in M. Naus, the Belgian Director of Customs,
who, unless common report grossly maligns him, had throughout
been actuated rather by a desire to further his own interests
than those of the nation which employed him, and who had

disgusted the Persians by his arrogance and disregard for their
feelings. Undoubtedly, therefore, the Mayl~s voiced the national demand
and gave expression to the will of the people when it
refusecl to ratify the proposed new Anglo-Russian Loan, aud
obtained, on Feb. ~o, 1907, the dismissal of Messrs ~'aus and
Priern. Havh~g thus grappled successfully with a great national
danger, the Alaylts turned to those schemes of reform which
will be discussed under the heads of Finance and An~z`~zelzs.

  (2) Attempt to usurp executive functions.

From the tone adopted by the Times and other critics of
the Majlis, one would suppose that that body had merely to
agree on the legislative measures requisite for the welfare of
the country and then to rest confident that they would be duly
put in force by a loyal and efficient executive. Of course the
actual state of the case was far otherwise, every effort being
made by Muhammad 'Ali Shah and his supporters, Persian and
foreign, to impede the work of the young Parliament, which,
realizing that it was useless to make laws unless they were
carried out, had to use its powers, as far as possible, in an
executive as well as in a legislative sense. It is hardly fair of the
Times to complain breath that the Majlis did nothing but talk,
and in the next that, not content with talking, it also tried to act.
Its attitude towards the Majlis exemplifies
throughout the Persian proverb "Kaj dar u mar-riz,", "Hold [the
cup] crooked, but don't spill [the liquor]."

  (3) Unworthiness of Members

  Nobody would contend that all the members of the first
Majlis were single-hearted patriots, caring nothing for their own
interests, and animated by the sole desire to serve their country. To
judge by the language habitually employed by the Times,
and still more by its humbler and more unbridled congeners,
this contention could hardly be maintained even in the case of
the Parliament of Great Britain. Undoubtedly the Majlis contained
corrupt members some of whom could, if necessary, be
named), while others may have harboured exaggerated personal
ambitions, but the point is that whereas under the old reg`me it was
hard to find an inco~rrupt office-holder, certainly a large
proportion, and probably a majority, of the Deputies of the
National Assembly were animate~ by a patriotism and public
spirit which would have been creditable in the members of any
Parliament, whether in Europe or America. More than this no
reasonable person could expect, for if sudden conversions be
rare in individuals they are necessarily much rarer in the case of

nations. A fairer way to put the question is: `4 Does history
afford many instances of a nation mal~ing such conspicuous
advances in public spirit and morality in so short a period as
were made by the Persians during the period under discussion?"
I venture to think that parallels will not easily be found.

  (4) National Finance and Public Order.

As we have seen, the financial problem was the great problem
by which the Majlis was confronted, and the scheme for dealing with
it elaborated by the Finance Committee and embodied in
the Budget brought forward in November, 1907, was one of the
most notable achievements of the new Parliament. From time
immemorial gross personal extravagance and the reckless cnrichment of
favourites and fief-holders for the most trivial
services, or for no services at all, have characterized most rulers of
Persia, and, in consequence of this continual demand for
money for utterly unproductive purposes, the unhappy peasant's
shoulders had to bear an ever-increasing burden, rendered more
intolerable by the systematic peculation exercised by every one, from
the highest to the lowest, concerned in the collection of
the taxes. In theory the Shah owned the people and the land:
at best, they were his "flock"(ra'iyyal) and he their "shepherd" (ra'`):
if he was a good king he contented himself with shearing them in
moderation: if bad, he not only sheared them of
their fleeces, but, as Mirza Riza said in his cross-examination,
stripped the flesh from their bonesl. Since ~890, as we have
seen, the rulers of Persia, too lazy to do the "stripping"themselves,
had, for comparatively trivial cash payments, allowed
foreign concessionnaires to share in the exploitation of the
unhappy peasantry, and it was this innovation which had at
last brought about a revolution which owed its success to the
support of the powerful Sh~'ite clergy, who, whatever their faults, are,
like the Irish priests, a truly national class, sprung from the people
and thoroughly in touch with the people. Had the
revolution taken place before this era of concessions and foreign loans
began, the task of the popular party would have been far

1. See p. 71 supra.

easier, since their attempts at reform would not have been
hampered to the same extent by foreign interests.
Roughly speaking, the state of things with which the new
Finance Committee had to deal was as follows. Persia was
divided for fiscal purposes into 340 divisions, each of which was
assessed at a certain sum, and each of which had a separate
register (f iMlicha) kept by a special mus~wff. These musta~wfis, at the
head of whom u~as the Musta~fi'i-~a~czl~, formed a
special class of state accountants, whose system of keeping
the records was extremely complicated and almost incomprehensible to
those who lacked their special training. Each
district was assessed at a certain sum, which the governor or
officer responsible for the district was expected to remit every year
to the capital. As govcrllmellts were colnmonly sold to
the highest bidder, and the taxes thus far~ned out' the successful
competitor for such a post had not only to collect the sum
-authorized by an old and obsolete assessment, but also to reimburse
himseEf for the large sum he had expended in bribes, ancl
likewise to lay up a provision for the future, since his tenure of
office was precarious. He was also accompanied by a host of
~hangers-on, each of whom, according to his position, looked to
make his harvest while the sun shone.
  It is easy to see what abuses, and especially what cruel
oppression of the peasantry, must necessarily result from such
a system, and to what fearful leakage of revenue it must
inevitably give rise, so that, as is commonly reported, of the
money actually extracted from the people only about one-tenth actually
reached the Treasury. On a system essentially rotten
and unsound had been grafted numerous minor abuses,of which,
apart from the monstrous sums absorbed by the Shah, the
Princes of the Royal Family, and various other nobles and
great men, the chief were represented by the three terms
(~) ~ydiat, (z) T`~s'lrat, and (3) afa=~t-i-'~J~iai, about each
of which a few words must l~e said.
(T) ~~y~fat (fieE-holdsy. When the Shah wished to reward
some one for some real or fancied service, he often found it
more convelliellt, instead of paying him in cash fro rn the
Treasury, to assign to him the rever~ues of some village or

district, from which the fief-holder naturally endcavoured
extract as much money as possible. Such village thus becar.
provided with a ne`v tyrant more ruthless than the Shah himse
 (~) Tas'/rat (monetary equivalent for payment in kinc
In certain cases where payment was originally made in kin
such payment had been commuted into money, the estimate
which such commutation was based being invariably one u
favourable to the Treasury. The object of these payments
kind seems to have been to keep an ample supply of grain aother
food-stuffs in the government stores or granaries, and
to prevent or check the creation of those "corners"in whe~
flour and the like known as i~t~ar or an~ir-a~arl. This obje
was defeated by the commutation in question.
 (~) Tafa~v~t-i-'a?~'al("practicaldifference"~. Thelandassec
ment being, as already said, old and obsolete, it often happen~
that the taxes which could be raised from a given district we
either less or greater in amount than those originally co
templated. When the district had suffered deterioration, tt
`'practical difference"was recognized, and the governor ma~
a corresponding deduction from the amount at which it h~
originally been assessed, but in the contrary ca,se he ignored t]
difference in remitting, but not in collecting. The differen
~vhich he pocketed in the latter case was known as tafd?w~
 In addition to all this, all sorts of minor frauds were co
stantly perpetrated, and the relatives or friends of pensione
often continued to draw their pensions or prey on their fiefs lor after
they ~vere dead.
 The Finance Committee, which began its Hercula an labou
on the lVawniz or New Year's Day (March :!I) of 1907, a'
presented its Budget to the May`'cs in the following Octob~
comprised ~ ~ members, 5 from ~zarbayjan, ~ from Tihrd
2 from Fars, and one each from Kirman, Khurasan and H
madan. It was presided over by W~th?~n'd-Dawlc,and includ.
TaqI-zada (to whom I am indebted for these particular~
M'cstasicartc'`~-Dawla; Hajj i Mirza fiLqd, known as Husay
zada; Hajji Mirza Ibrahlm; SJcaraf~c'd-Dazola; H"sem7.c'c'-lrsc~ 

knowledge of the complicated details of Persian finance); and Mirzci ~l\li
l~l~.ln ,l~lib-f-A:Irz~'`rt, a young m.ln of romarkable literary
Acting c~n the advice of the wise and patriotic.~N'~zs~r'~'l-M,'l;k, the
Committee decided that it would be inexpedient to increase existing taxes
impose new ones, and impossible without time, money and the aid of foreign
experts to attempt a reassessment of the land' and that consequently they
must trust entirely to economies in order to obtain the much-needed
For some years previously there had been an annual deficit of about three
million f7frnar~s (about 6oo,ooo) as follows:- 

A~?Z?~' e=/ei~d~Ye ]0,500,~0 tih~zans.
An7zucll re~~?~?`e  7,500,000 ,

De~cit 3,ooo,ooo ,

The Finance Committee worked at their task with the utmost diligence for
or seven months, observing no holidays, beginning their work daily at
sunrise, not concluding it until three hours after sunset, and not leaving
the buil~ding in which they sat during the whole day. Entry by entry they
considered, discussed, and voted on the case of each pensioner and
fiefholder, reducing or abolishing most of these pensions except in the
of the very poor and the really deserving. Some Princes of the Royal House,
as already observed, enjoyed enormous allowances charged on the revenues,
notably Muhammad 'All Shahts brother the Shic'~z'zf's-Se~z~a, who had
tJcrnans (about ~3,ooo) a year, and his uncle the Z`If~'s-S?~It`~n, who
7S,000 M,?z~z?zs(~5,0c~o)a year. All these were reduced to a uniform
allowance of 12,000 ~mans (~;~400) a year. Measures were also adopted to
check the other abuses mentioned above, and to cause an appreciation of
silver (for practically no gold circulates in Persia), and finally, by dint
of these and other economies, a Budget was produced which converted the
deficit of.570,ooo into a surplus of (~o,ooo, the total saving effected
being some .800,000. Of this surplus ~zo,ooo was assigned to the Shah~s
Ci~il List, leaving a balance of .~ to,ooo for other purposes. And if this
Budget, as asserted by Mr [}avid Fraser (afterwar`3s special correspondent
of the l~irnes at Tihran) at 
1908, have

a Meeting of the Central Asian Society held in London on Novembcr ~', igo8,
to hear Taqi-z;ida's account of thc situation in Persia, existed only on
paper, and was never realized, the fault lay not with those who constructed
it with such labour, but with those who prevented its provisions from being
carried out. That it should cause dissatisfaction in many quarters, notably
to the Shah, the Princes of the Royal House, and to a crowd of parasites
who had long lived and waxed fat on the abuses it strove to remedy, was
enough; but Persia is not the only country where much-needed reform is
impeded or prevented by vested interests. The radical antipathy of Muhammad
'All Shah and his reactionary supporters and advisers to any effective form
of popular control was the rock on which not.only the Budget, but also the
projects for a National Bank and a National Army suffered shipwreck 

Of the measures designed to secure a more equitable collection of the
revenues and to protect the tax-payer from the rapacity of the
tax-collectors, something more remains to be said under the head of

(5) Grot~i?,g unpopulari~y of the Maj~is. 

If the Maylis counted amongst its supporters persons who believed that its
mere existence would prove a panacea for all the ills which Persia
and would straightway convert it into an earthly Paradise, no doubt they
have been disappointed, but I have come across no evidence which would shew
the existence in any considerable 1lumbers of such a class. The feebler
resistance strewn by the Alaylis and its supporters on the occasion of the
second COI`p d~elat of June' 

1908, as compared with that of December, ~907, was, as we have seen, due to
quite different causes, while after that catastrophe the urgency with
almost every important provincial town in Persia, first Tabriz, then
Rasht and 

Isfahan, then 13andar-i-'AbLas a~ld llushirc, demanded that the
Constitution should be restored and the Alajlis again convened,
shews pretty clearly that the country as a whole was by no
means inclined to regard either the one or the other as a failure

I The Talish revolt, hawever, ~as caused by the Govemor's unpopu]arily,

or a disappointment. As for the alleged growth of a Royalist party as a
consequence of the sup1,osed failure of thc Maylis to effect any useful
reforms, 1 doubt if anyone' no matter how well-informed, could mention a
dozen Persians who conscientiously believed that the interests of their
country would be served by the triumph of Muhammad 'Ah Shah over the
Assembly) or who failed to recognize the fact that his triumph meant shuply
the complete ascendancy of Russia over Persia' and the destruction of every
fragment of the liberties so hardly won. The Roya]ists, so far as I have
able to ascertain, and to the best of my belief, consisted of those whose
fortunes were entirely bound up with those of the Shah, those who
on the existing abuses, and those whose ambition sa\v in the Shah's camp a
better field for its exercise, or who were driven thither by personal
jealousy or dislike of the popular leaders. To this last class belonged the
most eminent-if not the only eminent-ecclesiastical reactionary, Shaykh
Fazlu'llah, a man of remarkable learn ing and attainments, ~vhose sad fate-
of vrhich, it is said, hc himselfacknowledged the justice-we must on this
account deplore. He saw Siyyid 'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad, whom he
regarded as much inferior to himself in learning, holding the higllest
on the popular side, and thereat, prompted, as it ~vould appear, by chagrin
and jealousy, he cast in his fortune with the reactionary party, to whose
service he prostrated his high attainments. 

(6) The liree Press. 

Before the granting of the Constitution in ~go6 there existed in Persia no
Yress worthy of the name. Such papers as there were-the frfin (`'Persia"),
the Sharaf ("Honour"), the Itt~fa' ('`luformation"), etc. were lithographed
sheets appearing at irregular intervals, and containing no news or
observations of interest, but only panegyrics on various princes and
governors, and assurances that everybody was contented and happy. A feur
Persian newspapers (such as the ~khtar, or " Star," at Constantinople, the
Haf'I'~'I-Mat~ at Calcutta, and the 7~hurayya and Parvarish at Cairo) were
from time to time established 

outside Persia, and enjoyed a certain circulation within its borders. 

  After the granting of the Constitution all this was changed. The ~leglzs,
containing reports of the debates in the National Assembly, began to appear
in November, '906, and was followed a month later by the Nia~a-yi- Wata7'
("Country's Call"), and these were reinforced in the following year by a
number of daily, bi-weekly and weekly papers, of which the TamaddZ'n (Feb.
rgo7), the Tihran l~ablu'l-~letf?~ (April, ~907), the $ur-ilsrafi! (May,
~go7), and the M7vsd~wat (Oct. 1907) were, perhaps, the most notable' Soon
every important town in Persia had its paper or papers, and the total
throughout the country did not fall far short of ninety or a hundred, most
of the more important ones being printed. Amongst them were included a few
comic and some illustrated papers. Mention should be made of a remarkable
somewhat libellous illustrated lithographed paper entitled Hashardlnil-Arz
1'' Reptiles of the Earth") published at Tabr~z, and containing
sketches of persons regarded as their country's enemies. After the co'~p
d'etat of June z3, igo8' all or nearly all of these papers were immediately
supyressed, but on the abdication of Muhammad 'Alf Shah in July, ~gog,
several of them began to reappear, together with many new ones, of which
'fr~-i-Waw ("New Persia") is reckoned one of the bestl. 

Evidently no one could claim to be conversant with the whole of this vast
ephemeral literature, least of all a foreigner resident outside Persia, and
I received regularly only some eight or nine of the more important papers,
with occasional numbers of others containing articles of especial interest.
So far as this basis affords ground for a general judgment, I cannot see
the 7~i?nes has any sufficient reason for its sweeping assertions as to the
mischievous character of the Persian Press, while on the other hand it
reached, in many cases, a high level of excelfence, most remarkable when we
remember how new journalism was to Persia. So far as morality was concerned
it was, on the whole, far 5ess open to criticism than a certain portion of

~ Co~npare pp. ~27-8 and ~43 adcalr., and, for the i~ashardtuV-Arz, pp.
European Press. Political~ no doubt, it was in some cases violent, and
reference 1las already been made to the cclebratcd article directed against
the Shah which led to the suppression of the htuJ'u'l-Q'cdus (`'Holy
Spirit'')', ~vhile even after the restoration of the Constitution the
Hab~'l-Matz~z was suppressed, and its editor punished, for speaking
slightingly of the Arabs as 4' lizard-eaters'," and so, as it was
disparaging Islam. A law for the better regulation of the Press was also
of the legislative measures which occupied the attention of the Maglis,
as has been already mentioned! the Conciliation Committee formed in May,
~908, about a month before the coup d'etat, did much to moderate the tone
the more violent organs of the Press 3. 

(7) 7~J`e A~umans. 

It has been already explained that the a,zy~mans ~vere of two kinds, the
official and the non-official. The former were 

: established by law, and were of three kinds, municipal (baladi),
| i' departmental (z~ilayati), and provincial (ayalat{). The latter
I ! were simply clubs or societies of persons having some common
I i interest, local, political, philanthropic or other, and were sanc ! i
tioned (subject to the special law regulating their conduct in
I i the elaboration of which the Maylis was engaged) by the follow ,' ing
article of the Su~le)nentary (aws of October 7, ~907:-
' (! ARTICLE ~ I.-Societies (a~'c?nans) and Associations {~yti I "~atc~)
which are not productive of mischief to Religion or the

State, and are not injurious to good order, are free throughout
the svhole Empire, but members of such a~,cn~ans must not

l carry arms, and must obey the regulations laid down by the law
on this matter. Assemblies in the public thoroughfares and

! open spaces must likewise obey the police regulations."
~ It will thus be seen that a clear distinction must be made
l betueen the official Councils and the non-official Clubs, and, as
l Taq;-zada himself admitted, it is an unfortunate thing that the
; name of a~'an should be applied to both without distinction.

~ See pp 156 e~ seq~., su~ra.
2 Ss'~md'--kh~r. The expression is Firdawsi's.
3 See p. ,97 s~-a.

The official a?zyz~mans formed an int~al ~d essential ~rt of the new scheme
for giving the people a real and effective share in the government of the
country, and amongst their functions were the supervision of the elections
(Electoral Laur of Sept. ~, IgOo, Articles ~ r, ~ 3, ~4 etc.), the
supervision of the collection of taxes, and the control of any arbitrary
which might be attempted by governors accustomed to the exercise of the
autocratic powers enjoyed by them under the old rigime. They supplied, in
short, the chief mechanism whereby it was hoped to relieve the taxpayer
the intolerable exactions of which ,e have already spoken. 

As regards the uno~cial a~umans, or clubs, we have seen that the earliest
them ~vere of a local character, being, for instance, associations of
Isfal~ants or Tabrizis resident at thc capital for watching the interests
their respective towns or provinces. Others were of an essentially
and some fe~v, perhaps, of an essentially revolutionary character. As we
seen, they played a great part in the history of this period, especially on
the occasions of the two coups d,``at, and constituted the back-bone, as it
were' of the popular party. And again, after the disaster of June ~3, ~908,
it was they, when the National Assembly was no more, who organized the
national resistance, rendered possible that combined effort which
in the deposition of Muhammad 'Alf Shah and the restoration of the
Constitution, and, by the help of similar a~y~c,~zans abroad, especially
ff~?`an-i-Sa'ddat of Constantinople, kept foreign countries informed of the
progress of events and helped to dispel the false news industriously
circulated by certain interested persons. 

The philanthropic work of the non-official ar~jumans must also be
their relief of the sick and suffering poor, and most of all, perhaps, the
night schools which they organized for the education of the humblest
in the duties of citizenship and patriotism. In this task they were
powerfully aided by such popular orators and lecturers as the late
Malik~ctlM2`takallin''n and Aqa Siyyid Jamal (both of whom, alas! were
amongst the victims of the ex-Shah's vengeance in rune, 1908), who did not
cease to impress upon them that, to escape 

foreign intervention, it was absolutely essential that no foreign 

suL0ect resident or travellmg in~rsiaWliould suffer any kind of molestation
or hurt. To their efforts was largely due the extraordinary immunity
by foreigners in Persia during this period of acute disturbance, amounting
at times almost to civil war, and it is questionable whether history
a parallel instance of such complete security of foreigners in a country
passing through the throes of so momentous a revolution. 

I have endeavoured to shesv that the harshness of the criticisms passed by
the T'?nes on the first Ma.~`s and its supporters is not justified by the
facts of the case, and, seeing that no other newspaper in the world is at
such pains to secure good foreign news, or is provided with so many
correspondents abroad, I can only ascribe its attitude to certain
prejudices or tendencies which coloured all the deductions drawn by its
editors from the materials placed at their disposal. The old conception of
the 7~i~nes, still widely prevalent in foreign, and especially in distant
foreign countries, as an unprejudiced, nonparty organ' equally remarkable
the weatth and accuracy of its news, the moderation and fairness of its
opinions, and the excellence of its literary style, can no longer be
maintained so far as absence of prejudice and party bias are concerned. In
a speech made at the ~?,cyclop~dia I}rz~an~m banquet on Nov. ~, ~go~, an
eminent member of its staff frankly expressed the aim which had dominated
editors of that monumental urork as a determination "not to let those Whig
dogs get the best of it," and this utterance, publicly made in the presence
of representatives of both the (then Conservative1 Goven~ment and the
Opposition, is typical of its attitude alike on domestic and foreign
questions, in both of which it is frankly, thou~h generally not indecently,
tenriencieux. Its attitude towards Persia, which became much more hostile
the autumn of ~CJo8 when the Persia Committee was formed and the talk of
Russian intervention in {zart dyjan became serious, was, so far as I can
judge, determined not so much by the merits of the case as by the following
political doctrines. 

( ~ ) That the fate of Persia was a matter of very little importance to
Britain compared with the maintenance of 


the Balance of Power in Europe; that to this end Russia's fricudsllip was
indispensable to us; and that therefore nothing must be said or done likely
to wound Russian susceptibilities. So far was this principle carried that
even the most stalwart admirers of the 7'imes found the panegyrics on the
virtues and high ideals of the Tsar published by it on the occasion of that
monarch's visit to Cowes somewhat difficult to swallow. 

(~) That, having regard to the "Nationalist" fermentations existing in
and still more in India, it was inexpedient to countenance kindred
even in independent Asiatic countries; and that, in order to strengthen the
case against any extension of popular government in Egypt or India, and for
the restriction of the freedom of the Press in those countries, it was
desirable to maintain the doctrine that no Oriental nation was fit for
self-government or a free press. 

These two fixed ideas suH;ciently account for the tone of most of the
articles on Persian affairs which have appeared in the Times since October,
1908, with the exception of its constant advocacy of a foreign (i.e.
Anglo-Russian) loan, and its continual scolding of the Persians for their
unwillingness to incur further indebtedness to their"two powerful
neighbours." To account for this attitude we must assume the existence of
some third factor, of which the nature can be more easily conjectured than

That the opinions of the 7~i'~es as to the inefficiency and futility of the
first MajIts and the unsuitability of popular government for Persia were
shared by the Persian people became clearly apparent as soon as they began
to recover a little from the amazement and consternation produced by the
d'~at of June 23, Igo8. Little by little almost all the important
towns rallied to the popular cause, and united against the perjured monarch
who had solemnly sworn, on at least three or four separate occasions, " on
the glorious Word of God, and by all that is most honoured in God's sight,"
to exert all his efforts " to preserve the independence of PersiaJ
and protect the frontiers of the Kingdom and the rights of the People,
observe the Fundamental Laws of the Persian Constitution, and rule in
accordance with the establi~hed 

laws of Sovereignty." But it was Tabriz, the second city of the Kingdom,
great industrial centre of the north-west, the Manchester of Persia, which
best knew and least liked Muhammad 'Alf Shah, and best understood and most
loved freedom and independence, which "kept the flag dying,' for nearly ten
months while Tihran lay prostrate under the iron heel of Colonel Liakhoff
his Cossacks, and which, ere it finally succumbed to the stress of hunger,
gave to Isfahan, Rasht and other cities the encouragement and the time
they needed to rally to the popular cause. 

Of the history of the siege of Tabriz it is both impossible and unnecessary
to write the details in this place; impossible because the materials for
a history are not yet available, though I understand that alreacly a
narrative of the siege has appeared in Persia; unnecessary, because we
already possess the published accounts of three independent European
witnesses of the earlier and later stages of these events. Of these three
first in point of time was Captain Lionel James, the {i,nes correspondent,
whose letters did so much to awaken interest in the defence of Tabriz in
country. He was unhappily withdrawn by the l`~HfS on Octoher 5, ~go8.
his letters in the Times he has several chapters on this subject in his
By-`ways a~z~ Prz~fle-ta'Ics. The second witness was the French Captain
Anginieur, ~vho was at Tabrl~ from September '4 until October 7, 1908, and
who published an illuminating account of his observations and reflections
i'Asie Fran~ise for January and February, Igogl. The third was Mr W. A.
Moore, who went out as correspondent to the Dazly ~ews, Daily c{Yonicie and
Manc~s~er Guard~an in January, Igog, and remained there until thc end of
siege in April, ~gog. As the blockade of Tabriz was completed shortly after
his arrival, very few of his letters got through, but during the three
which he spent there he supplied the papers which he represented with some
thirty telegrams, some of considerable length, which constitute a valuable
source of information. The first of these appeared on January ~l, the last
on April zz. 

~ Pp. ~ I-IO and 44-46 of the first, and pp. 66-69 and 84-87 of the second.
Captain Anginieur went from Tabr{z to Tihran, and left the latter city for
Europe on Nov. 6, 1908. 

Three periods may be distinguished in the struggle at Tabriz. ~irst, a
period of street-fighting when the Constitutionalists under Sattar Khan and
Baqir Khan held only one or two of the thirty quarters into which Tabrlz is
divided, notably that of Amir-Khiz situated by the river Aji Chay on the
north-west side of the city, and when, but for the gallantry displayed by
Sattar Khan, the Royalists would have secured an early and complete
Secor~dly, a period when the [loyalists, expelled from the whole or the
greater part of the town, were still unable to close the roads into Tabriz
and to prevent the passage of food and letters. The road to Julfa and the
Russian frontier remained open longest' and was stii! held by Sattar Khan's
men when Mr Moore passed along it in the latter half of January, Is~og, but
was finally closed about February 3, when the blockade of the city was
completed. T*, the period of the blockade, during the latter days of
which famine stared the unhappy townsfolk in the face, and many died of
starvation. The last desperate sortie was made on April 22, and four or
days later the Russian troops under General Znarsky opened the Julfa road,
brought food into Tabrfz, and raised the siege. 

The fighting at Tabriz began on the very day of the co~cp d'~`at. On the
preceding day (June 22, ~go8) the m?`j~ahia! of Tabriz' Hajji Mlrza Hasan,
the /mdm-Jum~a, H~ji Mlrza 'Abdu'1-Kanm, Mir Hashim' and other reactionary
ecclesiastics, telegraphed to the Shah denouncing the Constitution and
encouraging him to destroy it. This action infuriated the
Constitutionalists, and one of them fired at, but missed, Mlr Hashim, and
was at once seized and
killed. Thereupon the reactionaries assembled in the Devechi (or
quarter, situated immediately to the north of the Amlr Khlz quarter, and
seized and killed several prominent Constitutionalists, while on the other
hand a bomb was thrown at the house of the m~j~ahid, situated in the
of Chahar Manar, immediately to the east of Amir-Khlz. The fighting then
became genera], and at one time the Constitutionalists were so hard
and so despaired of holding their own, that most of them, including Baqir
Khan, hoisted the white flag as a token of surrender; but 

Sattar Khan, with a few of his most stalwart followers, regained the lost
,ground' reanimated the drooping courage of his adherents, and succeeded in
completely turning the fortunes of the struggle. 

The second period of the siege, during which Sattar Khan held Tabriz and
at least of the roads leading into it, as well as certain other places in
neighbourhood, is, unfortunately, tllat for which we have at present the
scantiest accounts, for from the departure of Captain Anginieur about the
of October, ~908, until the arrival of Mr Moore in the latter part of
January, I 90g, little direct news from Tabnz reached England. The
revolution in Turkey in July, '~o8, greatly encouraged the leaders of the
Constitutional party in Persial, and hencefortl1 the eyes of the Persians
were turned not in fear but in hope towards their Western frontier, more
especially ~vhen, in October, ~go8' sinister rumours of a Russian advance
restore order" in ~4zarbayjan began to gain currency. The ancient hostility
between Persia and Turkey, chiefly arising from the secular feud existing
between the Shi'a and the Sunnis, and often utilized by European powers
-especially Russia-for their own ends, had of late years been much
and, thanks to the teachings of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din and his successors
(amongst whom the Prince Hajji Shaykbu'r-Ra'is, author of the
Itfihadn'.~-IsM,n, or " Union of Islam," and other similar works~ deserves
especial mention)' the two principal independent States of Islam were
beginning to realize how much they had in common, both of fears and hopes.
Whatever lands had during the last century or so been torn from Islam, the
core-Persia, Turkey, Arabia and Afghanistan- remained untouched, but should
Russia succeed in penetrating into Azarbayjan, a wedge would be driven into
this core whiclt~ would render infinitely more precarious the continued
independent existence of either Persia or Turkey. So, though the 

~ This news reached Tabriz on August 4 through the Ottoman Consul-General,
and the town was at once placarded with a manifesto " to the efllect that,
unless they could obtain a satisfactory settlement before the arri`-al of a
Governor-General with reinforcements, the Sulb~n would be :15 good a
Sovere~gn as tlie Shah." (fJfuc ~oafe [Cd. 4581], No. 2~8, p. 177.) 

Azarbayjanis had no desire to lose their Persian nationality and pass under
Turkish rule, they would, alike on the ground of a common faith, a common
tongue (for throughout Azarbayjan a dialect of Turkish is the prevalent
speech), and a certain community of disposition and desires, have greatly
preferred Turkish to Russian rule, while it was obvious that l~urkeis
interests in the fate of Azarbayjan were more vital than those of Russia.
Turkey, absorbed in her domestic affairs, had little thought to spare for
Asiatic politics, though the sympathies of the " Young Turks " for their
Persian comrades were freely manifested, while the action of Russia on the
north-west frontier of Persia was anxiously watched. 

The attitude of Russia, indeed, began to cause great anxiety in other
quarters. The part played by Colonel Liakhoff and the other Russian
of the Cossack Brigade in the coup d'etet, and the entirely Russian
of the whole proceeding, were apparent from the first, and the fuller
received from correspondents and from the Persian refugees whose lives had
been saved by the British Legation, in spite of Colonel Liakhoff's
precautions, and who began to arrive in Europe during the late summer of
~908, only served to confirm the belief that the Russian Government, always
and everywhere the ruthless foe of freedom, was determined to stamp out the
Constitutional Movement in Persia, and to restore the autocratic power of
Muhammad 'A1f Shah, who was commonly reported to have declared that he
rather be a Russian Yassal with autocratic powers over his own people than
the constitutional ruler of a free and independent nation. Evidence was
produced at the time as to actions detrimental to the Persian
Constitutionalists emanating not only from Colonel Liakhoff, but from M. de
Hartwig, the Russian Minister at Tihran, M. Pokhitanof, then Russian
Consul-General at Tabriz, and other representatives of the Russian
Government, and a considerable correspondence on the subject took place in
the English papers. Characteristic of the attitude of the Times, which has
been already discussed, was a leader on ''Russia and the Persian Question "
published in its issue of November 7, '908, in which it scolded the Persian
refu~ees and their English friends for casting doubt on Russia's 

good faith, derided their apprehensions of Russian intervention
in {2arb;iyidn, and concluded by enut~ciating in the frankest
'! manner its favourite doctrine that in speech and writing ex pediency
rather than truth should be chiefly kept in view. " At
this moment," it declared, .' the Persi4n question should be con j sidered,
not in a local and sectional manner, but in its bearing
UpOIl far larger problems. Our correspondents should seek a
wider horizon. They should try to realize that the growing
' friendship between Great Britain and Russia is a matter that
may become of vital imp,ortance to the world, in view of the
manner in which Germany is still pressing her utterly inad miscible claims
upon France. This is not the time to foment
and to pursue an agitation which concerns comparatively limited
issues, and has a very small foutldation in fact." Nowhere,

The Provincial Council has taken measures of urgency. Give information. 

This news, which was repeated in numerous papers during the course of the
next few days, and which, according to a telegram published in the 7~i?f~es
of October z7, "had caused a certain uneasiness in [Turkish] official
circles," where it was feared that " a foreign occupation of ~zarbayjan
compel the Ottoman Government to maintain strong forces over a considerable
stretch of the frontier," was already known to the British Foreign Office
October i7, when Sir Edward Grey telegraphed to Sir Arthur Nicholson, the
British Ambassador at St Petersburg, to say that it " would create a very
impression here,'t and to ask "whether it would not be possible to induce
Russian Government not to intervene'?" In consequence, apparently, of the
British representations, the Russian force which had been despatched was
ordered on October ~o2 to remain at Russian Julfa and not to cross into
Persian territory. As the ground of the proposed intervention it was
officially stated that the Russian Consul at Tabr1z "held the danger ~to
Europeans] to be serious and imminent'." Ten days later there was fresh
of Russian interYention, this time on the new ground of " serious loss to
Russian trade "-a flimsy pretext which, if generally admitted, would
the neighbours of any country distressed by war or other calamity in
her territories-but once again, on October 3~, Sir Edward Grey's
remonstrance' proved effective, and though the fear of Russian intervention
~`as ever present with the Tabrizis and their friends, the danger was for
time averted. 

It seems scarcely worth referring in detail to certain telegrams sent about
the end of July, '908, by the reactionary leaders at Tabriz to the Shah and
his Ministers. The signed and sealed originals of these teleg,rams fell
Sattar Khan's hands when he captured the telegraph-office, and photographs
of them are in 

~ pis" poo, on Pcrsia [Cd. 4585], p. 192, No. 266. n /6irI.~ p. ~94, Nos.
270, 271, and p. 200, No. 282. ' Ibi,]., p. 593, No. 368. 
]6ir/., p. 202, Nos. 288, 289. 

my possession, while a general account of their contents, and
translatiolls of the two l~ost iml~ortant OllCS, will bc found at pp.
55-59 of the Brief Narrative of Recent Events in Persia which I
published in January, 1909. The two important ones
were from the Royalist general Shuji-Nizam to the Minister of War
and the Prime Minister. In the first he requested that, if
the Shah approved, `' ins~l~ctlo?ls sJ'ould be given (y the l:~egalio,~
to tlie ConsnI-Genera! to S?./p~y te,2 or twe,~ty thouse~z~ cartridges
"to the Royalists, while in the second he acknowledged the
receipt of the same. Th~re can be little doubt which Legation
and which Consul-Genera~1 were intended.
It has been seen that -he chief ground on which the Russians
claimed the right to intervene was the alleged insecurity of the lives
and property of l. L:ropean residents at Tabriz. lo meet
this allegation (the more jangerous at this time when almost all news
from Tabriz came through Russian channels) Sattar Khan,
who, notwithstanding his humble origin, was as remarkable for
his prudence and foresiight as for his courage and strategy,
obtained from three of the chief t:uropean firms established in
Tabriz certificates of their complete satisfaction with his
administration, and the entire security which they enjoyed under
the provisional "Nation~list"administration.
The first of these three documents is from Messrs Mossig
and Schunemann t"Corapagnie Allemande") of Berlin, Hamburg
and Tabriz, and s undated. The translatfon runs as
  The notification of the Provincial Council sent from the
office of that most honourable A?~?na~z has been duly received.
"We, the Co'ntag"ie Alle~na'~de, newly established here, are
thus far most grateful to ~nd perfectly satisfied with the agents of
that most honourable A,~'o"an~who, during these great troubles
which have prevailed in the city of Tabriz for the last four
months, have shewn us nothing but kindness, and assured to
us tranquillity and ease. We have written accounts of all that
has happened to EuroFe, and will continue to do so in the
future, and we shall ever be grateful for the honourable conduct of that
noble body."
[Signed] Mossig and Schunemann.

The second certificate, bearing a date equivalent to November
go8, is signed by the rcprescutative (name ftlcgiblc) of
Messrs Nearco Castello et Freres, and runs as follows:-
  "I represent for the service of their high and desirable
E:ccellencies the respected members of the most honourable
Provincial Council of Azarbayjan:-
  In accordance with the notification received by me this day
[I declare that] from the beginning of the troubles in Azarbayjan until
now there has been no lack of respect and no act of
aggression on the part of the National Volunteers tn"~J~fdin)
or rifle-men or other partisans of the Constitution, and [that we have
sustained] no sort of injury in property or person.
"Written for the informatiol1 of your honourable minc3s.
More than this would trouble you unnecessarily."
Nearco Castello et Freres.
Shawwal ~3, A.El. 1326 (= November S, '908).
The third certificate, written on November io, ~908, is from
the Austrian Soete~ Ana7'y?ne di Coi,i,neYce Oriental, established at
Vienna, with branches at Bucharest, Sofia, Philippopolis,
Rustchuk, Varna, Cairo, Alexandria, Constantinople, Salonica,
Smyrna, Trebizonde, Beyrout, Baghdad, Basra, Tihran, Mashhad,
Hamadan and Tabr~z. After the usual preliminary formula it
runs as follows;-
  Kind and considerate friends,
We trust that you are and may be adorned with the
ornament of health. To proceed. We have received the notification which
you ~vere so kind as to send. We are extremely
grateful and sincerely thankful for the assistance rendered to us by
your honourable members. From the very beginning of the
Constitutional Movement you have, as occasion arose, scrupulously
observed the rights of your friend, so that no loss or
injury should befall us. More than this, when occasion arose
in connection with the transport of merchandize, you have
repeatedly incurred trouble in rendering effective assistance.
Thanks be to God, in consequence of the favourable regards of
your honourable members in respect to your friend, no annoyallce has
befallen us, for which we are extremely grateful and indebted

to the most honourable l~rovincial Council. We have sent some
of thesc notifications to our owe1 country. Morc would merely
trouble you."
                          [Signed] B. Grunberg.
    Shawwal 15, A.H, 1326 (= November 10, 1908).

Nothing could be greater than the contrast between the
good conduct of the "Nationalist "defenders of Tabriz and the
abominable behaviour of the Shah's troops, which, according to
Mr Stevenst, "has been characterized throughout by 'atrocious
acts' and indiscriminate looting."The so-called Royalist troops, indeed,
consisted largely of Rahim Khan's brigands of the
Shah-seven tribe; and the impossibility of placing any reliance
on the Royalist promises (well illustrated by an incident which
occurred on September 2, 1908, and of wllich an account will be
found at pp. '8c- - j, of the Blue Book on Persia) rendered hopeless
the attempts to bring about a pacific settlement which were
made during August, though- there was a cessation of actual
hostilities between August 7 and September 62. Prince 4~4y?~u'dDa'w~a,
accompanied by the Sipahdar, arrived at Tabr~z to take
command of the besieging forces on August zo, but they effected
nothing, and on October g sustained a considerable, defeat at
the hands of the Nationalists, who succeeded in ' thronging the camp
of 'Ayn"'d-Oawla into great confusion," and capturing the
bridge over the ~jf Chay from the Maku cavalry'.
A day or two later on October ~, "a body of some 400
Persian Cossacks left Tihran for Tabriz taking four guns with
them," and "accompanied by one or more llussian officers4."It
was on the occasion of their departure from the capital that
Colonel Liakhoff is reported to have addressed to them the
following amazing harangue5:-
"Brave soldiers and Cossacks! Since the Cossack Brigade
was first formed you have on many occasions strewn unparalleled
Bfuc ~ook tCd. 458~], No. ,8, p. r77.
Ib~d' p. 186, and p. '88 near the bottom.
~1=r ~ook, p. ~91, No. 260. ~ Ib~., p. 192, No. 263.
~ The only full report of this speech which I have seen lVa5 published
in the Turkish Journal Jabefh No. 6871) for Nov. '~, ~908, and from this
the translation here given is made.

courage, and, in the highest degree, loyalty to the Shah and
your superiors. In recognition of this many of you have been
honoured with decorations, gifts, and all sorts of other favours, ~ooth
from the R2`ss~an a7`d from ~e Persia7' sovere~s. Your
attack on the Tihran agitators assembled in the Parliament
buildings and the Sipahsalar Mosque filled the world with
amazement. A small Brigade was victorious in battle against
the rebels, of whom you succeeded in destroying half, after
which you reduced to ruins their accursed stronghold and
successfully maintained your advantage. In this battle many
of your comrades perished, but their death only servecl to
strengthen your victorious renown.
  "The Shah's throne is in danger. The people of Tabriz,
having collected together a mob uf common folk, have seized
the rifles and artillery of the Government. They have declared
war against the Shah, and refuse to obey his authority. They
are striving to compel him again to accept a Constitution. This
Constitution will limit and impair the rights and privileges of
the Cossack Brigade, and will exercise control over your wages.
The Constitution is your worst enemy. Against this enemy
you must fight to the last drop of your blood. The Shah has
sent against Tabriz BakEtiyari, Silahkhuri and other troops, all of whom
have been worsted, so that they fled before even so
timorous a foe as the Tabnz rebels. This need cause no
astonishment, since they were wanting alike in order, discipline and
obedience. As was seen when the Parliament was destroyed,
they can only be employed for looting. They are a worthless
  "When I saw in how difficult a position the Shah was
placed, I offered him the services of the Cossack Brigade. 1
was firmly convinced. that the Brigade would distinguish itself
in battle, and that the mere sight of the Cossacks would fill the enemy
with despair. This is not your first battle, for you have
been engaged in other battles before now. You have prove~l
your capacity in war. But in this war against a mob of cowardly
rioters, the victory which you will secure will immortalize your name
and fame, and will fill the whole world with astonishment.
In order that you may not have to suRer any hardships on the

march or during the campaign, I have caused you to be provided with ev~:ry
sort of necessary provision. ~You must know that, should you return
victorious, you will be overwhelmed with money and favours boiJ~ o" t/'e
of tJ'e Rnsszan and, ~e Persza~ soverezg?zs. Whafe~er ~uealiAz zs con~azued
within tJue ~rJalis of Tabriz, eN shall be yours., 

" You must know that for you to conquer Tabr(z is a matter of life and
If you conquer, the Constitution will lapse. If its supporters win, the
Brigade will be disbanded, and you and your wives and children will remain
hungry. Do not forget this, and fight like lions. Either you or the

" 1 was very desirous of accompanying you on this campaign, but the
conditions do not admit of this. But another 

ltussian, Captahl Usllako(t, is gtiing. you must loYe him as

you love me, and obey him as you obey me. Although I cannot be beside you,
I shall always follow your doings from afar. Every one will receive a
proportionate to his n~erits, but should anyone play the traitor he will be
severely punished. 

" However fierce the war may be, and however numerous the foe may be, rest
assured that you will triumph. The Hidden Hand which has so often aided you
will aid you in this campaign also, so that you shall not behold the face
defeat. Do not despair of it, or of God Almightyl. 

" Brave officers anti Cossacks! May God grant you safety and a glorious
victory ~ 

So these Cossacks also departed to strengthen the iron ring svhich was
closing round the gallant city of TabrLz; but if in this uar any
"filled the whole world with astonishmcnt,', or " immortalized the name and
fame " of anyone, it was certainly not the achievements of the notorious
Cossack Brigade. 

~ What is meant by " the Hidden Hand " in this sentence is not clear. I
one of ~ny Persian friends ~hethei it referrec] to the l'oucr of Gr~l or of
Russi:~. Ile 

epli':d that it was pu~pos`:ly al~,biguous, but tbe last words of the
sentence would suggest that it denotes the latter. 

                         CHAPTER IX. 


  ON the last day of the year ic~, as I sit down to pen this retrospect of
the momentous and unexpected events to which it has given birth in Persia,
I am filled with a sense of profound thankfulness as I contrast the gloom
which brooded over its earlier portion with the brighter hopes which mark
close. Many dangers and many anxious days }ie without doubt before the new
Persia, but since the year of despair which succeeded the coz`/ d'`~lal of
June, ~go8, it has at least been possible to hope that she may finally
emerge, strengthened, purified and re-invigorated, from the ruins of the
rigime, and may yet play in the future a part worthy of her long and

In the period of gloom of which I have spoken, two Sundays stand out in my
memory as conspicuous for their sombre misery; October z5, i908, when the
news (false, as it happily proved) reached us that Russian troops had
the Araxes and were marching on Tabr(z; and April z5, ~gog, exactly six
months later, when the following telegram was received from Taqi-z~da:- 

" Consuls deciderent ouvrir routes aide troupes russes. Craignons
occupation russet Prions faire demarches necessaires. Telegraphiez
immediatement votre conseil. 

Endjoumeni Ayaleti, Taghizadeh.

Tauris, z4 avril, ~gog: ~o.30 p.m." 

Before speaking of the circumstances which brought about the state of
alluded to in this telegram, some retrospect of the progress of events
outside Tabr~z is necessary. 

  From Tihran came little news calculated to encourage the [e~siar'
Constitutionalists a~l~l ~ir sympatlli%crs. E:ngland and Russia were urging
the Shah to grant some sort of Constitution in place of that which he had
destroyed as the only possible means of establishing peace ano order, while
the Shah continued to give evasive promises, which only assumed even the
semblance of definiteness when he thought that he might succeed in
a joint loan from the two Powers, for money was urgently needed not merely
for the ordinary current expenses but also to prosecute the siege of
The proposal for a joint loan of .~400,000, rejected by the Alaj~is ~-at
very beginning of its career, was revived again about a month after the
tl'/te! Russia was eager to grant it, but England was unwilling, and was
prepared to consent on two conditions, viz.:- 

(~} That the loan shou]d not be employed for the suppression of the
Constitution, but should be advanced in such a manner as will allow of its
being used as a lever for supporting it. 

(~;} That the expenditure of the loan should be controlled by suitable

The Shah, in reply to an identical notes from the two Powers urging him
strongly to convene the ne~v Ma1lis on Nov. '4, ~908, sent on Sept. '8 a
message to the following effect:- 

`'I am taking steps to form a MayI~s in conformity with the requirements of
the country and with religion, and such as not to lead to a recurrence of
disorders, and I am thus fulfilling my promises. I hope that I shal1 be
to issue a Proclamation for the assembly of the Ma,-~s on the date
by the two Governments in their cc~mmunication to me; but till after the
restoration of order at labriz, when the Persian Government will have
to ~ake the necessary arrangements, the Parliament will not open3." 

Mr Marling, the 13ritish Charge d,Affaires, seems at no time to have
entertained much hope that any real reform ~vould be 

1 BIr" BooJr [Cd. 458~1, p. ~7y, N`}. :3~' dated Sept. 5, '908. s ~h~., pp.
r8~, 1~os. ,38 a';~ :39, dated Aug. 3r and Sept. 3, '908. ~ ~ia'., p. 'S2,
No. 240. 

effected under Muhammad ~Ali Shah's auspices. In a despatch of Scpt. ~o,
1908, he wrote':- 

"On the tst instant he [M. Bizot, the Financial Adviser] obtained an
with the Shah, in which he intended to expose to his Majesty the scandalous
way in which the country's revenues are being squandered, but the reception
which he met with from the Shah was cold, almost to discourtesy, and he
thought it useless to carry out his intention. 

" M. Bizot would have, I think, no difficulty in producing a statement of
really urgent claims on the Treasury, such, for instance, as the arrears of
salary due to the Persian Diplomatic and Consular Representatives abroad
to the Foreign Office officials. ~I venture to think, ho~vever, that, so
as the present camarilla under Amir Bahadur Jange retains its power, we
should refuse even this assistance, for the relief granted would merely
that the small sums which are now secured for genuine public expenses would
be embezzled. In these circumstances, I think it would be in the true
interests of Persia that we should refuse to give them any financial
assistance. So long as there is any prospect of screwing money out of the
country so long the harpies about the Shah will resist reform, whether as a
condition of a loan or through the agency of the Maj~is, and no more
effective way of discouraging them occurs to me than that of cutting off
every source of revenue which they can plunder." 

At the end of September, 1908, the Shah issued a Rescript concerning the
restoration of constitutional government, which was described by M.
Tcharykoff as " contradictory, obscure and ornate3,', and which, according
to Sir George Barclay, who had reached Tihran to take up his new duties as
British Minister on October r, was "generally regarded as a mockery'." It
dated Sha'ban z7, A.H. '3~6 (Sept. z4, ~s~o8), and a translation of it will
be found at p. zoo of the Blue Book so often cited in the foot-notes. Even
these vague promises, however, the Shah 

1 Bfur I3ool [Cd. 458~], p. r88, No. :53. 

s In the following despatch (No. '56} he is described by Mr blarling as "
virtue fly dictator of Persia" 

~ 131~eBook[Cd. 4s8r], No. 255, p. 190. 

~ Jbid., No. z~8.        (

was anxious to recall, and a sham demonstration against the
Constitutio'1 organized by tile rcactiol~ary ~~arty' at 114-i-Shah on
Nov. 7 afforded him an excuse to issue on Nov. ~z another
Rescript cancelling the first and declaring flatly that he had
"quite abandoned any idea of convoxing a Parliament, as the
'ulz~na' had declared that such an institution is contrary to
Islam2."Thereupon the great 7~`jfa'~zds of Karbala and Najaf,
whose ecclesiastical status in Persia may be described as equivalent to
that of archbishops in a Christian country, sent him "a
very violently worded teleg~ram...stating that his "conduct wounds the
heart of the believer and is an offence against the absent
Imam,' and that they would 'leave no stone unturned to obtain
a representative governinent,' and ending ' God has cursed the
tyrauts; you arc victotious for tllc ~noulent, l~ut you may not
;~t remain so3."'
It is, indeed, difficult tc' exaggerate the services rendered by these
great "~`ylaJ'i'is to the Constitutional cause, in the support of which
they were untiring, especially Hajji Mfrza Husayn the
son of Ha~ji Mirza Khalil, Mula Muhammad Kazim of Khurasan,
and Mul]a iAbdu'llah of Mazandaran, who, by letters, telegrams
and manifestos, ceased not to encourage the Persian people in
their struggle for freedom, and to neutralize the influence of
those venal and reactionary ecclesiastics, such as Shaykh
Fazlu'llah, Hajji Mirza H asan of Tabriz and a few others, who
supported the Shah in maintaining that representative governrnent was
incompatible with the spirit of Islam.
  It is hard to account for the blind infatuation of Muhammad
'All Shah, unless we suppose that he was stiffeneci in his
obstinate refusal of any sort of compromise or reform by some
secret influence on which he believed that he could rely in any event.
Never had he a better opportunity for making advantageous terms with his
people than now, for Tabriz still stood
alone in armecl defence of the Constitution, and even after
a notable success over tl~e Royalists on October l2, ~908,
e.I Notsbly, Amir Bahadur Tan~ and the ~llushir"'s-Salp~a. See the
[VJ'ite f~ook [Cd. 4733], ~0 9'P 3
2 Blu' Book [Cd. 4581], pp. 208-9, Nos. ~13 arid 314.
Ibid., p. 210, No. 315.

which " placed the city in the undisputed possession of the Nationalists,"
they "addressed telegrams to the Shah and the Minister for Foreign AFfairs
expressing their loyalty to His Majesty, and announcing to His Highness
intention to do all in their power to protect the interests of foreigners
the townl.'' A month later the situation was already less favourable to
for Russian Foreign Policy, which ever reveals a certain dualism, took a
for the better about the middle of November, ~308, when M. de Hartwig, to
whose reactionary influence reference has been repeatedly made, was
from Persia, and M. IZYOISkY declared that "he had made up his mind on two
points, which were non-intervention and no support of the Shah2." This was
the more creditable to him because strong influences were working in favour
of a " forward policy," probably the Russian Court, and certainly a
considerable portion of the Russian Press, notably the Novae VYemya and the
Bourse Gazet~e, which latter demanded insistently that " Russian policy in
Persia must become more energetic if Russia does not wish the opportunity
be taken advantage of by Turkey~." The publication of the Blue Book on
and its supplement, which carries the history of events down to May ~o,
has also made it clear that Sir Edward Grey's deeds were occasionally
than his words, which were, as a rule, little calculated to inspire much
in the Persian Constitutionalists and their sympathizers. 

The gallant rally made by Tabriz, notwithstanding the stalemate in which it
seemed to end, undoubtedly saved the situation, for it gave time to the
cities of Persia, notably Isfahan and Rasht, to recover from the paralysis
in which the coup d{'/tal had for the moment plunged the whole nation
the province of Azarbay~an, while it rivetted the attention of Europe and
convinced the western nations that the popular movement was no passing
but grim earnest. This conviction was greatly strengthened by the Persian
refugees, who, in Constantinople, London, Paris, and other centres,
by their speeches and writings in arousing widespread sympathy with and

~ Biue Book [Cd. 458~], p. :11, No. 316.
2 ~id., No. 319, p. ~I2- 3 /~., No~ 320, P- '~4

in the struggles of their compatriots. In Constantinople, as we
have seen, the A?~7~2~- -Sn'a`lat did much to co-ordinate and
stimulate effort; in Eng and the formation of the Persia Committee on
October 30, i~8, was directly due to the energy and
enthusiasm of Taqi-zadl~ and his colleague the M~'a'zi~'s-
Saltane, who arrived in this country during the month of
September; in Paris t~e sustained endeavours of a larger
circle of Persian residec ts and refugees led to the formation
of the UHIO?! ~ranca-~?rsane' under the distinguished Presidency of M.
Dieulafoy, cn July 3', 1909; while at Yverdon in
Switzerland the S~r-i-Is~efil was revived again for a while by
its talented sub-editor NC rza 'Al! Akbar Khan, better known by
his ~O?IZ de g'`erre of "I~ha~v "or "~zf~-Khuda," one of those
whose lives `vcre saved by the llritisll Legation in June, `908'. Of the
London "Persia Committee "(or rather Committees,
for there are two, a Pa-liamentary and a non-Parliamentary)
I should, being in some vs~easure identified with it, prefer not to
speak, were it not for t ~e characteristically unfair description of it
given by the Ti~'es, which, in a leader in its issue of
Sept. ~o, 1909, described it as consisting of "Radical politicians whose
Platonic sympatlies for Persian Constitutionalism are
a convenient cloak for :he Russophobia they have developed
ever since a more liberal and conciliatory policy in St Petersburg has
led to a more friendly understanding between Russia
and their own country.' Some allowance must no doubt be
made for the chagrin ex ~erienced by the T~'nes at the falsification of
its confident prophecies as to the incapability of the
l~ersian Nationalists to do anything for themselves, an attitude `~hich
it now sought t. justify by the contention that "the
Nationalists of pure Pe rsian blood have seldom strewn muc
disposition to do battle for the constitutional principles which have
warmed their eloqence to white heat," and that "those
who have risked their l ~es have mostly been Caucasians and
Turks, Arabs and Lurs ~ and other nomadic tribes of a more
martial type than the arerage Persian": a statement which is
at least no nearer the trcth than it would be to say that few of the
7~i'~es leader-writer- are of pure English blood, and that

"those who have devoted their talents to its service have mostly bccn
Scotchmen, Amcricans or Jcws."Only a fit of bad temper
can have caused the 7~i~i~es to forget that Russophobia in its
most extreme and intense form was the creation of that great
Conservative leader Lord Beaconsfield, or that neither to Lord
I-amington' the distinguished President of the Persia Committee' nor to
the Earl of Ronaldshay, nor even to Mr H. F. B. Lynch,
against whom its fiercest wrath is directed, can its description fairly
be applied. It is sad to see a paper once so generally
regarded as fair and courteous reduced to writing such malicious
nonsense as this.
  On Nov. 19,1908, the Shah issued a fresh Rescript addressed
to the Clergy, in which he declared that i~ having been convinced by
theml that the institution of a M-aylis is contrary to tile laws of
Islam...," he had "entirely given up this idea," and that "in future
such a Maylis will not even be mentioned!."In consequence of a strongly-
worded joint note from the representatives
of England and Russia, this Rescript was suppressed shortly
after its issue, and a fresh promise was made of "a Maj~is which will
suit the requirements of the Persian people, but will not
cause anarchy and trouble in the country2."These constant
evasions, shifts and prevarications only resulted in completely
alienating from the Shah not merely his own people but the
foreign representatives whose efforts to bring about some sort of
working compromise were constantly thwarted by his obstinacy
and reckless disregard alike of promises and consequences.
  Meanwhile, during the second half of November, 1908, the
Tabriz Nationalists, in spite of the arrival of 300 Persian
Cossacks and six guns to reinforce the besiegers, achieved
several successes, capturing or winning over the towns of
Maragha, Dilman and BInab near Lake Urmiya3. Encouraged
by this, and disgusted at the Shah's conduct, the provinces
began to stir, and Nationalist movements of different degrees
manifested themselves at this time at Rasht and Astarabad on
the Caspian littoral, at Mashhad in the north-east, and at Lar in the
South, while it was deemed advisable to place Isfahan
If/hite ['ook LCd. 4733], p. 8, I'~closure in No. ~ 7.
2 Ibi~., p. ~o, lnclosule in No. ~8.
3 bi~l., p. ~ ~, Inclosure ;n No. '9.

under martial law, and to conceal the Shah's refusal to restore
Constitutional Govenment.
The New Year (1909) opened with a violent agitation in
Isfahan, caused primarily by the unpopularity of the Governor
and the misconduct of the troops. A number of the townspeople
took refuge in one of the Mosques, and others at the
Russian Consulate'. Why the British Consul-General, Mr
Grahame, refused to adm it those who sought his protection9,
while a day or two later he received and sheltered the Governorl
bab`'~f-D`zwla, and his adherents3 is a riddle svhich I have not yet
been able to solve. It was by the help of the brave and I
hardy 13akhtiy~iri tribesmen, led by Zarg:ha'~z~`'s-Sal.iana, that the
Isfahanis hacl succecdecl in ridding themselves of their
tyrant, ancl by Jan. 5 ~~amsa~n/~'.~-~Sa/la~ca himscif with ~ooo ;
Bakhtiyaris was 131 possession of the city, and was ,uarding the   
~ foreign firms and maintaining order, while the town was quiet    i
and the Shah's soldiers (the primary source of disorder) dis-    !
persed4. The infatuated Shah rejected the advice of tile English and
Russian repre.sentatives to appoint Samsan22"s-Salta1~`z
Governor of Isfahan, and resorted ,o the characteristic device
of trying to sow dissension amongst the Bak~tiyar1 chiefs, but
without success5. Sams~z'n~c's-Seltaiza continued to act with
vigour and judgment. On Jan. 8 he ordered the Isfahanis
to appoint within three days representatives for a local Constitu tional
Assembly, on pain of withdrawing his men and abandon
ing the city to the tender mercies of the Shah and his soldiers6, and
three days later hir Grahame reported that order was being
maintained most satisfactorily in Isfah~in, and that on Saturday a
general assembly was held with a view to elections7. The
Bakhtiyan chief also sent to the ~arman-flirnla, the new
Governor nominated l~y the Shah, a message described as "a
frank avowal that he haci espoused the Nationalist cause8."
This new and unexpected develop~nent in the situation,
Whi~ f~col: tCd. 4733], p. 1S, No. 30, and p. 46, No 78.
2 fti~., p. 30, under Js~an, and p. 46, No. 78.
3 fJid., p. t6, No. 31, and pp. 46-7, No. 78.
5 //i~, pp. 18-19, Nos. 35, 3', 39 ~nd 40.
b f[,`., p. '0, No- 43
P Ibia,., p. sI, No. 45.
[~a,.,p. 18,No. 35.
7 /biri., p. 23, No. 4g
ams~iinn's-Saitar~a (Bakhtiydri) ~r~rba~nuts Saltana (Bakhtiyari) H! 

which was not unconnected with the journey to Paris and
I ondot1 of S'a?~'slin"~'s-Sa/tana's ekler brother, the now famous
Nationalist hero Sarc~ar-i-As'ad, and the consultations which
took place between him and his compatriots in Europe, seems
not to have been altogether pleasing to the Russian Government,
and on Jan. 9 M. Izvolsky expressed the opinion `' that something should
be done to prevent the establishment of independent
administrations at Tabriz and Isfahan1," to which, on
Jan. ~3, Sir lidward Grey replied with admirable firmness that
"His Majesty's Government are opposed to any kind of intervention
respecting the position in Tabriz or Isfahan," and that,
"while any proposals emanating from the Russian Government
will be most carefully considered by His Majesty's Government,
they hold that to give the Sh~h money would, in the present
circumstances, be worse than futile, and would amount to intervention
in Persia's internal affairs," since "it is probable that
such money would be employed in the suppression of the
national movement on behalf of a Constitution'"an] that "when
once the money had been spent, the situation would be as bad
as ever, even if not worse'."The Nationalists, having learnt
that Russia was again contemplating a loan to the Shah
(200,000 being the sum now named)3, lodged vigorous remonstrances with
the foreign representatives. and forwarded similar
protests to the European Press.
The example of Isfahan was soon followed by Rasht, where,
on Feb. 8, 1909, the Nationalists attacked the Governor's house and
killed him, ~vhile his soldiers took refuge in the Russian
Consulates. The Sipaha?-i-A'.zam, who some months before
had been in command of the Shah's troops before Tabriz, now
joined the Nationalists, put himself at their head, organized a
provisional government, and sent an expedition to Langarud to
establish a local Assembly there6. A few days later the Shah's
i'hifr ~ool. [Gl. 473~], p. ~o, No. 44. ~ J~bi~f., p. :, No.52. Cf. p.
36, No. G2. /bi~f., pp. 3g and 4', Inclosure in No. 63.
lbia,., p. 4z, No. 66, p. 4~, No. 75, pp. 58-9, No. Iog and Inclosure.
s /bid., p. 44, Nos. 7: and ;3, p. 58, Inclosure in No. 108. Of the
leaders of the Rasht Nationalists, 4~ntizz~'s-S2`J!ti?i and Karim Khan,
something will be said in tbe final Notes.
6 Ibid., p. 50, Inclosure in No. 81, and p. 5j, No. 108.

brother, Prince Shu'au's-Saltana arrived at Rasht from Europe,
and was compelled by the Nationalists to contribute 000 to
their funds before he was permitted to proceed to Tihran'.
Thus by the beginning of March, 1909, there were four great
Nationalist centres, Tabriz, Rasht, Isfahan and Lar, in the N,W., N.,
Centre and S. of Persia, which, so far as the difficulties of
communication allowed, were acting more or less in concert, and
where, in strong contrast to those decreasing areas in which the Shah's
authority was maintained, decent order and security of
life and property were guaranteed by provisional governments.
Two dark clouds, however, hung on the horizon. On the one
hand Russia began to move "a few troops"to Baku and to the
frontier at Julfa, and despatched 50 more Cossacks to protect
the Russian Consulate at Rasht', besides seizing at Baku
5,ooo,ooo cartridges and a large number of rifles destined for
that town8, while a little later she increased her Consular Guards at
Astaribad and Mashhad~ and sent war-vessels to Anzall and
Bandar-i-Gaz, the ports of Rasht and Astarabad respectively5.
And on the other hand ~t began to become daily more apparent
that Tabriz, at the very moment when her example was
being follo~ved by Isfahan, Rasht, Sh~raz, Hamadan, Mashhad,
Astarabad, Bandar-i-'Abbas and Bushire, and when the hopes
of the Nationalists were brightest, was in dire straits, though
almost to the end this fact was kept, as far as possible, from the
knowledge of her friends.
A certain discouragement and demoralization, common, I
believe, in sieges where the civilian element enormously e';ceeds the
military, especially when the defenders are only volunteers
and armed civilians, seems to have affected the Tabuz;s about
January, 1909, and this probably accounts for the pessimistic tone of
Mr Moore's articles, especially of two which he contributed on July 3
and 8, after his return to England, to the Times and the
West?'`?.,fs~er Gasef~f~e. His opinion is undoubtedly entitled to
respectful consideration; aeld if at the end his personal gallantry,
outrunning his discretion, impelled him to take up arms for the
White [Cd. 4733;, pp. cz and 55, Nos. 97 and 96
2 ~bi~., p. 55, No. 97.
4 ~id., p. 7z, Nos. ~47 and t49.
3 Ibid., p. 56, No. io3.
5 Ibid., p. 73, No. '51.

defence of the city, and so compelled the newspapers which he
rcprescnted to break their agreement with him, just at the very
time when his continued presence at Tabr~z was so much to be
desired, I for one cannot but admire the chivalry which inspired and the
courage which characterized actions technically inadmissible, but in the
circumstances hardly deserving of severe
condemnation. In the city people were dying of starvation or
subsisting on grass; surrounding it were RahLm Khan's savage
tribesmen and 'A'r"~"d-Dazula's hardly less savage troops, who
had been kept together thus long only by the prospects of loot,
massacre and rapine; the Shah thirsted for vengeance; no terms
of capitulation were to be expected, or would have been observed even
if promised; and in the villages adjacent to the town occupied by the
Royalists were provisions to feed the starving
inhabitants, if only they could be won by a courageous sortie.
What ~vonder that Mr Moore, together with his less fortunate
comrade, Mr Baskerville, a young American mission-teacher,
who was killed in the last desperate sortie on April z ',
yielded to the urgent entreaties of the Nationalist leaders and
consented to join them in their forlorn hope? More to be
regretted, as it seems to me, was the disparaging manner in
which Mr Moore, after his return, spoke of his late comrades
in arms, who sought, when all was over, to testify in every way
their regard and gratitude; and in estimating the justice of his views
we must not forget to tal~e into consideration the testimony of Mr
Wratislaw, the British Consul-General at Tabriz'
who, in a despatch addressed to Sir &eorge Barclay on March 7',
rote as follows:-
  "On this as on all other occasions Sattar Khan shewed
distin~,uished personal courage, but he exposes himself far more than
should a commander on whose life the whole Nationalist
cause in Tabriz depends. In the abortive attempt to open the
ulfa road on the 22nd February he was for a time in the
greatest danger, behlg left by the mass of his men with only
a handful of Armenians in a criticaI position, from which he
extricated himself with much difficulty. He also pro~ed his
White Book [Cd. 4733], No. ,70, p. 81.

humanity on the 5th instant by interfering at some personal
risk to save prisoners from the hands of an infuriated mob."
The progress of the siege of Tabriz during these last three
months can be followed both in Mr Moore's 30 communications,
ranging from Jan. 21 to April 22, and published simultaneously
in the Daily News, Daily Chronicle and Manchester Guardian,
and in the White Book [Cd. 4733], which covers the whole of
this period. In brief the chronicle of the most important events is as
  January, 1909. At the beginning of the month the Nationalists
suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Samad Khan the
Governor of Maragha. On the z3rd they defeated a force of
Maku Kurds at Julfa, but the severe cold rendered operations
difficlit. ( White Boo*, No. 79, p. 47.)
FeJor~r~. On the sth the Nationalists lost some 50 men in
a skirmish in which they clrove back the Royalists to Sardarud,
but without gaining any material advantage. Tal~riz was by
this time "practically beleaguered.""No provisions," writes
Mr Wratislaw, "can enter the town, the fruit-trees in the
gardens are being cut down for fuel, and though there is at
present a sufficient supply of corn for the food of the population, the
pinch is being severely felt in various ways."Financial difficulties
and some discontellt amongst the mercantile classes caused
further embarrassment. ( i;Vkite Boolz, No. t ~2, Inclosure, p. 63.) On
Feb. ~ ~ the Julfa road was blocked by the tribesmen of
Qaradagh, and bread was scarce in the town. (Ib~d., No. 74)
On Feb. ~5 Mr Wratislaw estimated the grain reserves as sufficient to
feed the town for two months longer. (No. 8z.) Oe~
Feb. zz another vain attempt was made to relieve Marand and
re-open the Julfa road, arid three days later Sufiyan was occupied by
the l?oyalists, while Mr Wratislaw now thought that
Tabriz could only hold out for another month. (Nos. 89, 90, 92.) On Feb.
z5 and 26 a determined attack on the town was made
by Samad Khan, which, however, was repulsed with heavy
losses. (No. ~70 and Inclosure.) On the ~Sth a baker was
shot by order of Sattar Khan for selling dour at a higher
price than that fixed by the ~4'cy~mu'`. (No. ~70.)

March.  On the 2nd Samad Khan occupied Qara-Malik,
a large village situated near to Tabriz on the East. On the 3rd
the Indo-European telegraph line was cut by Rahim Khan
between Tabriz and Julfa, but, as the result of diplomatic
pressure at Tihran, it was finally repaired on the 19th. (No. 170.) On
the 5th Marand and on the 15th Julfa were occupied by the
Royalists (Nos. 105, 114, and 170 but see also 126), and on
the former date Samad Khan's troops occupied the suburb of
Hukmabad, whence, however, they were expelled during the
afternoon. "This assault," says Mr Wratislaw, .' excised great
apprehension in Tabriz, as Hukmabad is virtually part of the
town, and the Royalists had not previously come so close or
shewn such determination. A nunnber of ~f~llllas joined the
Nationalist forces in tile defence, and though it is not to bc
expected that the reverend gentlemen did much execution,
their presence certainly encouraged the fighting men."(No. '70,
Inclosure.) On the ~5th there was already very great suffering
amon:, the poorer classes of the town, and the last two mails
from Europe had been stopped by Rahim Khan, who threatened
to shoot the next man who tried to bring in the mail. (Nos. ~32, ~33.)
On the 2Sth it was thought "that in three wecl;s at most
the provisions in Tabriz would be completely exhausted "(No.
`37), and two days later several deaths from starvation were
reported. (No. ~4z.)
  To those who watched from afar, it seemed incomprehensible
that no attempt to relieve Tabriz was made either from Isfahan
or from Rasht, whether by a direct endeavour to raise the siege, or by
a threatened advance on Tihran, which might compel the
Shah to recall some at least of his troops to the capital. In
Tabriz itself, so late as April 12, hope was entertained of relief from
tialmas, whence a force of 3000 men was reported to
be advanch~g (No. 165), but  cannot ascertain that there was
any foundation for this belief, and at any rate no such attempt
~vas made. And just about this time the kShah's obstinacy ~vas
strengt],encd by the news of the short-lived counter-revolution
in Constanth~ople, and he was less disposed than ever to make
any concession or listen to any terms of compromise (No.
97), so that the negotiations opened by the besieged through

TJz~sra~z~'l-IsMi~z with the Royalist headquarters at Basminj, never very
hol,cful, no lon~,~r olfcrc,] CVell a challcc of sucecss.Danger to the
foreign residents at Tabrlz began to be seriously apprehended, and the
British representative was instructed, should necessity for action arise,
to insist on the Persian Government either allowing the foreigners in
Tabriz to leave the tO`VIl, or allowing sufficient supplies of food to
enter it.'~
(No. ]82.) On April ~6 the Persian Government "instructed 'Aynn'd-lE}a~via
to facilitate the departure of foreign sub jects, to ensure their safety,
to suggest that they should no~v leave the town," but refused to allow the
introduction of food. Both 13ritish and Russian subjects, ho~vever,
themselves as un~villing to leave Tabriz. (Nos. ~88 and ~go.) On April ~8
Wratisla`v rel'~rted the quantity of l~ublic food was much smaller
Ile had at first been given to understand, and that the situation of
residents was very critical; and he further mentioned certain proposals for
an armistice for~vhich the Provincial Council (A,zJz~man) begged the
of him and his Russian colleagu e, and of the two Legations. On April ~ 9
there was " talk of a last attempt to break the blockade to-night" (the
attempt, presumably, in which Mr Moore and Mr Baskervilie took part, the
latter with fatal results), ~vhile the British Government was contemplating
the advisability of England and Russia `'insistin~ on their Consuls leaving
Tabrlz and taking ~vith them any other foreign subjects who might ~vish to
leave the town," and the Russian Government of " threatening the Shah that,
unless certain quantities of food were admitted into Tabriz, they ~vould
themselves take steps to introduce the same, and svould, if necessary,
force to effect that object."' (Nos. zo~, ~os, ~gg.) ' ~read was very
to-day," Mr Wratislaw telegraphed on April ~8, "and will be scarcer still
to-morrow. The chief s~urce of danger for the moment lies in the immense
number of starving poor who may at any time rush the houses where they
food is likely to be found. There is at present little danger from the
Nationalists them

selves." (No. 200.) 

On April zo it was decided to send a Russian force to 

Tabr~z "to facilitate the ~ntry into the to~'n of the necessary 

provisions; to protect Consulates and foreiF;n subjects; and to as.sist
~vho sv~sh to leave tl~c to~vn to do so." (No. zo7.) " lt seems to me,"
Sir Arthur Nicholson, " that it would be the Nationalists who \vould profit
by, the arrival of the Russian force, but I submit that the chief object to
be kept in vie~v is the safety of the Consuls, ez~cn al the ris'of t,'.'e
~l~easzlres -`v~ich ciraz`~nstances haue reJzdereat necess~zry pro~z~zg of
be~ze/' to ~e popzc~zY moze?rzent at Tabriz." (No. 208.) The Tabr~zis have
been charged with ingratitude for not recognizing more fully that they
finally o~ved their safety to the arrival of the Russian troops, but since
considerations for their safety, as clearly appears from the above ~vords
printed in italics, did not affect the decision as to the sending of these
troops one way or the other, they l~atl hl fact no reason to be grateful to
any`Dnc l~ut God, whose Providence ordained these means for their
from death. 

For two days longer it seemed as though, even at this eleventh hour, the
might relent and Russian intervention might be avoided, for on the morning
of April 20 he promised the British and Russian representatives to send
telegraphic instructions to 'Ay'~z~id-Da-~la to permit the introduction of
food into Tabriz until mid-day of the 26th, during ~vhich period
should cease on both sides, and in consequence of this promise the Russian
force ~vas ordered on the follo~ving day not to cross the frontier. (Nos.
~io, 2~5.) Whether the Shah failed to send the promised instructions, or
svhether'Ay7~2`'dDawla disregarded them, or ~vhether they were intercepted
on the way' is uncertain; but after the Nationalists had ceased fighting in
consec}uence of the Consuls' representations, $amad Khan's irregular troops
attacked and occupied their important position at Khat;b (No. 228: compare,
however, No. 235), ~vl~ile 'Ay'`n'd-Daze~la declined to give any facilities
for the introduction of food into the town. On the same day the Russian
already stationed on the frontier, and consisting of four squadrons of
Cossacks, three battalions of infantry, two batteries of artillery, and a
company of sappers under the command of General Enarsky, received orders to
advance on Tabr;z' open the road, and bring in provisions, instructions
given to

the Commander not to undertake any administrative duties, and ~not to
interfere In thc struggle between thc opposing parties. 

MNOS. 231, 232.) T\YO days later the Shah, who professed himself " much
by the suspicion that he had not sent the promised instructions to his
Generals,~' actually telegraphed to them " to facilitate the free
introduction of provisions into the on n, with no restrictions as to
quantity or time," and ' ordered 

~a complete cessation of hostilities." (Nos. z4z, z45.) His -- rame too
for already ~he Rllcci~n r~r~

complianc~ ~ .vv .~.~, .~ ~rcuay 1ne ~usslan force was advancing by forced
marches on Tabrlz, where it arrived on April 2g. 

Whatever the feelings of the Nationalist leaders may have been, there can
no doubt that to the bulk of the inhabitants, as to all others who
contemplated with horror the prospect of the bloodshed and rapine which
have undoubtedly marked the entry of the Royalist troops into Tabriz, the
arrival of the Russian force, with the consequent opening of tile Julfa
and entrance of provisions for the starving people, was a welcome relief.
assurances given by the Russian Government that "the Imperial troops would
only remain in Persian territory as long as might be necessary in order to
guarantee completely the security of the lives and property of the Russian
and foreign Consulates and their subjects" (No. z48) and " the orders given
to the officer commanding the column to abstain from interference in the
differences between the two contending parties at Tabriz, and in no wise to
assume any administrative duties"' (No. ~5~) were eminently satisfactory,
it is not surprising that " Sattar Khan shewed himself \vell disposed
them,and that they met with a good reception on the way." (No. zbo.) He
called on the British Consul

I It was believed that the Russians would not take adYantage of their
presence in Tabr~z to molest any of the~r Armenian r~n~l Cnucasian sabjects
~vho had joined the Persian N:ationalists. Tbis belief, bowever, prove~l
unfounde~l. An unfortunate ArnZenian named Zorabian, a Russiar' subject,
being assured that he ran no danger of arrest, decided to remain, and even
fraternized with the Rus~ian soldiers quartered near his house. But after a
little while he `~as arrested, taken l~ack to the Caucasus tried for
complicity in some former act of rebellion, and hange~l at Erivan. He was
described by one of his comrades in anT~s as one of the Lest an~l braYest
the National Yolunteers. 

general "to express his profound gratitude to Great llri~n" and his
confidence as to the future. 

On the eYening of April ~gth '80 Russian soldiers reached the Aii Bridge
on the following morning entered the town. (No. z63.) Four days later there
were z69 soldiers in the town, ~hile the total force in the neighbourhood
amounted to 4000. At first the relations between them and the people appear
to have been excellent, hut later, owing to what even the Ti,~ees described
as the " tactlessness " of General Enarsky in handling a very delicate
situation, these relations became, on the evidence not only of Persians but
also of Russians, very much ~nore strained; while the absence of any
indications on the part of the Russian Government of any intention of
removing or greatly reducing the force, even when the city had long resumed
its normal condition, naturally gaYe rise to increasing uneasiness. 

The complaints of the Tabnzis as to the ``tactlessness" of the Russian
were formulated in a little lithographed Persian pamphlet of ~8 pages
entitled An Acco~lut of the aggressions of th~e R'cssia?` reg~llar troops
from ~e frst day of their arrival, recorfied withont regardf io
chro?rological arra,zge~nent, and dated the ~th of Jumada i, A.H. 1327
I, ~gog). The pamphlet is in the form of an open letter addressed to five
residents at rihran, of whom four were Europeans, including General
Houtum-Schindler, Mr David Fraser of the [imes, and Mr Maloney, who was
acting as occasional correspondent to the Alanckester G?~CI?~diaIZ and
papers, and contained 36 complaints. As this pamphlet is in Persian, and
moreover, scarce, curious and difficult to obtain, I think that a summary
its contents may not be unacceptable to the reader. After referring to the
written assurances given on the gtl1 of Rabt' ii (=April 30, 1909) by the
Russian Consul at Tabnz to the effect that the Russian soldiers would
from interference in internal affairs, treat the people well, and pay the
fair market price for everything they took, and declaring themselves able
prove the truth of their allegations, the complainants proceed to state
grievances as follows. 

(~) On the 4th of Rab~'ii (=April z5, T909) three representatives of the
Provincial Council (A'~i'man-i-Ayalatz] went 

to the British Consulate to ask that the entry of the Russian troops might
be delayed for a few days until the result of negotiations with Tihran then
in progress should she\v whether ~dle need for their advent might not be
averted. The Russian Consul, ~vho was present, assured them that the troops
would not enter the city, but, notwithstanding tllis assurance, on the day
of their arrival nearly 200 of them entered it. 

(~) On the evening of the ~8th of Rabl'ii (= May g) a stray shot fired in
air struck the hand of a Russian sentry who was posted on the roof of
Basint's-~Sahe)~`z's house. Thereupon the other soldiers began to fire in
directions, and a certain Haj}i Muhammad $adiq, son of Karbala'' Baqir, who
was passing by the Gachlll cemetery, was shot througll thc threat and died.

(3) On the ~ jth and ~6th of Rabi'ii (= May ~6 and ~7) some Russian
not in uniform and without their guns, but armed with daggers and pistols
dressed like yens d'arJnes, were seen standing outside the houses of Dr
George and the Warden of the Castle ((Q,el'a-Begi), at the end of the
Kucha-iMustashar, and in other places. 

(4) ln Amir-Kh~z and Rasta Kucha some of the soldiers molested ~vomen,
raising their veils and looking at their faces, a thing greatly repugnant
Muhammadan custom and sentiment. 

~5) On the 22nd of Rabi' ii (= May 13) a proclamation was issued by the
Government ordering everyone carrying arms to lay them aside before noon,
forbidding anyone to appear armed in the streets. An hour and a half before
noon the Russian soldiers began forcibly to disarm those whom they met
carrying arms in the streets or ba~ars, and to collect arms from the shops
where they were exposed for sale. 

(G) On the same day the Russian soldiers seized six guns, six revol~ ers
a dagger from the mounted Persian guard w hich had been appointed to
accompany the pacificatory mission deputed by the ~l'yu~na,2 to proceed to
Marand, Khuy, Salmas and Urmiya to tranquillize the illhabitants, and which
was on the point of starting froln the building where the Anjui~za7r was
sitting, although the Fersian troopers held permits from the Russian Consul
and from General Znarsky authorizing them to carry arms. 


  (7) On the same~y about too cartridges were seized from Siyyid Muhammad,
a gun and a double-barrelled pistol from ~qa Buzurg, and a dagger from a
broker named 'Abidin in the baza', and the last-named in particular was
threatened with death if he refused to relinquish his dagger. 

(8) On certain days Russian soldiers appeared in streets and quarters (such
as Aqa-Jan-abad) far removed from the quarters inhabited by Europeans, and
through which they had no occasion to pass. 

(9) On the night of the ~gth of Rab;' ii (= May ~o) large bodies of
with search-lights patrolled the quarter of Armanistan, notwithstanding the
presence in that quarter of a sufficient number of the city police. 

('o) Soldiers ~vhile passing through the streets and ba~ars constantly help
themselves to eatables which take their fancy from grocers' and other
as happened, for instance, to Husayn Baqqal, son of Karbala'( Taq~ in the
quarter of Mihadi-Mihm. 

(~) On the 26th of Rab['ii (=May ~7) a squadron of Cossacks with a gun
galloped so fiercely past the Gachin cemetery that they overthre~v and
trampled under their horses' feet an old dumb man, named Muhammad 'Alf, son
of Aqa 'All Beg, so that he now lies at death's door in the hospital. 

(~2) On the 24h of Rab;'ii (=May ~5), by command of General Znarsky'
entered the Khlyaban quarter, ascended on to the roofs of the houses,
mounted a gun on the bake-house opposite Baqir Khan's house, placed two
other guns
in the street, and proceeded to destroy the barricades and other defences
~vith pick-axes and dynamite. During these operations they also broke the
telegraph wires. 

(~3) According to the report of the city guards, the soldiers also molest
villagers entering the town, knock off their caps and make mockery of them.

(~4) lhe Russian Consul announced in writing to the Government that two
Persian subjects, '/madu'l-/sla'~ and [~`isamu'C-3fu~, were officially
under his protection, on account of their relationship to the Persian
Minister at St Petersburg, who had asked that they might be so prctected. 

The persons in quest~ion were in no dange~ and the Minister denied that he
had made any such request. 
        (15) He similarly took under his protection Wavf~u'l-A~ and his
family, alleging that the Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs had
the Russian representative at Tihran to grant such protection. In reply to
a telegraphic enquiry, Sa'du'~-Dawla, the Minister in question, replied
this request had been made long before, while fighting was going on ir~side
the city and the conditions were entirely different. 
(r6) The Russian Consul demanded that the city authorities
and Nationalist leaders should take the utmost care to guard
and protect the villages of Basminj and Ni'mat-abad and the
fugitives from Tabrlz `~,ho were in them, on the ground that
part of the first-named village belonged to a Russial1 subject,
and that the Russian Consul's country-house and garden were
situated in the latter. No one was to be allo~ved to go armed
to those two villages, nor were their inhabitants to be allowed
to carry arms. The city Government would be held responsible
for any breach of theJe regulations.
        (~7) The Russian Consul formally required from the Government an
account of all stores and ammunition in their arsenal. After destroying the
barricades and other defences (as mentioned in  ~z above), he demanded
whether any were still left, and whether any guns, and, if so, how many had
been removed to the citadel. 
        (~8) On Thursday the zand of Rab`' ii (= May ~3) the soldiers,
without informing the Government or Police of the city, or the Russian
Consul, began putting up telephone wires from their camp at the 3*j, Bridge
to the Russian Consulate. In the course of this operation they ascended by
means of ladders on to the roofs of houses occupied by Muslims, frightening
women and children' in order to erect the telephone poles. 
        (~9) On the same day a Russian officer with some soldiers went to
Crown Prince's Palace, in which are situated the Governmer~t offices and
Sha"`s'~'l-'l'narat, expelled the caretakers, and locked the doors. On
complaints being made by the GoYernment and the Provincial Council, they
tendered an apology, saying that they only went to look at it. Four days
later they brnught two taE~s which they witched to set over one of the
of these same buildings, to indicate that they had been occupied. 

(20) On the evening of the ipth (= May ~o), or at an earlier date, the
promised that not more than the r7g Russian soldiers who had already
should enter the city. The A'~yi~man also received telegraphic assurances
from Tibran that the same promise had been transmitted through the Persian
Minister at St Petersburg. Notwithstanding this, z5 more soldiers entered
city by night, and, uttering loud hurrahs, proceeded in a disorderly
through the streets and b~zars to the gardens of Shapshal Khan and of the

(2~) Ever since their arrival the llussian soldiers have been engaged in
taking measurements and making maps of thc streets and quarters of the
In the course of this occupation they have molested men and alarmed women.
Although the Russian Consul in presence of the British Consul declared
explicitly to the A?~nan that this surveying and map-making should stop, it
still continues. 

(22) In an official communication dated the ~ tth of Rabi' ii (= May 2) the
Russian Consul informed the Government that General Znarsky and the other
Russian officers had been instructed to acquaint themselves daily with the
pass-word for each night, and forbidden to go about the city at night
it, in case they should be invited to spend the evening with friends in the
city. But i~1 a later communication of the z~nd ( = May r3) he urgently
requested the Government not to require the pass-word from the Russian
officers and soldiers, and to leave the city gates open at night so that
might circulate as they wished without difficulty. 

(23) On the same date (May '3) he further requested that no obstacles
be opposed to the passage through the streets and thoroughfares of the
Russian soldiers, and that the people should stand asicle to let them pass.

(24) Pvery few days the Russian troops, with bands playing, and accompanied
in some cases by artillery, march through every quarter of the town, even
most remote, while every five days they change the soldiers stationed in
town, so that

every member of the Russian force comes to know every detail
of the topoography of the town.
  (35) On the evening of the 25th of Rabii ii (=May 16) a
number of soldiers were stationed outside the house of the
Thiqatu'l-Islam and they searched all those who passed by
even to their pockets.
  (36) On the 10th of Rabi' ii (= May 1) Russian soldiers, by
command of their officers, drove away the police and city
guards stationed on the town side of the Aji Bridge. And
whereas at first they would not allow the Nationalist riflemen to cross
tl~e bridge, on the 1 8th of Rabl' ii (= May g) they stopped the
Nationalist leaders and troopers who were escorting a
European friend out of the town some 200 yards short of the
(~7 ) Amongst other irregular and vexatious acts mention
must be made of their interference with women, from whose
faces they pluck aside the veil, even in the presence of the city
police; of their riotous conduct in the quarter of Mihad-i-Mih~n; of
their seizure of tradesmen's goods without giving payment;
of their enterin~, houses (e.g:. the house of Vartaniyanus the
Armenian) or knocking at their doors; of their striking schoolchildren
(e.g. Warram, a pupil of the Laylabad College) with the
butt ends of their guns; of their abuse of passers-by; of their
preventing the passage of the same; and of their molestation of
persons wearing medals bestowed on them for services rendered
during the siege.
(~8) Although the telephone service in Tabriz has for a
long time been granted by the State to a Persian company,
the Russians, without seeking permission from that Company,
have set up a telephone of their own from the quarters of
the Russian officers to the Russian Consulate, in doing which
they have made use of the poles erected by the Company, whose
property they have damagell and wllosc wires they llave broken.
Further, in an official communiccltion dated tllc ~2lld of llal~l ii
(= May '3) the Russian Consul bade the Government take all
possible precautions for the protection of these Russian wires,
which were guarded by Russian sentries.
(29) On the 2;7th of Rabl' ii (= May ~8) soldiers stationed

at the Russian Club threatened a policeman named Ghul;lm
who was on duty in the Kucha-i-Mustashar, even menacing hhn
with death if he passed along that street.
(30) On the z8th of Rabi' ii (= Alay '9) a Persian sentry,
not carrying arms, went up on to the citadel to take a look
round. Immediately a Russian officer in the Club made as
though to fire at him, and afterwards sent a soldier to Natib
Muhammad Husayn, the commissioner of that a~uarter, to tell
him that if anyone was seen again in that place, he would
be shot.
  (30) On the '6ih of Rabi'ii (=May 7) two Russian oPicers
and one soldier entered the citadel without permission, examined the
guns and spat on one of them.
  (31) Some of the soldiers occupying Basir'~'s-S~:~l~e's
houses descended from the roof into the neighbouring house
of Aramnaq Vartaniyanus one night and carried off rg poles.
(Cf ~ 27, sI`pra,)
  (33) On the occasion already mentioned (No. 2i, when a
Russian sentry on a roof was wounded in the hand by a stray
shot fired in the darkness, and it was never ascertained who
fired the shot or how the event came about, or even that
the shot was not fired by a Russian, an ultimatum was presented
to the town authorities by General Znarsky demanding
the payment within 48 hours of a sum of ~o,ooo t~?1la?~5 (about
f;zooo) as compensation. Of this sum, with great difficulty,
3000 tumans were collected by contributions from the inhabitants.
  (34) Russian subjects were encouraged to take on lease, with
a view to their protection, the properties of fugitive Royalists, such
as the Imam-Jum'a and others, and to act, as it were, as
their stewards.
  (35) About the beginning of Jumada i (about May, 2~) a
quarrel arose between a certain Yusuf of Hukmab'id, a licutenant in the
town police, and a certain Husayn. The latter
fired a pistol, and the former, while endeavouring to arrest him also
fired several shots. The local Government, having investigated the case,
found both men to blame, reprimanded them,
exacted from Yusuf a pledge that he uould not in future molest

Husayn, and forbade Husayn to carry arms. Thereupon Husayn
went straight to the Russian Consul, where he remained that
night. Next day he ~vas taken to the Russian camp, where
also he remained one night. Next morning he returned accompanied by a
number of Russian soldiers with several guns.
These surrounded the ~ uRmabad quarter, arrested Yusuf with
twelve other persons, though they offered no resistance and
fired no shots, took them to the camp and there imprisoned
them, and then looted and afterwards destroyed by means of
artillery Yusuf's house, besides looting the neighbouring houses and
confiscating the guns of 7X of the city police who were
on guard in that quarter. They also drove away with threats
an inspector named Ahmad Khan and a sergeant named Akbar
who had come to investigate the matter, threatening to shoot
them if they did not withdrau,. Along with Yusuf they also
arrested and imprisoned an old man named Hajji Mahmud,
who was seventy years of age.
  (36) On Saturday the 8th of Jumada i (=May 29) they
arrested opposite the Basiru's-Saltana's house, which was occupied by
Russian soldiers, a certain Hajji Shaykh 'Ah Asghar, a
preacher, who had spent more than ten years at Najaf, had
resided nearly eight years in Tabriz, and was a member of the
Provincial Council (Anjuman). Though he had done nothing
to deserve arrest, they detained him that night in the guardhouse and
next day took him in the most ignominious manner
to the Russian camp.
  Many of these complaints may be r,egarded as of a trivial
nature, and indeed I was assured on excellent English authority
that the bombardment and destr,uction of the house in Hukmabad
was the only grave misdeed of General Znarsky's
soldiers; but it is quite clear that, to say the least of it, there was
a good deal of bullying and rough horse-play on their part,
and that they were at no pains to consider the feelings of
the inhabitants. This appears very clearly from the following
article contributed to the Russkaye Slovo (described by the
friend who was good enough to communicate to me the translation
as 'a large Moscow paper, one of the wealthiest in Russia,

of the type of the Daily Telegraph") of May 12 (25), 1909,
by, the special correspondent of that paper in Tabriz. The
translation runs as follows:-
                       IN TABRIZ.
              (From our Special Correspondent.)

  "Yesterday evening along narro~v streets rattled and rumbled
the Russian guns. It was after dark, and the way was lit by
lanterns and torches. The bugler on the ~rg (citadel) had long
since blown the evening call, after which no one may go into the street
unless he knows the pass-`vord. Tabr1z was asleep. Only
the 7~'ziyya (the police) slept on the crossings, leaning on their
  "They brought in two guns and three quick-firers, sent three
companies of soldiers (perhaps a few men short), and posted
them at various points in the town. This morning the town
was transformed into a military camp. Everyvvhere groups of
soldiers, loaded waggons, green boxes: officers on horseback
cantered up and down the streets.
"There were numbers of them before, and soldiers! waggons
had before now been rumbling along the streets, but somehow
it all looked different then. The soldiers laughed and joked
with the Tatars', the Tatars sat on their carts. No~v everything has an
officially severe appearance. The soldiers have pulled
themselves together, keep silence, refuse to engage in conversation.
The Tatars look gloomy and turn their faces away.
"The time of peaceful intercourse between the Russian
soldier and the Persian has come to an end. It seems as
though anxious days were beginning.... All day long our
sappers have been setting up telepllones in the chief quarters,
connecting the positions of the troops, the Russian buildings
and the Consulates. For convenience' sake, and in order to
economize wire, it was decided to take the line direct across the house-
roofs, and at once misunderstandings arose. Wholly
~ This is the correct rorm i' Tartar ~ arose rrom a desire to connect
the terrible hordes Or Ctin7~z Khan, H`~lagi~ a~,1 "Tamerlane"tT777~7`r-
i-ta'7g="Lj7~pjng T~mur ") NY ith the infental [errors of Tartarus The
name is applied by the Russians to the Azarb~yjanis in the Caucasus.

disregarding the customs of the country, our men went so far as
to climb, into the womem's courtyards, and orthodox Musulman
women saw 'giaours'1 in their andaruns,2 in the very holy of   
holies of their home, into which even a strange Musulman dare
not penetrate.
  "In the afternoon when the Consul visited the Anjuman the
representatives of the city asked him to request the troops to
relieve the andaruns of soldiers, visits. So the telephone was
taken along the streets, and the responsibility of seeing that the "ire
was kept intact was laid on the ~nyn,na1`'s police.
  "One of our officers said to me: 'I'm strict with them. Pointed
to the wire and then drew my hand like that along his
neck and said: "We'll choppee off baska3 if you no watch
wire." He got a fright, sort of laughed quietly, then up with
his rifle. "All right," he says, "if they touch wire I'll shoot." Now
they all stand and keep guard over the wire.'
  "Since early morning the whole town has been in a state of
agitation, as though it were an ant-heap which had been disturbed. All
faces are anxious and gloomy the Tatars are
going off somewhere in crowds, carrying weapons. I ask them,
'Whither away?' 'The Russians have ordered us to give up
our arms: we're taking them to the Arg (citadel).'
  "I go to the bazzar. Half the shops that were trading so briskly
yesterday are closed. A crowd stands around an
armourer who deals in oLd Persian daggers and crooked
swords, bought now on~y by Siyyids who wish to distinguish
themselves at the festival of ... ~ What does it mean i' It
seems that the Russians have come and ordered the armourer
to close his shop. The poor man with difficulty refrains from
1 This wa~d, amiliarized to English readers by Lord Byron' is the
Turkish form (~,~dwur) of the West Persian g;azur (pronounced like
Gotr~r in "Gower Street", which appc:~rs to be a variation ~~F gabr
("guebre "in Moore's [alla Roolh), the contee,~pt~ous teTm :lppEc~l l~y
l'~rsiu1 1~1oclin~s t`~ the 7.oroastrlans, equivalent to .'he:`then,"
'~ p:~gan."
~ The "inner," or women's apart~nents, called harem in Turkey, and
sa,~,sa in India.
The translato' has left a blank here. I suppose that the reference is
to the Muharra~n moorning for llusayn, the ~Ashn,~ r~r IR"z-i-Qaf~ in

"'What have I done to you? I trade quietly, don't harm
anyone, and sell my old weapons.'
  "The Persians look on, plunged in gloomy silence, only from
time to time sighing. One thinks of the Tatar in Gorky's play
Is' tize DeptJ's. 'Where are you to go ? Whom are you to tell 7' "Near
the Russian Bank two soldiers are dragging along
the bazar a huge Russian flag. They climb on to the roof
and set the flag up over the b~zar, like Englishmen when
they discover a new island. Only the object in this case is
not so much demonstrative as preventive and strategicah The
soldiers have been told in the eYent of military operations being opened
not to fire at those quarters over which the Russian flag waves.
'` At a crossing of the ways stands the market crier (here all
orders of the Anyu~nan, or Provincial Council, and the administration
are published through criers) and shouts:-
  `' By order of His Excellency IJfa~'l-Mzk,
I declare that
from this hour onwards the carrying of arms in this quarter is
prohibited. Give up all your arms in the ~4rg citadel). Those
who are caught with arms will be shot! '
"Poor ~ylal~'l-M2~1k! He hit on this cruel measure in
the hope of somewhat pacifying the Russians, who are so
unmercifully strict with him. Yesterday he received a categorical
demand, namely, to find and bring before the Russian
Consul the man who on the evening of April 26 (May g)
wounded by a rifle-shot in the darkness rifleman Petrenko, who
was on sentry duty on the roof of the barracks in Armanistan.
IyldI~'l-Mn~ arrested seven men, but not one of them would
admit that he had shot at Russians.
"Moreover the An?i`'nan has received an ultimatum: ' Pay as
compensation for the wounding of rifleman Petrenko, who is now
disabled, ~o,ooo t4'ndns (= about 2000).' All this was to be
done within 48 hours, i.e. by the evening of the next day,
otherwise special measures would be taken.
"Rifleman Petrenko is happily only slightly wounded in
the right hand, and he is recovering. He is Iying in the
waiting-room of the Tabriz Road office, and chuckling with

"'There I lived and lived in Russia, and was always poor. They drove rne
to Persia, and now they tell me I'll get 20,000 roubies.' 

" T`venty thousand he ~ill not get. This sum, the Consul 

- says, svill be reduced, but ten thousand will certainly fall into
~Petrenko's pocket. But they will not find the culprit, because he is not
be found. 

'A strange mysterious case ! The Russian officers say, 'It was a {cifz'l.'
Tl~e dCI~Z'Z5 say, 'It was a Caucasian revolutionary !' The Caucasians say,
' It was an agent jirovocale1`r!' 

" It is an anxious time now in Tabriz ! Involuntarily one starts at every
sound and asks, ' Wasn't it a shot ?' It is a bad business if it is a shot.
After one shot there will be many shots. l hese are anxious days in Tabriz:
one may expect the u orst. 


Let the reader compare this letter with the Persian complaints, and he will
see how fully the testimony of this Russian Journalist, so far as it goes,
bears out the allegations of the Tabriz1s. A second letter from the same
correspondent, published in the same paper on May ~7 (June 9), igo9,
still further confirmation of what is alleged by the Persians as to the
and arrogant conduct of the Russian troops. Here it is- 


" As I write these lines, soldiers are shouting under my window and

'I took aim wilh my soklier's rifle,

Aml'twas I who ~li~i load the gun.' 

horses, dogs~ camels are all mingled in one clamant e~ccited mass. And now
to this are added the soldiers with their clumsy waggons drawn by a pair of

" The Consul advises the military authorities to hire porters, as it would
be more convenient; but it appeared that no money had been allotted for
this purpose. The crowd always gathers to gaze at the soldiers' waggons,
and it
cannot be said that the crowd is particularly well disposed towards our

" At first, when the troops were encamped at iLjl Chay, and only came in
small groups into the town for wood and bread, the relations were
It is said that on the day . of the troops' arrival the inhabitants,
particularly in the poorer quarters, meeting the Russians warmly thanked
and called them saviours. And now, instead of strengthening and confirming
the good feeling of the Tabr~zis towards us, we have lost it as quickly as
we gained it. 

" The only part of our force that was posted in the town was a detachment
Rifle Chasseurs. One evening, April 26 (May 9), despite the A,~,ivmczn's
Sattar Khan's strict injunction not to fire even blank cartridge in the
a shot was fired in the neighbourhood of the Chasseurs' barracks. A
on guard was wounded. From that moment everything changed. As you know, the
A?`Juman was asked to pay as compensation to the wounded chasseur for loss
of the ability to work ~o,ooo `?imcins (afterwards 3500 was the sum agreed
upon) and to find the guilty person. For this 48 hours were given. It w as
declared that if the demand were not agreed to,' measures would be taken.'
This would not have mattered. The ~?~',~an would have bargained, and would
have paid the money in good time. The administrative authorities, in the
person of I.jluln'l-.l - ~k, who was appointed [governor] by the
and has been confirmed in office by the Government, would have sought out
culprits, and the unfortunate incident uould have been closed. 

" But unluckily, after having given the Alzyz`ma'' 48 hours, our people at
once made preparations in the event of its becoming necessary to ' take
measures.' When I finished my last letter, guns ~vere brought into the town
and placed in the 

" They are walking about the to~vn all day in small detachments. Officers
prance to and fro, and swiftly gallop the Cossacks in thc-ir huge conical
cal~s. Ilut the thing one sees most frequently in the streets is the green
soldier's waggon. They go about the [c~zczrs and buy barley for the horses
and provisions. lt is always sufficiently difficult to mo`-e about in the
bczzczrs, and indeed one can hardly turn: there is an indescribable
a noisy, motley, gay confusion. Men, donkeys,

Bank gardens, sappers beg;ln to lay a telepholle line across the town, and
at night witll lantern ill hand dre~v certair~ plans. 

" All this alarmed the ~Tabrizis, and n~ade them cautious. A wave of
alienation arose between the inhabitants and the Russians. Then that
everlasting eagerness of ours to finish what we have begun played its part.
In none of the instructions to the troops is anything said about 'action.'
On the contrary, coml~lcte non-intervention and perfect correctness are
obligatory. But what are you to do witll men who are simply itching for a
fight, even `~hen they are in perfectly peaceful conditions ? And when
is no hope of battle, they grow angry and irritable, and begin to display
their nervousness. 

~ The case of the Chasseur sentinel immediately set their hearts aRarne.
'Aha I Nc~w it's going to begin !' some declared, ' We'll smash them u p !
Let the
thing only IDegin ! ' 

" But nothing has happened. Everything has been perfectly quiet.
Ijial~c'l-M`~e ordered the arrest of seven men whom he suspected of
complicity in the attack, and subjected them to 'examination with
partiality3.' For more than a week now these men have been tortured and
tormented in truly Persian fashion. And they say that in a day or two one
them will confess. What such a confession secured by torture will be worth
is another question.... 

"fleeing that nothing happened' our men grew bored, and begart to seek
amusement ht whatever way they could. And now the Persians finally
a violent hatred for the Russians whom they had once so loved. Now this is
not mere dislike, but a real animosity. 

" Our men went in for sky-larking. ~ Muhammadan woman was walking along the
street in her peculiar monastic costume. Every Persian would consider
bound on meeting her to lower his eyes or turn slightly aside. But our
soldiers determined to have a ta~'rzs/}a'. They surrounded the woman and
peered under the net through the veil. ' Hey, mother,' they cried, 'Why do
you cover your face?' The woman tried to pass them, l~ut they laughed and
prevented her. ' Hullo, chaps! 

What's the use of fooling? Off v~ith her veill' And in a twillkiing a
young gentleman tore off the veil from the Persian woman. She cried,
her face with her hands, so as not to see the Z~r~s (Russians), and the
went into fits of laughter. 

"'Allow me to introduce myself, my pretty maid ! Welcome to our quarters t
You'll be our guest, and we'll bring out the elderberry ~vine ! J 

" Tabnz lives on rumours and sensational stories, and the rumour of the
incident with the Muhammadan woman at once flew around the whole quarter,
and, passing from street to street, grew like a snowball. When it reaches
outskirts they'll be saying that the Z)rns tore from the Muhammadan woman
her veil, but other parts of her ~Iress, and insulted her, Heaven only

" Then, w hen the order was given to disarm [the population], the work was
carried out with extraordinary energy. In vain did a Persian protest, 'I am
taking my rifle to the fortress to hand it over there ! ' 'Never mind !
it up here, or else... 1' -a gesture, and the weapon was immediately

" In the same way the police were disarmed, and the thing was done
absurdly. A policeman on duty is approached. ~ What sort of riRe have you
?' The poor policeman ~vith a good-humoured smile, shows the rifle. 

" Ah ! A Russian three-liner! Where did you get it, you scum of the earth

'' It was given me from head-quarters.' 

'" You lie, you villain ! Your head-quarters cants have Russian
Give it up,' 

'The ',a;nziyya (policeman) tries to protest, and declares that no one but
his authorities has any right to take away his arms. In one instance a
?tasmiyya was struck in the face for protesting in this way. 

" The soldiers and especially the officers know very well of course that
nearly all the naz?',iyya and the grreater number of the Jida'ls are armed
with Russian three-liners. These rifles are contraband and have been
in large quantities from the Caucasus throughout the revolution, just as
cartrid~es have 

~ " An cld Russian phrase ~neaning torture." (Translator's note.)      
been, and have been bought by thc ,I'~yi~mrrn and by individual horse~nen
enormous sums. A- tllree-lincr costs here about 200 roubles Moreover
so-called ~ sham three-liners' are in great vogue here-rifles made up of a
locally manufactured barrel, a contraband Russian loci; and other parts.
These cost 7j roubles apiece and are very bad. There are besides many
ber~ankas (old Caucasian rifles), Martinis, magazine-rifles, Mausers and
Frencl1 and Austrian riRes here. 

4` The soldiers also carry on their sky-larking when making purchases in
I'n~nr. A man buys a thing costin~ ~o {o~cks (~id.), and pays ~ fro - ks. '
Take wllat you're given,' he says, 'or you'll get nothing at all !' It must
be admitted, however, that the trades-people ch.arge l~ussians terrible
prices-about te~ times thc customary l~rice. 

`'I enter tile flank and open the door into the vestibule. Whew! It srmells
like a tllird class waiting-room. It is frightfully close, and the air
of tobacco. On the Roor, on bags, lie queer grey people. Ah ! l'hey are our
soldiers, in dirty grey shirts, covered with dust. At first it is hard to
distinguish them from the grey of the floor. 

"I ask, 'Why are there so many here?' It appears they have come to occupy
13ank. Now there are sentinels everywhere. One night Russian troops even
patrolled the town. One of the Armenian's Jlda'is told me, 'I came home
[ r o'clock. Suddenly I heard a shout-" Stop ! Who goes there ? " I
They came up to me and set about searching me. It happened that the soldier
who was to search me was an acquaintance. But two others \vere searched

was. It is a great mistake of theirs to have begun \vith this. All very
if they chance upon an intelligent and selfrestrained man, for he will keep
quiet; but some wild Tatar, who doesn't understand anything, will imagine
that they want to arrest him, and will whip out his revolver and kill
someone. Why provoke such things i" 

"' Yes' Sir,' re{~l~ str~p4 - .soldier; 'that means, I _ suppose, that the
\`hole }~assag;e' will be ours.' 


This is how it strikes a Russian. Could anything be more ridiculous, if it
were not so cruelly unfair, than the attempts of the T'mes and its
to make out that the Persian mistrust of Russia is wilful and groundless ? 

4'The whole way, the whole line of march, perhaps, slightly extending the
meaning, the whole country-side." (Translator's gloss.) 

into the courtyard. Over the roof of a neighbouring brZ-~ZrWaVeS a huge
Ivussian flag. ~ sn~ile and point upwards. 

"'They've planted the llussian flag ?' i|

au nulsnea my business in the Bank, I went out


  THE resistance of Tabriz being at an end, it seemed for the
moment that the Nationalist cause was lost, and that Muhammad
'Ah Shah, having been persuaded or compelled by England
and Russia to convene modified and probably emasculated
National Assembly, of a much more complacent type than
the last, would obtain a loan from the two 1~owers subject to
conditions as to guarantees and advisers which would strike
a deadly blow at the independence of Persia' even if they did
not reduce it at once to a conclition comparable to that of Egypt or
Tunis. These forebodings were, however, falsified by the
course of events, and once more, as so often in that land of
surprises, it was the unexpected which happened.
The revolt of the provinces was, as we have seen, headed by
the Bakhtiyaris at 1sfahan on Jan. , 1909. Rasht followed
suit on Feb. 8, Turbat-i-Haydari on March ~4, Hamadan and
Shlraz on March 25, the Gulf Ports of Bandar-i-'Abbas and
13ushire about March ~ 7, and Mashbad on April 6. These
movements were not all of the same quality, for while some,
such as those of Isfahan and Rasht, were orderly, purposeful
ancl evidently carefully planned, others, such as those of Shiraz,
13ushire and Taft, were c~f a ~nore mi:~ed characler, and others again,
such as the Kirmansllah riots of Marcl1 ~7 and April 7,
were mere disturbances such as have always been liable to
occur in Persia when the central authority was weak. The
l`;irmanshah riots were anti-Jewish, but even here a noticeable
feature, characteristic of the new spirit of toleration and sense of

common humanity, was the effort made by numerous Muslim
citizens to save the lives of their Jewish neighbours and protect them
from violence. Captain Haworth, the British Consul, was
"much astonished by the practical sympathy strewn by the
Muhammadans in sending food and covering to the Jews. He
adds that many Jews owe their lives to Muhammadans, who,
in some cases, actually stood armed in front of their Jewish
friends until they could take them to their own houses'."
The movement on the capital began at Rasht, where the
Nationalists had been reinforced by a considerable number of
Caucasians' who, as described by Mr Churchill2, succeeded in
making their way thither by the Russian steamers without
experiencing any serious difficulty, and in bringing their arms
with them. On March '4 the road from Rasht to Tihran was
reported as held by the Rasht Nationalists to within 40 miles
north of Qazw~n, but Mr Churchill in his Memorandum of
March '8 cited above3, described them as holding about ~oo
miles of it, as far as YuzbashI-chay. Thereafter their progress
was for a while slower, and it was not till May 8 that their
advanced posts were at Karanda, on the Tihran side of Qazwin.
Probably they were waiting for the advance of their comrades of
Isfahan to begin, and this was apparently delayed by the negotiations
necessary to unite all the Bakhtiyari chiefs in one common
endeavour, and to give time for the Sardar-i-~s'ad, who had
returned to his country from Paris by way of the Persian Gulf
and Muhammara, to bring further Bakhtiyar( reinforcements to
Isfahan. At length on May 3 he and his brother the Sa~nsam~'s-Sallana
"telegraphed jointly to all the foreign Legations expressing
their gratitude for the measures taken to save Tabr~z,
but asking at the same time that the Powers should now interfere no
further in their internal affairs. They added, after
protestations of loyalty to the Shah, that they and all other
Nationalists were about to march on the capital to force on His
Majesty the fulfilment of pledges made to his people'."
Ten days earlier, on April 22, the representatives of Great
Britain and Russia had presented to the Shah a strongly-worded
Whi~c ~ook [Cd. 4733], p. 36.
lb~, No. 107, p. 57.
2 Ibid., Inclosure in No. 169, p. 80.

note, pointing out that, as a result Or hQ persistent violation of his
pledges, his refusal to listen to wise counsels of moderation, and his
subserviency to the reactionary camarilla which surrounded him, " the
situation had gone from bad to worse, and it was now di~cult to pohit to
part of the country, except the capital, where the Central Government had
authority!.'' A[ter enumerating the evils which had resulted from His
Majesty's reckless and reactionary policy, declaring that their c' sole
desire was to see Persia emerge from the present deplorable crisis an
independent, well-governed and prosperous nation," and expressing their
belief "that there was still no reason to despair, provided the Shah lost
time in abandoning the present deplorable methods of govemment, whicll,
the destruction of the Al.'ylis in June, ~goS, he had been following under
the advice of men who had proved themselves the enemies of their country,"
they submitted to the Shah a programme, declaring at the same time that, if
he did not accept it in all its details, they ~vould desist from giving
further advice, leave him to his own resources' and neither give him, nor
suffer their agents to gi~e him, any support. This programme comprised five
recommendations, and the bitter pill was sweetened by a final intimation
that, should these be adopted, Russia would immediately advance a sum of
~oo,ooo, and England a like sum after the new National Assembly had
the loan. The recommendations included the dismissal of Amir Bahadur Jang
and 1~`silinf~s-sa~`zna; the re-establishment of a constitutional regl,ne;
the appointment of a Cabinet composed of persons worthy of confidence; the
formation of a Council of the Empire representing the best elements of the
different parties; -the elaboration and promulgation of a new Electoral
the immediate proclamation ot a general amnesty for all political offences,
and of a guarantee of fair trial for all persons charged with offences
against the common la\v; and the immediate fixing of dates for the
and for the convocation of the National Assembly, these dates to be at once
made known throughout the country. 

Finally on May ~o the Shah ga~e way, promising the ~ Wh;ic ~ood tCd. 4733],
Inclosure in No. '85, pp. I' - ~30. 

r`.stor'~ion of the old Constitution "without an~rati~," elections as soon
as the new Electoral Law had been promulgated, convocation of the new
"in the same place as formerly" (i.e. in the Baharistan) as soon as
two-thirds of the deputies should be ready to take their seats, amnesty for
all political offences, and permission to the exiles to return'. " Our
consuls at the various centres of revolt," adds Sir George 13arclay, " are
being instructed to point out to the Nationalists that it is now their duty
to do everything in their power to secure a reconciliation between the
Popular party and the Shah "; but Sir Edward Grey in a telegraphic despatch
which either crossed this or was an answer to it instructed the British
Minister that " if the Nationalists are not now sat~sfied with the tardy
surrender of the Shah, we cannot be responsible in any way," and that " in
such a case your attitude should be one of strict neutrality, and any
which might be interpreted as intervention should be avoided'." 

Meanwhile the Nationalist leaders, who, of course, had at this time no
of judging the intentions of England and Russia save by the external
manifestations of their policy, declined to desist from their preparations
for advancing upon the capital. They had had too much experience of the
Shah's incurable perfidy and vindictiveness to be disposed to trust him in
the least degree, especially while the old reactionary gang and their
instrument, the redoubtable Colonel Liakhoff, remained in his entourage,
they feared, no doubt, that they ~vould never again be in so good a
to impose their vvill upon him. They were also profoundly alarmed at the
prospect of his obtaining a fresh loan, which they were convinced would
presently be used against the liberties for which they fought. Lastly,
suspicion of Russia's policy wa~ ineradicable, nor, though it may have been
exaggerated, can it be regarded as wholly groundless. Putting aside the
wl~ich, as they were convinced, Russian agents had played in the
of the first ~`zjI`s and the Constitution for which they were in arms,
events gave them many grounds for mistrust. It was true that the advent of

' I~t~ ~~k [Cd. 4733], No. 287, p. 130- : ~h~d., No. 286, p. '30.

troops had saved the lives ~of the inhabitants of Tabrlz. but they had
threatened to come to Tabr~z six months earlier 

 without better excuse than the disturbance to their trade which
resulted from the existing state of Civil War. And having come they had
behaved rather as an army of occupation tn a conquered and subject country
than as a simple relief expedition. Moreover, having captured Rah~m Khan,
archbrigancl wllose unruly tribes~nen constituted tile chief source of
to tile lives and properties of the inhabitants of Tabrlz, Persian and
European alike, and against whose barbarous methods of warfare repeated
protests had been made by the representatives of the Powers at Tihran, the
Russians contented themselves witl1 exacting from him a large sum of money,
and shell set hiln free, whereby hc was enabled to cause serious trouble
later on. Further, i n spite of the good order almost in`'ariably
by the Nationalists ~vhen the control of affairs was in their hands,
a to\vn or port within reach of the Russian Govern~nent declared for the
popular cause, llussian troops or ~var-ships were in nearly every case
despatched thither on the pretext of maintaining order or protecting lives
~vhich were nc~t threatened. Thus at Astarabad the Russian Consular guarc!
was increased by 25 men on March 3~1, only three days after it had declared
for the Constitution9. On April ~ the Nationalists "arrested the Kdr-guzar,
~vho was suspected o f hav-ing accompanied the Russian Consul to the
Jatfar-Bay Turkmans' camp to induce them to upset the local Assembly. The
~er-g~lZczr was aftenvards released through the intervention of the Russian
Consul." " The latest news," adds the despatch in question, " is that the
town is surrounded by Turkmans, ~ho are acting on the Shah's behalf.
is proceeding, and the Russian Consul has applied for troops to be sent in
to Astarabad'.'' On April 7 a Russian gun-boat was sent to Bandar-i-Gaz,
port of Astarabade. 

So again it was decided on March 3' to increase the Russian Consular guard
at Rasht by 50 Cossacks, who apparently landed 

Il~iie Boo} [Cd. 4733], Inclosure in ~o. '47, p. 7~.
~5,d., p '34 ~ Ibza,., No. I5n p. 73.
~`a'., No. 97, p 55

March 20,1 while a Russian man-of-war and a gun-boat appeared off Anzall,
port of Rasht, on or about. April 79. And again at Mashhad the Consular
was increased (by what amount is not stated) on April 63. And, to be brief,
on July '7, four days after the combined Nationalist forces finally entered
Tihran, and the day after the abdication of hIuhammad 'All Shah, the total
number of Russian troops in North Persia was estimated at 6300, namely,
at Tabrlz, ~700 on the march to Qazw~n, and 600 at Rasht, Astarabad,
and other places. 

It is true that there was also, to a much more limited extent, British
interYention in the South, but this was undertaken very unwillingly, and
rigorously limited both in extent and duration. Thus on March ~8 a British
gun-boat was sent to Bandar-i-'Abbas, but the instructions were that it "
should only stay there if His Majesty's Consul considered that 13ritish
subjects were in danger, and the bluejackets should only be landed in case
of extreme necessity'.', On March ~o orders were also given for a gun-boat
to proceed to Bushire "with instructions, in the event of disturbances
arising, to give protection to all foreignerse." On April 9, in consequence
of apprehensions aroused by the conduct of Siyyid Murtaza and the
ridemen whom he had brought into the town, the British Consul-General at
Bushire was authorized to land a force of blue-jackets if necessary, but to
notify the people that this step was only taken for the protection of
subjects and foreigners6. A day or two later ~oo men were landed7. They
withdrawn on May ~4, nor would Sir Edward Grey permit them to be used to
expel Siyyid Murtazi, notwithstanding the representations of the British
Consul-General at Bushire, who declared that his "mask of Nationalism was
merely designed to cover his rapacious intentions," and that the leaders of
both the Nationalists and the Royalists desired his 

Whitc ~ook [Cd. 4733], No. 169, p. 7g. fioia'., No. 15~, p. 73. fioid., p.
65, Nos. 1 1 6, 1 18. 

3 /bid, No. 148, p. 72. s /oia'., No. 135, p. 67. 8 fioid., No. 159, p 75 

7 /bia'., No. '64, p. 76. An account of their landing, written on Apul ~7,
was published in the Slandar~of May 8.

expulsion, but ``rere not strong enough to effect it themselves3. USir
Grey replied that " the expulsion of the Siyyid... would go beyond the
for which troops ha'.,e been landed, 

| i.~. the protection of the lives and property of British subjects l and
residents of other nationalities," and that " his expulsion | would, ipso
facla, constitute us the government of the town, I and it is difficult to
when this state of affairs would come to I an end, as there would be no
satisfactory authority which j could tal;e his place2." It appears,
therefore, that Sir Edward I Grey's dislike of intervention was sincere and
genuine. So far I as I am a`'rare the despatch of a small British force to
reinforce I the Consular guard at Shiraz on July ~6, ~cgog, is the only
instance of intervention by England at tiliS l~criod. 

I ~ return, llowevcr, to tl~c t~vo Nationalist ar mies '.vhich were no~v
preparing to ad~vance on the capital. The southern army, or army of
consisted entirely, or almost entirely, of the brave and hardy }3akUtiyaris
who have so often played a part in l'ersia's endless wars, and of whose
and characteristics Layard has left us, in his Ea'~ ~d~~~res. so complete
attractive a picture. These were commanded by Se,?~sn'''`~n's-Sa~z~e who
joined about May 7 by the Sera~`ir-i~4s'crft', lately returned from 1lis
travels in Europe. As we have seen, on May ~ their deader telegraphed to
daye,' of the Diplomatic Corps in Tihrdn " that as the Shah had not granted
a Constitution, the 13akhtiyaris intended to march on the capital and
their demands at the point of the sword3." {enable to forego his habitual
sneer at the Nationaiists, the Ti'~es correspondent added that, as
$`rn~se?~n's-Se~)~'z was in possession of the telegrapll-office,'' the
message cost him nothing to send, and its value as a declaration of
is in proportion to tl~e expense of its despatch." " Meanwhile," he
added,"the Shah's expedition marches southward and is now at Khalid-abad,
miles north of Isfahall. It will be interesting to sec if thc 13akhtiydri
tllreat will have any effect on the progress of the Koyalist troops." It
have been an effect of this threat, or it may have been a mere coincidence,
that on 

W~ilc ~006 [Ccl. 4733], ~'o. '8r, p. 92

3 ~i,ncs special correspondent. issue of May 3. 

2 ,~id, No t83, p g3

May 5 the Shah "signed an Imperial rescri~ acknowledging

that the disorderly condition of the country imposed the
necessity of taking measures to reorganize the administration,"
'recognizing that this can only be secured through the constitutional
principle," and "fixing July t9 for the election of a
representative Assembly, for the formation of which electoral
laws will soon be promulgated'." By the date fixed, however,
Muhammad 'All was no longer Shah, and his capital was in the
hands of the victorious Nationalists.

On the same day, May 5, news reached Tihran that the northern army, or army
of Rasht, had reached Qazw~n; that there had been fighting; and that the
Nationalists were now in possession of the town'. This army, which the
of this period generally speaks of as "the revolutionaries" (since,
apparently, it desired on the one hand to emphasize and even exaggerate the
element of Caucasian and Armenian revolutionaries which it included, and on
the other wished to depict the Bakhtlyarts as completely indifferent to the
Constitution, and as actuated solely by tribal ambitions, innate love of
fighting, and hatred of a dynasty at whose hands they had suffered much),
commanded by the ~Sipabdatr, or Field-Marshal, Muhammad Wall-Khan
Na.srn's-Sal~ar~a, of whom the following account (whence derived I know
appeared in the Yorkshire Dai) Post of Nov. I7, ]909:-"Though he is 65 he
the look and bearing of a man of 50. He has held many government
under different Shahs, and though he became, so it is asserted, the richest
man in Persia, there is no doubt that during his last governorship-that of
the province of G{lan-he accomplished a good deal in the matter of
roadmaking. Towards the end of the reign of Nasiru'd-Din Shah he also did
much as Controller of the National Mint to reorganize Persian coinage. His
sympathies with the Liberal movement led him to resign his post of
when sent by Muhammad 'Alf Sh~h against the rebels of Tabriz. It was in his
old province of Gilan that he organized the force which eventually captured
both Qaz~vin and Tihran, thus procuring the dethronement of the monarch."' 

~ 7~'mes, May 9. 

Of the fighting at Qazwin on Nlay 5 no detailed narrat~ve
seems to have reached this country, and for the chief particulars we are
indebted to Reuter's able and fair-minded
correspondent at Tihran, according to whom tZne attacking force
of Nationalists numbered ~50. These suddenly entered the
town on the night of IVIay 4 and besieged the governor and
garrison in the Government House, where they resisted till
dawn. Twenty Royalists' and three Nationalists were killed,
and a hundred Royalists surrendered2. Nationalist reinforcements were
hourly expected from Rasht. Next day (hIay 6) a
squadron of Persian Cossacks, with two Maxim guns, under
the command of a Russian officer, Captain Zapolski, were
sent out from the capital to guard the hare; bridge, 30 miles
west of Tihran, ancl though the hi~,llcst estimate of tile numbers of
the Nationalists did not then exceed 600, large numbers of
them were reported ~5 miles to the east of Qazwin3. An actacJie
from the Russian Legation was sent down to wan1 them against
advancing further' end . Satolin, the Russian Charge d'Affaires'
"telegraphed to the ConsL'i at Rasht to demand from the
Szpabdar, the supposed head of the Nationalist movement in
G~Lan, an explanation of the present action; to point out that
if the revolutionaries are not recalled his government may be
compelled to take steps in the matter; and that action of this
kind interferes ~vith the present endeavour of the Anglo-Russian
representati`-es to obtain a settlement of the Constitutional
Question."There was also a very distinct threat that, in case of non-
compliance, a large number of Russian troops might be
sent to `'guard the Tihran-Caspian road4.""Their appearance," 
adds the i?'ies correspondent5," would signalize the speedy dis
~ A,~o~gst these, according to the Star~da'-~s correspondent, uas the
reactionary Sha't~hr`,l-IsirfJ,r. A certain (2asim ~4qa, one of tl~e
Cossack Brigade who had taken a pronZinent part in the destrt~ction of
the Jla)Hs on June ,3, ~go8, ~vas also shot by
the Nationalists on this occasion.
q According to the ~iJr'`l special correspondent, the bulk of the
Royalist lroops, numhering S50, on hearing of the Nationalist advance,
quickly withdrew towards, Hamadan without offering any resistance.
7imes, 31ay ;.
~ Thi~ i~lte~ition o'~ the part of the Russian Government was admitted
by Sit E. Grey hl reply to a question asked by Mr Ponsonby ou May II.
5 7i,~rcs, May j.
Croup of Afujahi~iin, or National l~olunteers, of lRasllt

appearance of the revolutionaries, and thus it would seem possible that in
addition to active intervention in favour of the Nationalists at Tabnz, we
may be now on the eve of what would be tantamount to interference on behalf
of the Shah."  On May 9 Colonel Liakhoff, interviewed by the Times
correspondent, stated that 750 Cossacks of the Brigade (including those
already sent to Karaj), 5000 regular and tribal troops, and six rmodern
quick-firing guns were available for the defence of Tihran, and expressed
the opinion "that the Brigade alone was sufficient to deal with any attack
by Revolutionaries or Bakhtiyarts, singly or combined, provided that time
allowed for adequate preparations." The Times correspondent also gathered -
what the Times had strewn itself very slow to admit -"that while the
officers are no longer on the active list of the Russian army, they are in
effect completely under the control of the Russian Government, owing to the
fact that their pensions and their prospect of future reinstatement depend
on their acting in accordance with the wishes of St Petersburgl." It was
reported on the same authority that dissensions prevailed amongst the
Bakhtiyarl Khans, and that though the reports of their advance were
persistent, no apparent preparations had been made. Reuter's correspondent
added that the nan of Tabriz was endeavouring to induce the leaders of the
two Nationalist armies to accept the concessions made by the Shah (who had
at length consented to grant a general amnesty and to restore the former
Constitution) and to desist from their advance.  The position of the
Nationalist leaders was now undoubtedly one of extreme difficulty, for on
one hand they had had bitter experience of the Shah's perfidy, and of the
success with which he had hitherto evaded the pledges extracted from him,
it " as clear that if they intended to appeal to force, they had no time to
lose, and would find no better, and probably no other, opportunity than the
present; while, on the other hand, should they continue their advance, they
had to reckon with the displeasure of England and Russia and the possible
armed intervention of the latter. That they hesitated in this momentous  I

choice is likely enough' but there is no doubt that throughout
they acted in complete accl~r~l both with one another and with the
different Nationalist centres in and outside Persia. And it is
probable that their mistrust of Russia was at this juncture
increased by the complaints which were telegraphed from Tabriz
about May ~5 as to the arbitrary action of the Russians in that
towel, by the continued rumours of a Russian loan to the
Sh~th2, and by a fresh Russian threat to occupy the Astara"
Ardabil road, apparently in consequence of a victory gained
by the Sipa/'dar's troops over those of iias~z'd~'l-M~clk, the
Governor of Ardab'13.
On May ~z the Persian correspondent of the Times, who
had i~een to Qazwln to judge for himself of the forces and
intentions of the Nationalists, returned to fihran and reported, to his
English colleague "the presence there of a large body of
triumphant and determined men who declare their intention of
marching on Tihran in a few days. They are ~vell-armed and
well-mounted and possessed of plenty of money. Their com"
mender and second in command, an Afghan, are now at Qazwin,
and everything points to the.yossibility of early action. The
Bakhtiyans, who have. asse~nbled at Isfahan and number 3000,
also declare their intention of marching on TiEZran'."
On May ~7 the Sipuf~dar, according to Reuter's correspondent,
formulated the Nationalist demands, of which the following
were the most important:
(1) Evacuation of Persian territory by foreign troops.
(2) Royal Rescript declaring explicitly that the Shah had
restored the old Constitution in its entirety, i.e. the original
Fundamental Law of December 3o, ~go6, comprising 5 ~ Articles,
together with the Supplement of October 7, '907, comprising
07 Articles.
(3) Disarmament of the Shah's irregular troops.
(4) Removal from the Court of Am~r Bahadur Jang'
M?lSittr?'s-Sa~Ha, and otllcr prominent reactionaries.
~ Especially the disarming of the National Volunteers and the
destruction of the barricades. See pp. :75 e'sey~. su~ra.
2 See ;ri,~l of Nlay z4.
See the GIole of blay ~7 and the 7i~'es of A1ay r8.

"These requirements," adds Reuter's correspondent! "are
generally not considered unreasonable' although immediate
compliance with them ~vill be difficult to arrange."The 7~i?f~es
correspondent, on the other hand, with his usual bias, described them
as "preposterous," and added, "the sooner these gentry
leave the country the better"; while in the same telegram he
announced that the Bakhtiyar~s were said to be disbanding and
leaving Isfahan, and that the citizens of that town would be very glad
when they were goner. A week earlier (on May zo) the
same authority reported BakhtIyari forces, said to number
1500 cavalry and 2500 infantry, moving northwards on Kashan,
and royalist troops retreating towards the capitai, but he
assumed that the tribesmen were "coming to join the Royalists
in the idea of acting against Sa~nsdm~s-Saltana at Isfahan
when the infantry have been armed9."He still refused to
believe either in the solidarity of the Bakhtiyaris or the serious
intentions of the Stpal~ar.
Meanwhile the discussion of the terms of the proposed
Russian loan continued without any agreement being arrived
at; the leading Nationalists of Tabriz, Sattar Khan, Baqir
Khan and TaqI-zada, as a protest against the harsh measures
adopted by General Znarski, took refuge in the Turkish Consulate; and
it was announced that "at present there was no
question of reducing the numbers of the Russian exE`edition
now camped outside Tabr~z3."
The outlook at the beginning of June was characterized
by the 7ir"es correspondent as "decidedly gloomy," chiefly on
account of the reported seizure by Turkish regulars of part of
the Jrmiya-~;almas road, and of the anger aroused not only
at Tabrtz but also at Tihran (and doubtless in other Persian
towns) by the behaviour of the Russian military authorities at
the former city. "Great bitterness," he said, "is being aroused
among the Nationalists by the arbitrary behaviour of the Russian troops
at Tabriz. Besidcs Sattir Khan and Baqir Khan~
7~irnss of May 27. 9 ~id., May z I.
s 77nres of May :8, and Aforning Post of May 3r.
They telegraphed a protest to this country, which was published in the
Daily lVc~s and hfanchcstcr G`rardian of June 7.

several hundreds of J;a,~'5 have taken teas' at the Turkish Consulatc,
presumably as a protest. Tllis news is creating a great
stir in Tihritn, and seriously threatens the progress ~vhich was being
made towards the assembling of the Alaylis. It seems
very unfortunate that the heavy labour entailed upon the British and
Russian Legations during the trying and anxious period of
the last month should be jeopardized by tactless handling of
the situation on the part of the military commander at Tabriz'." He also
reported that '`the Nationalist Emergency Committee,
which has for some time ~vorI~ed satisfactorily with the Cabinet,
dissolved to-day, ap,oarerlti, on the ground that Ministers do
not comply with their reasonable demands," and that "the
Sz~abder has evacuated Qazwin ~vith all the revolutionaries,
and has retired towards 1tasht," declartng "his intention of
keeping his force under arms until the dlallis meets."A few
days later the same correspondent severely censured the protection
accorded to the Persian Nationalist leaders by the
Turkish Consul at Jabr~z~ and described his action as "an unnecessary
piece of interference in a situation which does not
primarily concern Turkey2," though it must be obvious to any
fair-minded person that, apart from her natural sympathy v~ith
a neighbouring Muslim state ~ust traversing a crisis singularly
resembling that whicll she had so recently surmounted, it
concerned her most vitally whether unaggressive Persia or
aggressive Russia dominated her eastern frontier. Ali this time
(June ~-zo) the two questions of the new Russian loan and the
new Electoral Law dragged on. As regards the former, the
Persian Cabinet found the conditions attached to it too onerous
on May z~, but u~ere ready to sign them on lune 17, when
M. Sablin on his part demanded certain modifications; and
though the agreemerrt of the Russian Government was obtained
on June zo, other and more exciting events happily caused the
matter to be shelved for the time being. As regards the latter,
the text of the Shahts proclamation restoring the old Constituti,on,
issued on May 15, was published in the English papers
on June 2:3, and the draft of the new Electoral Law was com
~ [imes of J un e 1.
3 e.g. the M~a'~crSerl~rr Guardu:n, financiaf ~J~us, etc.
2,iJ., June 9.
Constitutionalists in refuge at tbe Ottoman En~bassy,
Tihran, January, 1909

pleted on June 7, but three days later a "serious hitch"occurred', and
it was not until June '7 that the Shah "waived all objections" to it,
and expressed "his readiness to sign it whenever
the provinces had approved the terms'."
And no~v at last the Bakhtiyaris began to move. For some
days previously to June ~6 they had been reassembling at
Isfahan, and on that day their leader, the Sard~fr-~-ff stad,
"publicly stated that it was his intention to march on Tihran
in order to ensure the carrying into effect of the constitutional
programme'."Next morning four of the leading Khins with
800 men began to march northlvards-an action which the
Times correspondent considered to be "inexcusable," "Having
bluffed for six months," he bitterly observes four days later,
"and grievously disappointed the expectations of the Nationalists, they
(the Bakhtiyarls) are now supposed to be marching
on Tihran at a moment when everything points to the early
re-establishment of the constitutional rigi'~ze. This step is
probably a belated endeavour to 'maintain face' with the
Nationalists; but it must not be ignored that the Bakhtiyarl
movement has caused great consternation at Court, where
formerly no apprehensions of BakhtiyarL intentions were entertained.
Frantic appeals are made to the Russian Legation for
money in order to organize resistance, but the Russians decline
to make any advance for expenditure on military operations4."
On June ~3 the advanced guard of the Bakhtiyaris wa
reported to be at Qum, only 80 miles south of Tihran, while
Qazwin was again occupied by a large number of the Sipahddr's
men, aud the two forces `'were in daily communication,
and declared their intention of making a simultaneous march on
Tihran5."The British and Russian Consuls at Isfahan were at
once instructed to follow the Bakhtiyarl force as speedily as
possible and "jointly urge the leaders to refrain from complicating the
situation, which promises satisfactorily for the reestablishment of the
Constitution6."That same day the Electoral
Law was signed by the Shah, which act, if the Nationalists could Tirncr
of Jone I ~.
bid., June ,4.
Ibid., June le.
~id., June,.
Diat., Jur.e ,5.

have trusted him, should have had a mollifying effect; while on June ~
a slight reduction had been erected in the llussian troops at Tabriz,
which again might have reassured them but for the fact that the Russian
Consular guard at Mashhad was almost simultaneously reinforced, and that
in a conflict which had occurred there on June 23 the Russian Cossacks
had shot down Nationalists at one of their barricades!.    
  On June 25 the situation was more critical, and ~vas described by the
Times correspondent as "unintelligible, the only tangible feature of
Persian opinion being the unanimous suspicion with which the presence
of the Russian troops at Tabriz and Mashhad was regarded throughout the
country."Mr Grahame, the Britisl~ Consul at Isfahin, had reached Qu~n
that mornin,, and ha~l tv~ice been firc~1 at. ~ secon~l tIctiLchmcnt
of 13;lkhtiyaris had started northwards, and a third was on the point
of following, making a total of ~ooo men and several guns, while the
Persian Ciossacks guarding the Karaj Bridge had been reinforced' ou~ing
to rumours that the Sipal~fIar's men had penetrated into the mountains
to the north of Tihran. In the capita2 Scz'~'d-~`z=~[z had resip,ned the
position of Prime Minister~; great excitement and nervousness prevailed;
the more timorcus were seeking shelter and protection' and, to add to
the complexity of the situation, the Zill'~'s-5ultail was reported to
have landed unexpectedly in Persia3. This last item, however, appears
to have been untrue, or at any rate an anticipation of the truth, since
that Prince's departure from Paris did not take piace until July t4, and
he did not land at Anzalf until August 5 "   
  On June 27 the British Minister, Sir &eorge Barclay, and the Russian
Ciiarg' ar'A~aireS, M. Sablin, went together to the telegraph-office at
Qulhak, the summer quarters of the British Legalion, and entered into
direct communication ~vith their    
  ~ Rcuter's telegram in tbe ~uer:inEg Si~a~rd~r~`f aJrd Sf an'es's
Cazer~e of June 25, Comparc the lllor7rin~ Po5' and the ~irncs of June
z6, and the Iti~a7~chester Guardia', of June 28, where the Nationalist
casualties were giYen as r30.    
  ~ He appears, however, to ha`-e withdra``n his TeSign:ltiOn two days
;ater, See 7-ir/ies ~f dune 28. 
  s ~lirnes of une ~b. ~ Si~le of July ~z. 
  ~ Reuter's telegram in the Ma~rchester Gr~ai `lian and Morning Por'
for August 6. 

respective Consuls at Isfahan, who were then at Qum, to learn the result
of their interviews with the Sar~fr-i-~s'ad, and to transmit to him
further and more impressive warnings. The Sarlhir, however, in spite of
the warning "that his action was displeasing to the Powers, and was
imperilling the cause he had at heart," was inflexible, merely replying
"that he had certain demands to make which he would formulate after
communication with the Nationalist centres'."The Electoral Law, though
signed by the Shah, remained unpromusgated. The Consuls, having failed
in their persuasive efforts, turned back towards Isfah~n on June z9,
without having obtained any undertaking from the Bal~htiyari leader,
whose "vague and foolish language," again to quote the 7~imes
correspondent, "makes it difficult to believe in his serious
intentions".""It is hard to believe,', he adds, "that there will be any
fighting at T. ibrin, but the general impression with regard to both the
Bakhtiyaris and the revolutionaries ~i. e. the army of Rasht] is that
they cannot now decently avoid doing something."   
  On June 30 the Russian Government, with the knowledge of the British
Government, ordered a considerable military force to assemble at Biku,
in order that they might proceed to Persia in certain contingencies.
"The fact that orders have been given," says the Times correspondent at
St Petersburg, "to assemble an expeditionary column at Baku cannot fail
to come to the knowledge of the Bakhtiyaris and to exercise a sobering
influence. It is, at any rate, the expectation of such a result that
appears chiefly to have led the Foreign Office to consent to military
preparations. The Novae Vremya, however, insists that energetic measures
are indispensable. The Ryech goes to the other extreme, urging complete
abstention. According to the ~onrse Ga~etie the situation is complicated
by Turkish intrigues at Urmiya'."In the same issue of the T`n~es the
special correspondent of that paper at Tihran expressed deep
commiseration for Colonel Liakhoff and his Russian colleagues because
it was supposed "that the Russian GoYernment disclaims all
responsibility for their actions, and wilL treat them as    

scapegoats if they involve Russian policy," because the loyalty of their
men was doubtful a'~d the Shal~'s support half-hearted, and because "in
any encounter they will be the target at which every opponent will
aim."Of the movements of the two N;~tionatist armies he could give rlo
certain information, but the Royalist forces he estimated at 5000
ordinary Persian soldiers assembled round the Shah's palace at
Saltanatabad, and some ~300 or '350 Cossacks c~f the Brigade, of whom
800 under Colonel Liakhoff were in lihran, 350 under Captain Zapolski
at the Karaj liriclge, 30 miles west of the capital, and ~oo on the
south road, watching for the approach of the Bakhtiyar~s. The same issue
of the ~1nes contained a leader on the situation in Tibrall, which,
after scolding the BaklEtiyaris with its usual arrogance, concluded as
follows: "I rue friencls of Persian ConstitutioI,alism must earnestly
share the hope, which seems tc' be cherished in St Petersburg', that the
mere assemblage of Russial1 troops at Baku may cause the lMationalists
to halt before it is too late."Had the Sa~d~zr-i-As'ad and the Sipabdar
enjoyed the privilege of reading the 7~i~`es on the day of issue, they
~vould certainly ha~e recollected the tradition "Hearken to their advice
and act contraty to it,'' and would have pursued no other line of
conduct tllan they did. 
  On July 2 the Persian Premier was confident that there would be no
conflict, tllough the Sar`Idr-i-As'a~ with 500 Bakhtiydr;s `~-as now
ad~rancing n'~rthwards from (Jum, and the Royalist troops (~zoo
infantry, 300 cavalry and six-guns) were retreating before them towards
the capital'. On the evening of the following day the detachment of
Persian Cossacks under Captain 7,apolski, fearing to bc outt~la,~ked by
the S.ipaJ`dar's army, fell back from Karaj to tilmllab;id', distant
only some l~ miles from Tibran to the west, where, early on the morning
of July ~, the first skirmish between the opposing forces took place.
The Royalist force, which consisted of 360 men of the Cossack ]Irigade,
unldcr Captain Zapolski, supported by two Russian non-commissioned
officers, uith tuo Creusot quick
That 1 ing, as the 7'i~'es v.ould, appar~ntly, have os believe, the
qibla to which "friends of ... Constitutional~s~n "would naturallY turn
for inspiration !    

firers ;md one ma~zim, lost one Persian offiecr and three men killed and
wounded, while the Nationalists lost t~velve menl. The Cossacks, therefore,
`4 heartened by their successful encountere," celebrated their triumph by
"tearing to pieces the bodies of some of the revolutionaries." "This," adds
the 7imes correspondent' " together with the briskness of the fighting,
suggests that the Brigade will, after al}, not be found wanting in
loyalty5.'' Evidently the Times correspondent's ideas as to the appropriate
manifestations and proofs of loyalty belong to a quite archaic and heroic
Meanwhile the Diplomatists were not idle. Russia issued on July 3 a Note to
the Powers which appeared in most of the papers of luly 5, explaining the
circumstances which had "unwillingly" compelled her to send more troops
Persia, " where they would only remain until the lives and property of the
Russian and other foreign diplomatic representatives and subjects, and the
safety of foreign institutions, seemed to be completely ensured." And on
~ these troops, ~800 or zooo in number, were already disembarking at
while the advanced guard was already at Rasht. Three days later (on July ~
~) they were at Qazw{n. At Tihran also fresh efforts were being made by the
British and Russian Legations to dissuade the Nationalists from advancing,
and to warn them " that any further advance will indubitably be followed by
foreign intervention'." At ~ a.m. on the morning of July 4 Mr George
Churchill, the Oriental Secretary, and Major Stokes, the Military Attach~
the British Legation' were sent off, the former to the Sar~r-i-As'ad, the
latter to the Siiabdar, to exercise their powers of persuasion. Mr
accompanied by the Persian correspondent of the [zmes, returned to Tihran
~o p.m. on the same day. He had found the Sardar-i-As'ad with ~zoo men and
one mountain gun at Ribat-Karim, to the south-~vest of the capital, and the
Bakhtiyar{ chieftain " listened to his representations seriously, but gave
an indefinite replye." Major Stokes and a representative of the Russian
[imes of July 5. ~ fb~d., July 6. 5 /bi~., July 5. Reueer~s telegram of
4 from St Perersburg. ~i', es of July 5.        ~ C

arrived at Shahabad while the skirmish mentioned above svas still in
progress, and, being fired at by the Cossacks, withdrew until the fighting
was over and they were able to proceed to Karaj and submit to the Sipakdar
the representations with which they were charged. In reply the Sipabdar put
forward eight demands which he requested the envoys to transmit to the Shah
and the Legations, promising to allow two days, armistice for a reply, and
not to resume hostilities until midday on Tuesday, July 6. These demands,
omitting two minOr points connected with the dismissal of various obnoxious
Ministers and other officials, were:- 
        (1) That the Sipaldar and the Sardar-i-As'ad, each accompanied by
of their men, should be permitted to enter Tihran and remain there until
satisfied with the working of the Constitution. 
        (2) That the present Cabinet should be dismissed, and that the new
Ministers should be selected by the A~z~mans throughout Persia. 
        (3) That all the armed forces of the country should be under the
and direct control of the Minister of War. 
        (4) That the Shah's irregular troops should be disarmed. 
        (5) That Governors of provinces should be approved by the local
        (6) That all Russian troops should be withdrawn from Persia. 
"It is understood," added the Times correspondent, "that the Legations
will reply that, owing to the unreasonable nature of some of the demands,
they do not think it worth while to lay them before the Shah." Reuter's
correspondent, however, telegraphing on July 6, asserted that the British
Russian representatives had promised the Sipaldar to support two of his
demands-those relating to the dismissal of prominent reactionaries and to
appointment of a new Minister of Telegraphs but that his reply was "
understood to be uncompromising in tenour, and may be interpreted as
signifying his unshaken determination to continue his advance upon Tihran."

1 Times of July 6. 

  At this juncture the best friends of the Nationalists must have been
very doubtful as to the wisdom of the bold move on which they were now
evidently resolved, and it is to the credit of Mr Perceval Landon' that,
though he declined to believe in the solidarity of the two Nationalist
armies and the community of their aims, he realized the strength and
courage of the Bakhtiydris, and ventured, contrary to the prevailing
opinion, to prophesy that neither England nor Russia would be able to
stop them, and that "the end of the month will see a new rigime in fran.
An Odessa paper-the Listok-atso published on July 5 an interview with
a Persian officer who "priYately admitted that the position of the Shah
was desperate in the extreme, and that his deposition might be regarded
as a foregone conclusion to the revolutionary concentration on
TiEran2."In St Petersburg it was believed that Russia would at any rate
protect the person of the Shah by offering him asylum in her I,egation'.

  The armistice expired on July 7~ on which date the two Legations had
decided to hold no further communications with the Nationalist leaders,
and "the Royalist troops (in lihran) had been reinforced by hundreds of
hooligans, who were parading the streets carrying rifles," while "a
regiment of soldiers was encamped in the central square of the city'.''
The Times correspondent visited both the Cossacks at Shahabad and the
Nationalists at Karaj, and interviewed the Sipah~ddr, who was not so
simple as to expose his plans to one so unsympathetic, and left his
interlocutor with the impression that nothing was decided. "The landing
of the Russians," concluded the correspondent in question, "has
thoroughly taken the wind out of the revolutionary sails, and while
individuals talk ~vildly anct foolishly about their intentions, the
revolutionaries as a body appear to realize that the game is up'."A
telegram from the ~limes correspondent at St Petersburg on the same
cdate leads one to suspect that the transmission of messages to that
city from Tihran was in some way temporarily interrupted.    
On July 8, according to Reuter's Tihran correspondent, the
Da;~, ~cIe~raph or]uly 6. g Itzd. 5 /bid., July 7.
Reuter's telegram from Tihran of July ;. 5 ~iJnes of July 8.

Bakhtiyar~s were within ten miles of Karaj, and expected to eHect a
junction with their allies that day. The ]3ritish and Russian Consuls
at Isfahan made an endeavour to dissuade $s-SaNa7za from
sending the promised Bakhtiyarl reinforcements to his brother, the
Sa?d~ar-i-~4siad; and the Shah, whose confidence had been waning,
plucked up courage on hearing of the arrival of the Russian force at
Anzali'. The following telegram ~as despatched from Tihran by the agent
of a well-known Cit:y firm' and was sent to the Times2 for publication
by Mr H. F. B. Lynch:-    
  "3000 Russian troops landed Anzai~ for Tibran, ostensibly to keep
order, but everything is quiet and there is no danger in regard to l.
  On July 9 Rcuter's special correspondent despatched the following
message, which appeared in the [l~es'77'izster Gasette of the next
afternoon, from Tibran:-    
  "It appears that early this morning, under cover of darkness, the
Si`~alza?dr, with the majority of his followers, left Karaj and moved
in a southerly direction for the purpose, it is believed, of effecting
a junction with the Sarda'-i-As'ad.    
  "The Cossack force, which is at Shahabad appears to have been reduced,
a detachment doubtless having been sent to prevent an outRanking
movement by the Szpabdar and the Sarcia7~-i-Astad. 
  "I was present this morning at 10.30 at Karaj, when the remainder of
the Nationalist forces, about 300, evacuated the position near the
Bridge and follo~ved the road previously taken by the SipaJ'`~r. 
  "The approach of the Nationalists towards Tihran could plainly be seen
from the main road by the Cossack scouts, who, on reporting the movement
at Shahabad, appeared to excite considerable commotion among the
remaining Cossacks. 
  "The Nationalists declared their intention of entering Tihran to-
r~ight or to-morrow. It is stated that the Sip~f7dar and Sardar-i-As'ad
are at present at Yaftabad, which is about hve miles west of Tibran. 

  "Despite the exceptionally strong discouragements at Isfahan, f
a'77sa'm7`'5-Salta11a this morning despatched about 600 Bakhtiyarl
mounted rifles to participate in the operations against the Ro~!alists. 
  "Though it is within the bounds of possibility that the Nationalists
may endeavour to enter Tihran to-night, F:uropeans are not exposed to
any serious danger.    
  "To-day in the Baharistan garden, where the Ma,~'17's is situated, a
Nationalist was shot dead by some roughs."
  The 7~i~'es correspondent described the military situation as "a
Chinese puzzle of the first magnitude!.'' 
  On July ro a considerable force of Royalist troops arrived from the
south, and these were immediately ordered to the front2, and on the
following morning the fighting began in earnest at the village of
Badamak, some fifteen miles to the west of Tihran. Here for the first
time the IJnited Nationalist forces (or rather, as subsequently
transpired, a portion of them), and some T 200 R oyalist troops,
together ~vith the Cossack Brigade and eight guns, found themselves face
to face, while only 80 miles to the west was the Russian force which had
landed on July 8 at Anzall. Of this battle telegraphic accounts from the
Times and Reuter's special correspondents appeared in the English papers
of July 12, and a graphic and much more detailed account, written by the
former on July zo when the fighting was over, in the Times of August ~8.
The Nationalists occupied the village of Badamak on the east bank of the
Karaj river. Behind the village was a mass of trees, and in front of it
a shrine, or I'77a77~-z~a, in 1vhich was placed one of the two mountain
guns which the Nationalists had with them, the other being at the
southern end of their position. Of the lioyalist line the
"loyal"Bakhtiyarl chief A77~-7-M7`fakickha?n and his men occupied the
extreme left; next to him, apparently, was Major Blazenoff with 170
Persian Cossacks, who had first gone to the relief of the A 7?~ir-i-
~'fakftif~a'72; in the centre was Captain Zapolski with his men; and to
the right Peribonozoff's force. "The Cossack front," says the 7in~es
hfonng f~ol' of July 9 2 Issue of July ~o.
i 77~11~` of July lo. 
2 Jbid., Aug. `8.        i
"was imposing in length but very thin, while as reserve I could only
see a single body of about ~oo dismounted horsemen. It was supposed
tl~at the enemy numbered at least zooo and possibly 3000. They were
concentrated in a distance of no more than a mile, while the Royalist
front extended in a semicircle that might have been ten miles in length,
and contained probably no more than ~ooo men. It looked as if the
Nationalists might easily come out and break the line wherever they
chose I o balance things, however, there were with the Cossacks the
quick-firing guns and at least three maxims."The fighting which ensued
appears to haYe been neither of a very deadly nor of a very decisive
character There was an advance by the Royalists, covered by their
artillery, to within a con~paratively short distance of the Nationalist
position, and some spirited skirmishing in which the advantage seems to
have been with the Royalists. At one time, says the 7~imes
correspondent, "it really began to look as ;f the whole of the Royalist
force meant to meet this movement"(an attempt on the part of the
Nationalists to seize a long ruined building 400 yards from a hillock
which had been occupied by the Cossacks), "for there was a general
advance, while a whole squadron shot out from the line and in widely
extended order galloped for the ruined building. The Cossacks got there
first, and the Nationalists were soon seen streaming back under heavy
rifle fire. By this tin~e the Creusot guns were far in front and a maxim
had been sent for, so it really began to look as if the Royalists meant
to close on the Nationalist position. At 5 o'clock, however, after a
brief musketry duel, and some good shooting on the part of the little
Nationalist gun, the Cossacks ceased fire and commenced to retire. "At
the time we could not understand why they failed to press their
advantage, but next day we heard that it was because they lied succeeded
in effecting their object of relieving the Bakhtiyari chief on the far
left. lt was on the whole a very interesting little fight, none the less
pretty to watch because small damage was done on either side. It
suggested that the Cossack Brigade was well in hand, ~vithout proving
its quality as a fighting unit. As regards the Nationalists, they made
no serious effort to counter the 
demonstration, but their inaction, at the same time, left an
impression of a want of determination which their subsequent behaviour
completely belied."   
  Next day, July ~2, there was a little skirmishing and some desultory
artillery firing, but no serious engagement. That niKht, however, the
Nationalists-or at any rate a considerable number of them-slipped
quietly through the Royalist lines somewhere between Shahabad and
Yaftabad at a point supposed 
  irregular cavalry, who ~vere either as~eep or act~ng ~n co'~us~on with
them. Early next morning when the Times correspondent visited the
Cossack officers he was met by the astonishing news that the Sipabd~
himself with 300 men had slipped through in the night and was actually
within the walls of Tihran' which he had entered at 6.30 a.m. So quietly
was the entry of the Nationalists effected that as the 7~imes
correspondent passed through the city gate the guards informed him "that
the town was perfectly quiet, and laughed at the idea of the diipaltd~
having arrived."Only when he had penetrated a mile further into the town
did he see any signs of excitement, and then suddenly "he found himself
in the thick of things all at once.', "The gates into the T~kh~a
(Artillery) Square were closed, and the sound of intermittent firing
rose and fell in gusts," while "from the north of the town came the
rattle of a continuous fusillade," and "nobody knew what had happened."
  Of the events of that "day of all days,~' Tuesday, July ) 3, it is
difficult from the published accounts at present available to form a
coherent idea, because, so far as I know, the Nationalist plan and the
details of its execution remain hitherto unexplained. The demonstration
at Badimak on the Karaj river was apparently a mere feint to engage the
energies and distract the attention of the Royalists, while the bulk of
the United Nationalist force took advantage of the delay to creep round
amongst the hills to the north of Tihran and quietly enter the
unguarded, or almost unguarded, gates on that side. An excellent account
of the events of those five days (July ~3- ~7) appeared in the e',~ps
of August 8, 1909, and thus does the correspondent of that paper
describe what he saw on July '3.

"This morning at sunrise the advanced guard of the Nationalist troops,
headed by the Bakhtiyar~s, entered Tihran by one o, the north-west gates
near the French Legation. Their forces, consisting of several thousand
men only, met with no serious resistance. They immediately occupied the
quarter ir~ which the foreign Legations are situated, replaced the
guards at the gates and the police by their own men, and organized
patrols to maintain order. A little later a body of the National
Volunteers, or M'`.~aJ~i~'n, entered with the S~c~dar by one of the
southern gates, while the bulk of the army, commanded by Hajji 'AlI-quli
Khan the S`zr~ar-i-As'ad remained at its headquarters and did not enter
the capital until the afternoon, in order to concentrate all its efforts
on the point where the fiercest resistance should be encountered.    
  "The leaders proceeded to the Baharistan, the ruined seat of the
former Parliament. There, in the midst of those ruins, the Nationalist
troops desired to have their headquarters, and thence emanated the
orders transmitted to town and province. In the village of Shimran the
ne~rs of the capture of Tihran was known when the caravans of peasants
were starting to sell their fruits and vegetables in the city. These
peaceable villagers prudently remained at home. 
  "From the Shah's camp at Saltanatabad Royalist troops hastily set out
to attack the Nationalists, while a few Europeans' attracted by
curiosity, started for Tihran, but soon returned, finding the road
barred and the gates of the town shut. The French Minister, accompanied
by his chief Dragoman, succeeded, however, in getting through, and,
amidst a hail of bullets, these two traversed the streets in order to
satisfy themselves that the li ves and property of French subjects were
not unduly imperilled, and to take such measures as would enable the E
rench Legation, in case of need, to offer them an asylum. From the
villages of Qulhak and Zarganda the noise of the battle could be heard,
though no precise news was obtainable. In these villages reside most of
the Europeans, and in them are situated the summer residences of the
foreign Legations. Last year, almost at the same period, the Liberals
and Nationalists tRed thither for refuge; to-day it is the Prh~ces and
the Reactionaries.)' 

  Of the entry into the c~ of one division of the Nationalists the Times
correspondent gives the following account:- 
  "At 6.30 a.m....the Nationalist forces had ridden quietly in by the
Y6sufabad gate in the northern ramparts. They had found the gate open and
unguarded, and had entered without firing a shot. Some of the bank
out for a quiet morning ride had seen about 800 men, and had been told that
others were following. So quietly was the entrance e~ected that an hour
later, when the same officials were coming down to the bank, they actually
met a Cossack patrol proceeding on its daily task of riding round the
northern quarter of the town. The patrol marched along so quietly that
spectators supposed the men knew all about it. A volley sent them
helterskelter back to their quarters, and it is supposed that Colonel
Liakhoff then for the first time heard what had happened." 
        Some further particulars of this day's fighting were contributed by
Reuter's and the Daily Ne~ws' special correspondent. According to him " the
Yusufabad gate was defended by armed roughs) who, after firing a few shots,
dropped their riEes and bolted. The Dawlatabad gate was defended by
three of whom were killed, while the remainder surrendered. The ~Sipald~r
Sarddr-i-Astad entered the town amid loud shouts of ~Long live the
C:onstitutionl' The Nationalists exploded a bomb to mark the capture of the
city. Reaching the guardroom in front of the British Legation, the invaders
were fired on by soldiers, one Bakhtiyari being killed and two Nationalists
wounded. The wounded were taken to the British Legation and attended to.
Three soldiers and two Persian Cossacks were taken and shot by the
Nationalists. The remainder surrendered, were disarmed and set free." 
        By ~ z.4o p.m. " the northern part of the city was entirely in the
hands of the Nationalists, who, with patrols, were keeping excellent
order."..." Many soldiers and Cossacks," continued the message, " have
deserted to the Nationalist side. It is believed that the Nationalists
soon to attack in full force the square occupied by the Cossacks. The
populace are enthusiastic, and, wearing red badges, are encouraging the
Nationalist troops....The Nationalists have had few casualties."   

  About an hour later the same correspondent sent another message to say
firing still continued, that the Legations and Russian and British banks
not been interfered with, and that there was no danger, save from stray
bullets, to the lives or property of Europeans. Close to the great square
occupied by Colonel Liakhoff's Cossacks and besieged by the Nationalists
employes of the Indo-European Telegraph steadily pursued their work amidst
the roar of guns and the flight of projectiles, while over Colonel
house hard by flew the [Russian flag, and within it sat his brave wife, who
preferred to be near her husband in the hour of danger rather than seek
shelter elsewhere!. In a telegram despatched at 8 p.m. the Times
correspondent, who was "bottled up in the neighbourhood of Gun Square"
(Ma~dart-i-T~p-kha?ta), at last spoke handsomely of the Nationalists for
whom he had hitherto expressed such contempt. "Events to-day," he said,
extraordinary surprise except to the initiated few2. After the fighting
occurred outside Tihran it was not supposed possible that the Nationalist
forces could have entered the city without at first fighting a successful
general engagement. Their sudden move, however, which was cleverly
and brilliantly executed, enabled them to get through without firing a
They have been enthusiastically received by the people in those parts of
town which they now occupy, and some 3000 of the people are said to be
enrolled and armed by them." The last message despatched that day at TO
by the same correspondent stated that there had just been a heavy burst of
firing in the Gun Square.  I It is worth calling attention to a character-
sketch of Colonel Liakhoff by a young Irish correspondent, Mr. J. M. Hone,
who had resumed from Persia before these events took place. This sketch
appeared in the Morning [eadcr of Jull '4, 1909.  2 The Daily ~elegraph,
whose correspondent spoke very handsomely of the Nationalists, wrote on
~4 of " the inevitable occupation of Tihran bi the insurgents," and, as we
have already seen, it had already recognized, more fulll than almost any
other English paper, the formidable nature of the Bakl~tiY~ army. The
statement made on July 13 by Dr Isma'il Khan, the representative of the
Persian Nationalists then resident m London, which was published in the
Stan~ard of July 14, shows that he, and no doubt the Persian Nationalist
centres througb0Ut Europe, had a very clear idea of what was happening.  1

  All next day (Wednesday, July 14) the fighting continued in the centre of
the city, where the Cossack Brigade still held its ground, and where, over
Colonel Liakhoff's house, the Russian peg still flew, despite the protest
addressed to the Russian and gritish Legations by the Nationalist leaders,
who complained that, despite their desire to respect that flag, Cossacks
stationed under the roof which it protected were firing upon them. The
troops advanced from Saltanatabad to a range of hills situated about three
miles to the north-east of the city, and began to bombard the Baharistan
other points occupied by the Nationalists, but without much effect. The
number of Nationalists occupying the town was estimated at about 2500,
including 500 more Bakhtiyaris who arrived during the morning. Sir George
Barclay and M. Sablin again visited the Shah and urged him to suspend the
bombardment and endeavour to come to terms with the Nationalists, but he
rejected this proposal. Later in the day Colonel Liakhoff wrote to the
Sipabdar proposing terms of capitulation, and offering, "in exchange for
assurances that the Cossack Brigade would be permitted to serve under a
Constitutional Government, to surrender their arms, the Russian officers
retiring from the conflict altogether!.'' "Colonel Liakhoff's proposals,"
said the Times correspondent, "were not unnatural in view of the difficult
position of the Brigade, but in the light of the situation elsewhere they
inexplicable. There are some 300 Cossacks with artillery under Russian
officers in the line taken up by the Royal troops north of the town. The
can hardly agree to the disappearance nf this important section of his
defence, nor, having regard to the fact that several of the city gates are
still in possession of the Royalists, is he likely to approve of the
surrender of the main body of the Brigade." Although the Sipabda'r agreed
the proposals, the negotiations, which were chiefly conducted by NI.
Evreinoff, Secretary of the Russian Legation2, hung fire, and the day
with "heavy firing and the prospect of another noiSy night." To the conduct
of the Nationalists the Times CorrespOndent again bore handsome testimony.
"Their behaviour," he telegraphed on the night of July 14, "has been   1
7i~ncs of July r S. 2 Sta7zdard of July 16.         

irreproachable. Order has been maintained in those parts of the town
which they occupy, they have strewn mercy to their prisoners, and
altogether they evince a laudable desire to carry out their plans in a
civilized manner. Their peaceful declare" tions with regard to the Shah
and the Cossacks cannot, of course, be altogether trusted, for the
language of subordinates differs greatly from that of the leaders." The
correspondent of the Temps already cited bears similar testimony to
their clemency. An attack on the north-east gate by the Shah's troops
was repulsed with heavy lossl. 
        On Thursday, July i5, the Nationalists captured the South Gate
(? that of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azlm) and two large guns; the Cossack Brigade
still held out in the central square; and desultory firing continued all
dayl. The Sarda'r-i-As'ad, inter viewed by Reuter's correspondent at the
Baharistan, which was still the target of the Shah's artillery, appeared
cheerful and confident, and expressed the hope that the Russian troops
would not interfere to prevent the Nationalists from completing their
victory. No definite arrangement for the surrender of the Brigade had
been arrived at. The Times correspondent in the morning visited the
Sarda'r-i-As'ad and the Sipakdar in the Baharistan, and made them a
handsome apology for the contemptuous manner in which he had hitherto
spoken of them and their followers. They "accepted his excuses most
gracefully," and assured him on their honour that neither they nor any
of the Bakhtiyarls had designs on the throne. His estimate of the total
casualties on both sides was under a hundred2, and he added that the
only European hurt was a Hungarian, who was hit by a spent bullet.
Concerning the negotiations which still continued between Colonel
Liakhoff and the Nationalist leaders the fullest account is given by
Reuter's correspondent3. The terms suggested by the Colonel had been
accepted by the Sipabda'r, but the former, while agreeing that his
Cossacks Reuter's telegram of July Is. See also the Standard of July 16,
from which it would appear that the Shah's troops actually entered the
town, but were driven back by the Bakhtiyaris and their maxim gun. 2
See, however, note I on p. 32~. 3 See the llianchester Guardian for July
should not fire except upon disbanded soldiers engaged in looting,
provided that the Nationalists did not fire upon his men' intimated that
the decision as to surrender did not depend on himself alone. In the
afternoon he again wrote to the Sipakdar, complaining that the Cossack
quarters were still under fire from the Nationalists. To this the
Sipahda'r replied that, notwithstanding yesterday's agreement, his men
had been fired at by the Cossacks, and that consequently they had
retaliated in kind, but that he was still prepared to observe the
agreement if the other side would also observe it. 
  The end came on Friday, July 16, when, at 8.30 a.m. Muhammad 'Ali
Shah, with some 500 of his soldiers and attendants, including the
notorious reactionary Amlr Bahadur Jang, took refuge in the Russian
Legation at Zarganda, and thus ipso facto abdicated his throne, though
he was not formally deposed until late that night. He had already decided
this step, in case he should be worsted in the struggle, on
the day when the Nationalists entered T. ihran, and had obtained the
necessary promise of hospitality from the Russian Legation. On his
arrival he was installed in the Minister's house, over which the Russian
and British flags were placed, and which was guarded by Russian Cossacks
and Indian s?~wars. Shortly afterwards a meeting between Colonel
Liakhoff and the Nationalist leaders was arranged by the Dragomans of
the two Legations. The terms already agreed upon were accepted, the
Shah's abdication having left Colonel Liakhoff free to act as he thought
best. In the afternoon, accompanied by an escort of his Cossacks, he met
the Sardar-i-As'ad, also accompanied by an escort of his men, at the
Imperial Bank of Persia', whence he was escorted by the Nationalists to
the Baharistan. There the two quandam enemies were received with
acclamation, and the Colonel formally accepted service under the new
Government, and agreed to act in future under the direct orders of the
5ipehdar, who had been chosen Minister of War. It was decided that the 
  An unfortunate incident, resulting in the death of a Siyyid, took
place at the moment of Colonel Liakhoff's emergence from the square.
Happily the serious Consequences to which it might have given rise were
averted by Colonel Liakhoff's presence of mind. See the Times of Jnly

  Cossacks of the Brigade should not be disbanded, and should receive
back their arms after they had laid them down in token of sut~mission;
and that they should be immediately employed in policing the town (to
which' naturally, most of the Nationalist warriors were strangers),
in checking looting and disorder. This step was applauded as wise and
conciliatory, and the Daily [eleg?~apJ~ correspondent declared that
behaviour of the Revolutionaries was absolutely correct," that "they
were perfectly capable of maintaining order," and that "all were full
of praise for their wisdon, in preventing complications."At 5 p.m.
fighting had ceased, save for desultory firing by a few of the Shah's
Bakhtiydris who occupied positions near the British Legation.    
  Late in the evening an extraordinary meeting of the National
consisting of the Nationalist leaders, the chief ~rzuy~ahids and
notables, and as many Members of the former Mc~glis as were available'
met at tile Baharistan, and formally deposed Muhammad 'All, choosing
his successor to the throne his little son Sultan Atmad Mirza the
Prince. a boy only twelve or thirteen years of age, under the regency
of the aged and trusted 'Asud?~'l-Atulk, the head of the Qdjar family.

  Thus ended a Revolution comparable in many respects to that which
taken place a year before in the sister state of Turkey. Both these
Revolutions happened in the month of July by our reckoning, and by the
reckoning of the Muslims in the later days of the month of the second
Jumada (A.IJ. 1326 and ~ 327 respectively), which is followed by the
month of Rajab, thus giving a strange and new force to the well-known

  `4 Wo~zder `'nd again ~wonder between jum~dd and lRayaJo!"
  In the blood of her children Persia paid the lesser price, for
according to the most careful estimate which I have seen' "the killed
and wounded"(~.e. during the five days' fighthZg at Tihran ir~ July,
'9og)~`probably numbered about 500," though    
  ~ By l~r loseph Scott in the B?~`sh Mca~ic~ Joslrnal of Aug. 13,
"the exact facts will never be known, as many of the dead were thrown
into the nearest pit or eaten by dogs."Yet in Persia both the issues
stake and the difficulties to be overcome were greater, for not only
cause of Freedom and Reform but the independence of the country hung
the balance, while the ever-present fear of foreign intervention,
greatest on the very eve of victory, might well have paralysed
and soldiers more experienced than those to whose hands were entrustc
d the fortunes of the Persian Constitution. 

                          CHAPTER XI. 
  IT remains to chronicle briefly the steps taken by the new
to establish and consolidate its authority, the arrangements made with
regard to the deposed monarch, the coronation of his son and
the election and convocation of the new National Assembly, and the
difl;culties against which it still has to contend.    
  The National Council, or Emergency Committee, having decided to
Muhammad 'All and place on the throne his little son Ahmad,
to the British and ltussian representatives to request that a
might be permitted to wait on the ex-Shah and inform him of their
decision. To this proposal, however1 he declined to assent2: they had
overcome him, and he would have to abandon not only his throne but his
country. He would get the best terms he could from them, but otherwise
he had rio desire to have more to do with them than he could help. It
was at first reported3 that his quand~a',~ tutor and evil genius,
Shapshal' the Russian Karaim Jew, had placed at his disposal a castle
in the Crimea, that the new Go~ernment had offered him a pension of
5000 a year, and that he would start on August,; but various
diffficulties arose, there were differences as to the Crown jewels,
pension was deemed inadequate, the ex - Shah had contractecl many
and mortgages on his estates, and in short the delays seemed
interminable and the obstacles insuperable ere a final settlement

Suittn Alymad Shah, succeeded to th Throne of Persia, July r8, 1909 
  'Az~d''l-,l~Ik, the Regent

was reached on September 7. On August 4 the Governenent had already
trebled their original offer, and were prepared to pay the ex-Shah a
pension of .~s,ooo a year on condition of his handing over to them the
jewels specified in an inventory which they had prepared, and stating
what he had done with any which should be missing. But there arose
difficulties concerning his enormous private debts, amounting to some
400,000, three-quarters of which had been borrowed by him from the
Russian Hank before he came to the throne, and the remaining quarter
from other sources, foreign and Persian, since his accession. Much of
this money had been raised by mortgages to the Russian Bank on his
private estates in ~4zarbayjan, and the new Government, being anxious
to prevent these estates from falling into the hands of Russian
proposed to take over the ex-Shah's liabilities and increase his
pension to 18,000 on condition that he should cede to them the
of these estates and liquidate all arrears of paymentt. The ex-Shah
still continued to raise difficulties about his estates, and about the
Crown jewels, both of which he was most unwilling to surrender, and he
even telegraphed personally to tI~e Tsar to demand protectton of his
rights2. It appeared, however, from the reports of the 13ritish and
Russian Consuls-&eneral at Tabriz, that the estates were in reality
worth far less than the ex-Shah and the Russian Bank assertede, and
thereupon "the Russian Government immediately waived its objection to
pressure being put on Muhammad 'AI' in regard to the financial
settlement'," and he was informed "that the proposed arrangement,"
fixing his pension at Ioo,ooo tUl?ta?IS (16,666) a year, "was
to his advantage."And so at last the protocol0 embodying these terms
signed on Sept. 7, and t~vo days later Muhammad 'AIl, accompanied by
his wife, his four younger children, and a certain number of his
adherents and retainers, left the shelter of the Russian Legation at
Zarganda and started on his journey to Russia. "Weak and foolish as
of his recent 
  ~ 7~infes and Reoter's special correspondent, Aug. ~7. 
  2 7~in~es, Sept. 2. ~ 1bid., Aug. :7. ~ Ib~., Sept. 2. 
  5 The grincipal articles oF this protocol were cornrnunicated to the
Press by Reuter's special correspondent on Sept. I r.         ~ C

actions have been," says the [i?nes correspondent, "he did not forget
his dignity, and in his farewell with Sir George Barclay, whom he
believes to be the principal instrument of his downfall, he gravely
thanked the British representative for the trouble he had taken on his
behalfi.'t His ~ourney to the Caspian ~'as very leisurely, but at
about the ~st of October, he left the Persian shore, it may be hoped
ever. ~A special train consisting of nine carriages conveyed the
ex-Shah, his harem of ten women, and his c~ompanions and attendants,
nu~nbering some forty persons, from Baku, where he was met by a
Court Chamberlain, to Cdessa2, ~vhere a fine house, luxuriously
was provided for his residence3. There he still resides, interesting
himself in the life, h~dustries and amusements of that busy sea-port';
and it may be hoped that thc clause in the protocol rendering him
to deprivation of his pension in case it shall at any tinae be proved
to the satisfaction of the British and Russian representatives in
that he is intriguing against the new Government of his country5, may
prevent him from eYer again becoming a danger to the land which he did
so much to ruin. 
  The new boy-king Ahmad Shah, accompanied by his Russian tutor, M.
Smirnoff, and escorted by Russian and Persian Cossacks and Indian
su^wa'~s, proceeded on July '8 from Zarganda to Saltanatabad and was
there acclaimed by the Regent, the aged ~Az~cd'~'l-M2~Ik, and
representatives of the National Council'. The poor child wept bitterly
at having to leave his father and mother, and the parting, graphically
described by the l~imes correspondent in his telegrams of that
seems to have been an affecting one; but he met the Deputation
and in reply to the hope expressed by them that he would be a good
he replied, "Please God, I will." On July zo he entered Tihran, where
he was enthusiastically receiYed, and the city was illuminated that
night in his honour, while telegrams of congratulation were received
from the Turkish Parliament and from the Persian colony at Calcutta.
Next day he held 

{imes of Sept. Io.
~id., Nov. zo.
Reuter's telegram of July 18.
Stan~rdof Sept. op. ~ [b~d., Sept. ~I.
b ~/ICS 0( Aug. 18.

his first a~arb~; or reception' at the P~:e ~ ~an~'l 'Imara, and a day
or two later the new rdy~i7ne was formally recognized by England and
Russia. Throughout the provinces, and especially at Tabr~z, the news
was received with enthusiasm, and on August I the Diplomatic Corps
presented to the little Shah', wllo seems to have borne himself with
that dignity which Persian boys of noble family are su well able to
assume, though once or twice his heart appears to have failed him, and
it was reported that he had tried to escape from his palace, and had
one occasion even threatened to commit suicide. 
        The National Council also proceeded at once to the nomination
of a Cabinet, with the Sipale'er as Minister of War, the
~Sararfzr-i-~4$ied as Minister of the Interior, the Nawwab MIrza
Husayn-qull Khan (a staunch patriot, who was educated in England, and
was for many years attached to the Persian Legation in London) as
Minister of Foreign Affairs3, Jlushirn'dDa~~ula as Minister of
and the ~aJefm~'l-Mu~e as Minister of Public Instruction. The police
were placed under the control of Ephraim Sa'ld, a Turkish Armenian,
of the chiefs of the Caucasian contingent, who at once applied himself
with energy to putting a stop to the looting by disbanded Royalist
soldiers which still continued3. These were speedily disarmed without
much difficulty, though some of the Royalist Bakhtiy~rls, reinforced
a few Silahkhuris and others continued for a while to hold out near
Saltanatabad, refusing to surrender their guns and rifles'.
'Aynn'`t-De~`via vvas appointed Governor of Fars (though a few days
later, owing to a strong protest by Taq{zada, this appointment was
cancelled), and M?~bira's-Sal~ana of ~zarbayjine, while
who had been in Europe since the beginning of igo8, and who had
hitherto, in spite of many urgent demands, declined to return to
1. If is 6rst fonnal audience to the foreign represent-atives was
on Sept. I3, his twelfth birthday. See the 7ir~cs of Sept. rS. 
2 He `vas, however, replaced in this office on Sept. z7 by
'Ala'u-s-Saltana (formerly Persian lilinister in Londonl ~Yho had held
the same office at the time of the co~ ~at, bue has just been
re-appointed (July ~6, ~gio). 
Dai) ~cirgr~ph correspondent in issue of July ~o. 
~ f bid., July ~ t. 
 He arrived at Tabriz on Aug.

his intention of returning at oncel. At this juncture, too, the ~Times
correspondent sent a really handsome testimonial to the Nationalist
leaders of whom he had till lately entertained so 
  ~-~poor an opinion. In the course of a long telegram dated July zo 
he said:- 
"The present perforn~ances (of the Nationalists), however,    
throw the past vacillation into the shade, and we are concerned 
with a situation which promises more hopefully for Persia ~ than any
that could ever have been brought about by foreign 
advice or agency. The shadow of intervention has long been spreading
over the Persian sky, and the day seemed nigh when the shadow must
been followed by something which would cripple l'ersian independence.
Nothing but Persian activity would save the situation. At the
psychological moment that activity successfully asserted itself; the
direction of events has been taL:en out of foreign hands, and it rests
once more where it ought to rest-with the Persians themselves....... 
  "Persia's future henceforth rests ~vith the Persians. They have
effected a brilliant C02~, they have behaved with wisdom and
at an intoxicating moment, and they have a clear run to the goal of
their ambition. The reactionary power is broken, and must remain in
dust while the Nationalists are firm and careful. Everybody in Persia
who takes any interest in politics is with them, and it would seem as
if they can have no enemies but those of their own making. Tact and 
magnanimity have distinguished their actions since their moment of
triumph, and there is nothing left to the foreigner but to
and wish success to the new venture. 
Both Great Britain and Russia have been disturbed by 
what seemed an imperious necessity to interfere; but they are now
thankful to withdraw and let the Persians work out their own
The course which Persia must steer henceforth is beset with rocks and
shoals, but while there are men at the Persian helm who have their
country's welfare at heart there will always be hope."   
  He reached Tihran on Oct. ,8. See 7in~c~s of Oct. ~g, and, for a
handsome tribute to the "yeoman service"he had rendered by his wise
counsels to the new ~Igin, the san~e journal for Nov. 15. 

  No testimony could be stronger than this, because, as we have seen,
the [iH2cs special correspondent had neither much sympathy with, nor
much belief in, the Persian Nationalists until the moment of their
unforeseen triumph; but it does not stand alone, and a fortnight later
we find the correspondent of the l~a21y ~elegr~h (August 4) writing
no less admiration of `'the clear heads of the statesmen now at the
and their al~ility to steer the ship of state safely through troublous
  In the matter of reprisals against those who had most strenuously
supported the ex-Shah in his reactionary policy, and had most
persistently striven to destroy the Constitution, the Persian
shewed more clemency than the "Young Turks"had shews1 after the
revolution of the prccc~Jin; April. On July 26 a special Court' was
instituted to try political offenders, but it only sat for ten or
days, and only condemned to death five or six of the most conspicuous
reactionaries. ~lhe first two offenders brought before it were the
$anf'-i-haerat, a superintendent of the Arsenal, who had taken a
prominent part in the abortive COKi d'etat of December, ~go7, and the
M'~fffkk2rn'l-Mz~lk ~Jice-Governor of Tihran, and once Minister of
Commerce, both of whom were found guilty of instigating the murder of
four Constitutionalists who were in sanctuary at Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim on
March 23, 1902' and both of whom were condemned to death, the
being carried out on the evening of July 29. Mufak/~trn'l-M,~lk, who
shot, had been a refugee at the Russian Legation, and it was feared
this fact must give rise to complications' but it apE'eared that he
left the shelter of the Legation of his own accord, and the demand
a representative of the Legation should be present at his trial only
arrived after his execution. 
  A much greater sensation was caused by the trial and execution of
protninent reactionary ~zzz~jt~zltz~ Shaykh Fazlu'llah, a man of great
learning and authority, wllo, whether from genuine 
  ~ This Court was called ~liakkan~a-i-Qasdwat-r-'4H (the Supreme
of Judica. sure) and in the case of Shaykh Fazlu'llah's trial, at any
rate) consisted oten members, whose names will be found in the note on
this eve'Zt ~it the end of the book.    
  2 See lt'kite ~ook [Cd. 4733], pp. 68, (Nos. 33r, 134, 87-88 (No.
and Inclosures), etc.        C
conviction or from jealousy of the Siyyids Muhammad and 'AWu'llah, the
leading members of the clergy who had espoused the popular cause at 1
ihran, had constituted himself the heart and soul of the Reaction. He
was condemned to death by hanging, not, however, on political grounds,
but as having sanctioned the murders at Shah ~Abdu'l-'Azim to which
reference was made in the last paragraph; and the document sanctioning
these murders and sealed ~vith his seal was produced in court. He was
publicly hanged on the eveni~lg of Saturday, July 3~, in the Maydan-z-
~ip-~ha,~a, or "Gun Square," in presence of a vast multitude' some of
whorn seemed to have behaved in a manner little suited to the gravity
of the occasion. Before his death he kissed the rope and acknowledged
the justice of his sentence'. An officer of Artillery who took a
part in tl~e bombardment of the Alaj~is on June 23, ~908, hut whose
I have not been able to ascertain, was hanged on the following
Lastly on Sunday, August 8, Mir Hashim, the notorious 
  Tabriz reactionary, was arrested with his brother as he was
endeavouring to escape to Mazandaran. Both were publicly hanged, one
the morning and one in the evening of the following day. A placard
specifying Mir Hashim's crimes was attached to his body, which was
allowed to remain suspended for twenty-four hours. A sum of about
which was found in his possession was confiscated by the Government.
These six executions seem to have been all that took place as a result
of the revolution2. Of the other leaders of the Reaction several
accompanied the ex-Shah into exile. Of these were the Amir Bahadur
the M?`z~a~ryarn's-Salta?'a, the M~jalialn'sS'~lt~n, and
the last of whom I met in Paris in L)ecember, 1909. He bad played a
varied part in events, 
  ' Tir,~es of Aug :. This state~nent is denied on good authority. See
the note st the end of the book. 

  9 In the Co,'~pra~y f~rvian for October, 1909, pp. so~s~o, that
doughty champion of "lloly Russia," Dr E. J. Dillon, gives a
characteristicallyunfair account of these executions, with many
details not to be found elsewhere. It is curious to find this loyal
apologist for Ihe Russian Government, whose daily increasing roll of
courts-n~artial and summary executions called forth so vehe~nent a
protest from Count Tolstoy and Prince Krnpotkin, protesting so
vehemently against the execution of five or six men of whom three at
least were condemned for inciting to murder.    

and at one time had the reputation of being, together with W`fs~r?''l-
Mulk, one of the most capable Ministers with Liberal tendencies. 
  Other prominent reactionaries or persons believed to cherish
ambitions were compelled to pay heavy fines and to leave the country.
Chief amongst these was the Prince Z:il12`'s51~/tan, son of Nasiru'd-
DIn Shah and elder brother of Muzaffaru'd-Dn Shah. In ~ 887, when I
in Persia, he governed most of the southern provinces' and had a
wellequipped and formidable little army at lsfahan. He was at that
known as an Anglophil, and as one of the''strongest"and most cruel
governors in the country'.    
  In the early spring of ~888 he came to Tihran to pay a visit to his
father Nas.iru'd-~In Shah, who, suspicious, as it would appear, of his
growing power, and fearing that he had designs on the Throne, kept him
for some time practically a prisoner on parole, dismissed several of
Ministers, disbanded his army, and deprived him of almost all his
governments except Isfahan itself. Russian intrigue was suspected as
having compassed the Prince's disgrace, for, as has been said, he was
reputed an Anglophil, and had just received a decoration from the
British C;overnment. After the Anglo-Russian entente and the co' 
  d'etat of June, ~908, the two Powers combined to bring about his
departure from Persia, with safeguards for his life and property9,
his house in Tihran had been bombarded by Colonel Liakhoff, although
Marling was so convinced that disorders in his province, Fars, were
certain to break out on his dismissal and departure that he urged, on
July 5, ~go8, the retention of the escort sent to the British
at Shlriz3, which .' the energy displayed by him "three weeks before
"had reduced to order t' and rendered ' perfectly tranquil'."
  Now when the Zi~'s-5~.`an, being then at Viennab, heard 
  ~ Compare pp. Ig6-7 1;epra, and the observations there n~ade on Dr
J. Dillon's inconsistent presentations of his character. 
  ~ ~7~ 6006 led 4581], pp. 124 (No. 1231, 125 (No. T26), 136 (Nos.
~28), 127 (Nos. 131, 133), r36 lNo. 1653, etc. 
  ,Xii., p. 138 (No. 173). 
  ~ 17~f., p. 142 (No. 1763, dated June .8, 1908. Cf. p. 163 of the
same~ also    
   p. 184. 5 The 7~em, ts of July 21, 1909.
of the deposition of his nophew Muhammed'Ali, he decided to return to
l'er~i `, hoping, presumably, to profit by the situation, and he
actually landed at Anzali on August 5, in spite of a warning from
England and Russia that he would forfeit their protection if he re-
entered his country. He was arrested almost immediately by the
;overnment, detained at Rasht, and informed that his liberty would not
be restored to him until he paid a fine, or ransom, of .roo,ooo'.
demand for a while    
   he strenuously resisted, but ultimately, on Sept. 25, he paid over
  in cash ~oo,ooo tZi?~a1IS (~6,666) to the Government agents,
  and left Anzali for Europe on the following day, having given a  
promise to remit another ~oo,ooo ~zimans ~33,33~), the balance   of
tl~e ra'~som finally agreed upon, within four months. In
  December, 1909, he was, and very likely still is, in Paris9.
  On August 7, the day on which the ?il~'s-Sulian was arrested, the
brave and uprigllt Tabriz deputy, Siyyid Taqizada, made a triumphal
entry into Tihran escorted by large numbers of Nationalists. A year
before he had left the shelter of the British Legation under a
of personal safety provided that he remained in exile for a year and a
half'. He arrived in England towards the- end of Scptember, ~go8,
practically penniless, having been robbed of the little money he had,
as well as of certain important papers, during his passage through
Russian territory. I was fortunate enough to be able to obtain for him
some little employment in the Cambridge University Library during the
autumn of that year, and thus for several weeks enjoyed daily
conversations witll him and his friend and partner Mirz~'l Muhammad
lihall. All that I saw of him only served to condrm and deepen the
favourable impression alrea~3y produced by the reports of common
friends. He struck me as a man equally remarkable for his high-minded
disinterestedness, his honesty, his veracity, and his courage. I never
kneiv him make a rash or reckless statement, and even those of his
assertions which seemed at first most incredible were, I think, 
   7i,~es of Aug. I l.
   2 I learn that he spe'~t last Nir~ter and Spring (~909-1910) at
~    ~ The ex-Shah originally den~:~.n~led that he shou]d be exiled
ten years. See 3
   the B~e Book [Cd. 4581], No. '~o, p. 17r. '
in every case subsequently proved true by independent evidence. He was
a clear and forcible speaker in Persian, arranging his subject-matter
well, and it was always a pleasure to me to translate for him at the
meetings he addressed in London and at Cambridge. While Tabriz was
making its heroic defence, two months before the blockade was
established, his friends in that town wrote to him repeatedly, urging
him to join them, and, having weighed carefully the services he could
hope to render to his country there and here respectively, without for
a moment taking into consideration the grave danger hc incurred by
returning, he decided to respond to their call, and left Cambridge for
Tabriz, which he reached with much di(ficulty and risl~, at the end of
November, igo8, knowing well what would be his fate should the city
unhappily fall into the hands of the Royalists. He well deserved the
great reception accorded to him at Tibran, which, twelve days after
arrival' elected him, together with two other old friends of mine, the
~Tawwab Mirza Husayn-quli Khan and Hajji Mfrz"'Abdu'l-Husayn Khan
Wahz'dLu'l-MzzlJa (the Persian correspondent of the ~irnes), amongst
fifteen members who were to represent the capital in the new
And while the living heroes of the struggle were thus honoured, the
were not forgotten, and the tomb of Mirza Ibrah(m Aqa, another Tabuz
deputy of the late 1~aylzs wllo fell a victim to the CVl~p d'e~at of
June, ~908, was strewn with flowers and illuminated with candles!. 
  The free Press, which rose and fell with the first ,VaJiis, revived
again with the triumph of the Nationalists. Even before that triumpl1
the ~ab~z~l-Alc~fi~z began to appear again at Rasht when that city
declared for the Constitution. The eighth number of the Rasht issue
appeared on April 15, 1909, and the fifty-fourth on July 9. l hese are
the only numbers of this later issue which I possess, but on the
of the Nationalists the paper followed them to Tihran. Soon after
however, the editor, Siyyid Hasan, in consequence of an article in
he spoke regretfully of the pre-Muhammadan days of Persia and 
  ~ See an interesting account of the capture of Tihran and succeeding
events by Siyyid Husayn of Tajrish, which appeared in Nos. ~o and rr
the Cfuf~ra-~:um~ (Sept. 14 and ~9, 1909).        c: 
slightingly of the Arabs (whom, in Firdawsi's words, he described as ~
Iizard-catcrs "), `~-as arrested, tried, and sentenced to a term of
imprisonment, in spite of the conspicuous services which he and his
brother (the M'c'ayyidz',/-Islam, editor of the much older Calcutta
flabln'l-Matf7i) had rendered to the popular cause~. Of the former
newspapers the Maylis was also revived on July z~, 1909, bet`Yeen
date and Dec. z~ fifty numbers have been issued. The Ta~nad~zz~z
reappeared on August 4, being published thrice a week, on Tuesdays,
Thursdays and Satt~rdays. The Widn-yi-Wata~z was revived on the same
as the Maylis, viz. July ~ ~, 1909. Of the new papers which appeared
fra~z-i-llazo (~"New Persia") and the SJzar~ ("East") were the most
important. The first number of the former appeared on August z4, 1909,
and the iatter about the middle of September. Mention should also be
made of the Szcrzish, a Persian newspaper started at Constantinople on
June 30, 1909. 
  The elections in the first degree at Tihran were concluded on August
T 7, and on the same day a Directory of twenty members, including the
two Nationalist Generals, the Sipeizddr and the Sar~'r-i-As'a~, was
constituted with extensive powers of control2. They began auspiciously
by discovering in the Treasury a hoard of gold tuz~za~zs equivalent in
value to about 20,~3. On September ~ a general amnesty was proclaimed,
from which, however, certain exceptions were made-notably the Amir
Bahadur Jang, Sa'd~z'd-Dawla (`vhom I met in Paris on December ~8,
1909), and the Mzzslzfru's-Seltal~a'. Of these three persons the first
and second had sought refuge at the Russian l.egation, and the third
the Turkish Embassy. On September ~3 the Iirectory above mentioned was
increased in size to forty members, ~vhile, owing to the establishment
of more normal conditions since the departure of the ex-Shah, its func
  ~ See an exccile''t feller in tbe .Standa?a, of Nov. 15, '909,
the Tibran correspondent of that paper, and also a letter on the
I'ress ~o'~Z the spec~al correspondent of the i'nes, which appeared io
the issue of Oct. ~9, '909. Reuter's telegram of Aug. ~7 [rom Tihran.
/bid., and 77~es of Aug. `8. Reuter's Special Correspondent. 

tions were restricted to those of an advisory Council 3. By October ~o
half tl~e elections throughout the country had taken placez, and bv
October z8 no less than G4 of the new Deputies were in Tihran-three
than the minimum required for a quorum-but their certihcates of
had to undergo a careful scrutiny3, and it was not until November ~5
that the solemn opening of the new Parliament took place.    
  Seventeen stormy months, during which again and again hope seemed
and further striving useless, had passed over Persia since the
destruction of the first National Assembly when the second was
opened by the young Shah in presence of some sixty-five of the ne~vly-
elected Deputies, and a large number of the princes, clergy, nobles
officials'. Admission was not granted to the general public, but the
town, and especially the Parliament buildings, were richly decorated,
and throughout the land there were illuminations and public
After the Deputies had taken their places, the members of the Cabinet
arrived in rapid succession, to wit, the. SzpaJ'e'ar, Chief Minister
Minister of War; the Sar~ar-iAs'ad, Minister of the Interior; the
M?Istaw/'/-Ma?He'/i, Minister of Finance; W7'tJznqn'e,-DazoJa,
of Justice; the SaYddr-iManszir, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs;
Sanf'u'd-DawJa Minister of Public Instruction; and 'AM'u's-Saitana,
Minister of Foreign Affairs. Of the princes and notables some
thirtythree were present, including 'Ay~zz~'d-Da~vJa, Nayyirz~'dDewla,
~Vi~im?t's-Salia`2a, ~ba~'d-Dalula, 'Ald'?`'d-Dawla, the
.ZargI~m~'s - Sal~ana, lt'~'`amad - i- Khaq~n, besides the (~;overnor
and Deputy-Governor of Tihran, the Mayor, and some sixteen officers of
the army. The foreign Legations were represented by some forty
the Merchants by twenty-two, and the Clergy, or 'alama, by
including the two great ecclesiastical leaders Siyyid 'Abdu'llah, and
Siyyid Muhammad. The mi.`t~idfn s, or Nati on ai Vol u tl seers,    
were represented by MIrzi 'All Muhammad Khan and others. Certain
were reserved for the ladies connected with the various Legations. 
  When all had taken their allotted places, a blare of trumpets and
cries of KJzahar dcirf (''Look out!") announced the arrival of the
Shah, who was accompanied by the Wa~'ak~ or Crown l~rince; the aged
Regent,'Az~d'~'l-M'`~; and the Princes I'c~z~n's-Saita,~a and
Din Mirza. As soon as these had entered and talcen their placesl the
speech from the Throne, of which a translation follows, was read out
the Szpa/~ar. 
  "In the Name of God, the Giver of Freedom, and oy the occult regard
of His Holiness the Imam of the Age, the National ConsultatiYe
is auspiciously and hapyily opened. The protected realms of Persia
silently and steadfastly survived long ages, and especially this last
critical epoch, until at length the Nation, constrairled by
progress and mental evolution, ~vas compelled to traverse this
revolutionary cycle. In the course of three years, passing through
great crisis, it has overcome the inevitable initial obstacles. Thanks
be to God, all has ended well, and behold, to-day, with the utmost
satisfaction and delight, we see opened this Assembly of the People's
representatives, the first National Parliament of this great
outcon~e of the well-nigh insupportable sufferings of a whole people-
wun by the courage and endeavours of the people themselves, and the
of Persia's well wishers. 
  4' We llope that Our trusted representatives will continue, with
supreme endeavour and sincerity of purpose-that same zeal and
which has brought the kingdom to this 
  s~me root' ~nr`Jlab`~, which is applied to the higher ecclesiastics
of the Shl'& Thus, in his telegram of Oct. 10, 1909, under the heading
4' Discontent among the Priests~n' he says that a number Of the
n',~f~i]Jn 4' a~sen~bled to discuss their grieva'~ces," and that "the
questions at issue appear to be the carrying of ~rn~s, the ~:duction
their r~un~bers, and the arrears of pay."See also his telegrams of
Is and 13, and p. 165, n. z s~pr4. 
happy state, to discharge their sacred obligations with the utmost
attention and the most minuee care and circumspection, even as Our
Government will devote its utmost endeavours and most strenuous
to assure the security and good order of Our realm, and to promote its
advance in civilization. 
  "We rejoice exceedingly that the new progressive Government has won
the approbation of the people, and has assured general tranqurllity
confidence, and that sundry trifling disturbances which have been
provoked in certain districts by certain evilly-disposed persons,
fearful of the consequences of their own actions, are on the point of
being suppressed. These disturbances Our Government is firmly resolved
to terminate. 
  "We are happy to state that our cordial relations with friendly
Foreign Powers continue unimpaired. We are grateful for their
disposition towards the advancement of the new rdy~ime, and we hope
its continuance and consolidation    
  "The anxiety and disquietude which possess Our minds in consequence
of the presence of foreign troops on Persian soil will, as We are
confident, in view of the favourable progress of friendly
representations, the explicit promises [which We have received], and
good result [of negotiations now in progress], be shortly removed.    
  "In order to lay the foundations of reforms in Our Realm, and to
create a well-organized administration, the Representatives of the
Nation and Ministers of the Crown must in the first place gradually
concentrate their attention on the reorganization of the different
departments of the State and the ordering of their formation according
to the principles which prevail in civilised countries, and especially
on important reforms in the Finances of the State, the assuring of
public order and security, and the safeguarding of the roads and
highways according to the detailed programme of urgent and necessary
measures of reform which Our Cabinet will submit to the Assembly, in
order that they may, with all possible expedition, give effect to Our
good intentions and the National aspirations, all of which will
to the comfort of Our people and the strengthening of the
which is in conformity with the Spirit of Islam.  

'9 We pray that God will assist the Deputies and Representatives ~f
l~eopic, and wil! vouchsAGe to thc ~'atil~n increased honour,
independence and happiness." 
        The Speech concluded amidst loud acclamations of "Long live
Sultan Ahmad Shah ! " " Long may the Supreme National Council endure!
" " Long live the Cabinet of NIinisters ! " as the boy-king left tl~e
13aharistan, now risen like the pha~nix from the ruins to which
l.iakho~'s artillery had reduced it. In that memorable gathering were
present most of those who had wrought so manfully for the freedom of
their country, but others tllere were who would have most rejoiced to
see that day, but whose bodily cycs a prcenature and cruel death had
closed. Of thcsc ~vcre f l;ijji MIrz: lbr~i]llul, onc 0` thc Deputies
for Azarbayjan in the first MayI2s, who was murdered by his captors on
the day of tIie coz~p ~'/tal; the great orator Mal~k~'lAl~takallimf7',
and the editor of the $ur-i-lsraf`l, Mirza 3ahang~r Khan, strangled by
the deposed monarch Muhammad 'All at the Bagh-i-Shah on the ensuing
the Qazf-i-`Adliyya, one of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's special disciples,
who died in chains in the same place; and Aqa Siyyid Jamal, whose word
was so potent with the people that his voice also must needs be choked
by those to whom free speech was an abomination. 
        " From every corner of the National Council-chamber," says the
writer from whom the above particulars are derived, "we lleard the
words, 'Remorse is the tyrant's lot, while he who was steadfast in his
troth and laid do\vn his life in the way of Freedom lives for ever.'
for tllose zealous patriots who sacrificed their lives, or who have
yet escaped from their sufferings, their names are recorded in the
of Humanity, Fraternity, Equality and Freedom. As for those who strove
~vith insolence to bar the road of Justice and Liberty, they did but
make known in the lowest degree the quality of their manhood, and will
speedily behold the retribution merited by their corrupt intentions,
even tc, the lowest depths which their wickedness implies. 
        44 Behold, the people of Persia, after suffering many
have attained their hopes and desires. They must know that 
evil-doers must needs befarful ~I the virtuous 1mpc~ul of every Nation
which seeks to advance and to attain the l~ighest degrees of
civilization. The intoxication of ignorance is worse than any
intoxication; heedlessness bears in its bosom manifold hurts. In these
days, apparently, the solver of all difficulties is money or power;
in the absence of one or both of these on]y resolution, determination
a~d uni`,n ic ~A~_~ r' 
" Long live Ereedom I Down with dissension ! " 
        Dissension is, indeed, one of the greatest dangers which
threatens Persia. With all their individual virtues and talents, the
Persians, but for this fatal tendency to quarrel with onc anotllcr,
so to pfay into the hands of their enemies, would never as a nation
fallen so low as they fell before the Revolution of which we have
attempted to trace the history. Of th~s Revolution the most remarkable
feature-the element which falsified the forecasts and upset the
calculations of all Observers-was the true patriotic feeling-the power
of comb~ned act~on and personal sacrifice-which so unexpectedly
developed itself in a people whose weak points are mercilessly
though unfairly exaggerated, in Morier's hra~yi Baba, whence most
Englishmen derive their ~ ideas of the Persian character. That this
power of sinking personal feelings, interests and ambitions in a
single-hearted desire to promote the National welfare shoT~ld continue
and increase is the most important ~nternal condition of Persia's
        There is, however, an external condition which is at least as
essential, and that is that Persia should not be hampered and thwarted
in her struggle by her two powerful neighbours, England and Russia. It
seems so clearly to England's own interest (quite apart from any
sentiment with which her tradit~onal love of Liberty and sympathy with
a brave struggle against great odds might be expected to inspire her)
that a strong and well-governed Persia should be interposed between
Indian frontiers and the frontiers of the Russian Empire that she is
not, I think, seriously suspected by most Persians of harbouring
sinister designs on the integrity and in

dependence of their country'. Apart from the sending of -gunboats to
certain ports in the tersian ~, notably Bushire and Bandar-i-'Abbas,
certain occasions already mentioned when disturbances seemed possible,
the despatch on July z5 of 40 Sepoys of the Indian army and a Maxim
taken from the Residency guard at Bushire, to reinforce the Consular
guard at Sh;raz2 is, so far as I know, the only instance of any
act of armed intervention in Persia on the part of England
during this period.
  But as regards Russia the case is di~erent. The greatest admirers of
the Russian Government can hardly maintain seribusly that it
freedom or desires popular government as \ve understand these things;
or that it is unaggressive or unambitious; or that it has al~vays
an extreme scrupulousness in the observance of its promises and in
respect for the frontiers of its weaker neighbours. That M. Izvolsky
desires the maintenance of a good understanding with England, and has
strewn himself anxious to consider English susceptibilities ir~
is strewn by the correspondence published in the Blue Books, and is
proved amongst other things by the abandonment of the proposed Russian
expedition to Tabrlz in October, '908 (in deference, as it would
to Sir Edward &rey's warning that "it would produce a very bad
impression in this country"), and by the recall of certain Russian
officials and representatives who were most closely identified with
reactionary sympathies and an aggressive forward policy in Persia.
Conspicuous amongst these was M. de Hartwig, sometime Russian Minister
at Tihran, who was recalled thence on November ~5, '908, and was
succeeded first by M. Sablin as Charge d'Affaires, and later by M.
PoklevskiKoziell, who is credited with liberal sympathies and friendly
feelings towards England, and who arrived at Tihran as the 
1 The extraordin:lry and ine~.plicable complaisa'~ce with ~Yhich the
llritish Government continues to regard the prolonge~l presence and
aggressive conduct of tl~e Russian troops in northern Persia is,
however, gradually leading the Persians to regard England also as
utterly indi~erent, if not acliYely hostile, to lheir in. dependence.
See a letter on " England and Islam" which I contributed to the
J~nch~s/er &=ardian of July 33, ~glo. 
~cr of July 26, 1909. 
new Minister on Se~etember ~` l~ ~pic=ous a~vas M. Pokhitanoff,
Russian Consul at Tabriz, whose actions certainly tended to prevent
peaceful solution of the Tabrlz imbroglio, and who was suspected of
actively supporting the reactionary party. He was replaced by M.
who, so far as one can ascertain, shewed a desire to co-operate as far
as possible with his English colleague, and, as far as lay in his
to restrain the arbitrary conduct of General ~narsky after the arrival
of the Russian relief force in April, igog. Nor must it be forgotten
that, contrary, as I freely admit, to my fears and expectations, and
contrary to the expectations of almost every newspaper or politician
this country, whether they sympathized with, or were hostile or
indifferent to the cause of Persian freedom and independence, at the
supreme moment when the United National forces, taking their courage
both hands, were struggling for the mastery, M. Sablin, having full
power to invoke the intervention of the Russian force encamped only 80
miles off at Qazwffi, and thus dashing from the lips of the Persian
people the cup of victory which they were about to drain, held his
and that two or three days after the deposition of Muhammad 'A1f,
according to a Central News telegram from Odessa dated July ~g, '909,
the ad~rance of these troops beyond Qazwffi was countermanded. And
lastly Colonel Liakhoff, who, though probably neither much worse nor
much better than the average Cossack officer, was associated in the
minds of the Persian people with the events of the bitterest day in
three years' stroggle, was recalled to Russia on August 4, ~go,o, and,
in spite of the official statement published in the Novae Vre~nya two
days earlier~, did not, and apparently will not, return to Persia) and
it may be hoped that he will remain at Byelostoli, and will not again
be in a position to promote the accomplishment of his own pessimistic
forecasts of the future of Persia'. 

Yet, in spite of all this, the declaration of the 777HC, special
I See the Times of August 3. 
See the interviews with him published by the St Petersburg
o{ the 5tandar~ 1Sept. I and 4) and the 75mCJ (Sept. 13~. Also the
jUorning }'ost of Aug. 18..     
correspondent in his telegram of June z5, ~gog, that the chief "
of P`ersian opinion is the unanimous suspicion with which the presence
of the Russian troops at I abriz and Mashhad is regarded throughout
country,' is as true now as it was then, notwithstanding the strenuous
efforts made after Muhammad 'Al~s deposition by the National Council
Directory to check Russophobia "by pointing out (to the provincial
an,j~ctnans) the danger of thoughtless demonstrations against a
Power from which the Government had repeated assurances of
non-intervention in thc internal affairs of the country,0 in which
assurances it had "implicit confidence!." If this "implicit
is not shared by the bulk of the Persian people, Russia should not
them, but rather the wide divergence which exists between her promises
and her performances, the arrogant behaviour of her troops on Persian
soil, and the almost unanimous belief of her own Press, both
and Liberal, that these troops, notwithstanding all assurances to the
contrary, will remain in Persia until doomsday, unless some superior
force expels them. Nor are the Persians alone in their mistrust of
Russia's intentions, as is clearly strewn by the following letters,
dated July 8 and July ~o, ~gog, written from Kasht by a non-official
English resident in Persia about the arrival of the Russian troops in
that place. 
        " Eighteen hundred Russian Cossacks have been landed at
and more are to follow. Persians have come to me with tears in their
eyes. They ask ~vhy, after all their successful efforts to protect the
persons and property of Europeans, they should be subjected to this
further humiliation. The baza~rs are all closed, and instructions have
been given that, when the barbarians from the North pass through, no
is to appear in the streets, and not a word is to be spoken. 
        " It is said that the C~ssacks will proceed to Tihran, where a
certain number will be told off for the protection of each Legation.
this be true, is it not a degradation for the British Legation to be
'protected ' by people ~vho are far less friendly disposed towards
Britain, and who are really lower in the scale of civilization, than
unfortunate Tibranis ? 
        ~ See ~y 7"elegra,~h, July 22, ~909. 
  " Mashhad is in an awf~l state. I passed ~r~h last April, on my way
here from Slstin. The town was then quiet, and there v~as no
against Europeans. You will have seen from the papers the result of
entry of the Russian troops. I once told the Consul-General (British)
that I would rather die than be protected by Russians. He was very
        "The Nationalists looked to England, but they are completely
bewildered by the policy of 'Kong-tow' (excuse the colloquialism) to
        "The British Vice-Consul here had no official news of the
landing of the Cossacks. Considering that the British and Russians are
supposed to be working in harmony, it is, to say the least, surprising
that his Russian colleague sent him no communications on the subject. 
        " Some time ago the Vice-Consul was informed by a telegram cn
cleir that despatches had been sent to the Russian Consul, and that he
(the British Consul) was to go to the Russian for instructions as to
policy to followl 
        "The Nationalists here are going to send another appeal to the
different European Governments. They despair of an answer, for
none has been vouchsafed. However, I cited the parable of the widow
the unjust judge. If only they can be induced not to give up hope,
surely their prayers must be listened to. 
        " They experience great difficulty in getting telegrams
the Telegraph Offlce in Tihrdn being still in the hands of the

        " One Englishman said to me, 'Could not the 7~in~es be stirred
up to write the Iruth on the state of affairs in Persia P' I have
written, but I do not know if anything will come of it. 
        " There is no question of difference of opinion between
Englishmen who know the Persians. Cannot public opinion at home be
roused, or is England still so obsessed by the fear of Germany that
must stoop to bargain ~vith so horrible a Government as the Rus.sian t

        ~ ' Government," i.c. the adherents of the nov, deposed Shah,
Muhammad 'All.

  "Will you accept my apologies and rorgive me for writing ?I shoulcl
nol have ventur~to trouble you l~ad I not known the 
cause to be good."
  In his second letter, written from Anzal~, the port of Rasht, two
later, the same correspondent says:- 
  "You will be sorry to hear that matters are going from bad to worse.
Six hundred and twenty-five Cossac~cs left here for Rasht very early
yesterday n~orning. A crowd of Rasht~s went out, unarmed, to protest
against their coming. They are now, ~ believe, at the Russian
in Rasht awaiting the artillery and infantry. At present Russian
infantry are being landed. The population of Anzalf has gone across to
  "The local Director of Customs, Monsieur Constant, was not informed
by the Russian Consul that troops were to be landed. As he had no
authorisation to let them enter, he refused to let them land on the
Customs Quay. They went to the 'Kavkaz and Mercur". He followed to see
what they were doing. This led to a long official report, in which the
officer commanding the Cossacks complained that 'I'individu cracha
de?nonstrativement dans la direction des pieds d'un des cosaques.' He
demanded an apology, which, needless to say, was not forthcoming. I am
taking copies of this correspondence. 
        " Furthermore a certain M. Ivanoff of the Russian Legation
expostulated with M. Constant, saying, 'Voyons, pourquoi demandez-vous
des autorisations pour laisser passer des armes? P~is4ne nous
ce n'est pas necessaire.' 
        " The blood of every decent-minded European, whether he be
English, French, Belgian or American, is boiling. This is no
exaggeration. Does the Government at home realize what is happening ?
Can nothing l~e done to prevent this tyranny ~ The Cossacks, when they
entered the harbour, came in with flags flying and music playing. 
  "To-day the infantry landed with fixed bayonets. I hear that 300
Cossacks have been sent to Mashhad. This is the quay of the Russian
Cc~mpany which ovrns the stean~ers plying on the I
         Caspian. ~ to omit.
scandalous, I know the M~h=~ well, and if ~rc haYc ~n~ disturbances,
present Russian Consul, Prince Wabija' has created them to serve his
selfish ends. May the bloodshed be on his head l...' 
  "If Britain does nothing, Persian opinion will turn against her. And
what effect will this have on our sixty-two million Muhammadan
  "Yol' may be surprised to hear that, although I could scarcely
Russians, ~ was more or less of a Russophil six months ago! " 
  For obvious reasons I cannot mention the name of the writer of this
letter, with whom I arm personally unacquainted, and who wrote to me
his own initiative, knowing the interest I took in Persia. Such
letters-and 1 have received others of the same sort, couched in even
stronger language-carry more conviction than the communications of
professional correspondents, who must needs write something, and whose
writings may be te?z~eneze~x. Unhappily in a case like this it is
impossible to publish the strongest evidence in one's hands, and
ever possible to indicate its source. lt is very difficult to produce
absolute proof of events happening in a distant country when powerful
interests are concerned in keeping them secret. On July ~3, ~gog, in
reply to a question by Mr Flynn, Sir Edward Grey admitted that there
were about 4000 Russian troops at Tabriz, 1700 between Rasht and
and some 600 more in other places in the North of Persia, besides the
ordinary Consular guards; that they were stationed at these various
places for the protection of foreign lives and property from the
possibility of danger, and that they would be withdrawn as soon as
that possibility no longer exists. The terms in which the condition is
expressed are unhappily chosen, for, if they are intended literally,
there any inhabited spot in this world of which it can be said that
there is " no tossit;lity of danger to life or property?" But if they
are not to be taken literally-if by "possib'/ity" we are to understand
" reasonable pro~oaJa~I~t'- 
        ~ llere [ollows a criticism of another Consular off'cial,
I think it better

then it may fairly be asked whether there are any grounds u~hatever
apprehending such danger, and whether, on the other hand, dangers
did not before exist are not actually created by the presence of these
Russian troops on Persian soil ~ We have quoted the evidence of the
correspondent of a Russian paper to pro~re how arbitrary and
exasperating has been the conduct of the Russian troops at Tabriz, and
of an independent English observer as to their behaviour at Anzali,
Rasht and Mashhad. Let us now cite the testimony of a correspondent of
the French paper, le Ste~le, as to their more recent conduct at
Writing from Tihrin on January ~, i90, this correspondent says:- 
        "The conduct of the Russian troops throughout almost the whole
region of North Persia becomes more and more intolerable, and
offends the patriotic and religious sentiments of the people. The
drunkenness of these soldiers and their openly proclaimed contempt for
the Muhammadan religion are the characteristics which evoke this
movement of reprobation. 
        " It is now asserted that the aim of the Russians is nothing
else than to foment disorder where it does not at present exist, in
order to establish themselves in the country and remain there as long
as possible. Any other view would be opposed to the actual evidence. 
  "Arroga?~ce of tf~e Russian troops. 
  "Here, then, are some significant facts. 
  "Some days ago, at Qazwin, several Russian soldiers, their stomachs
surcharged with vodka, spread terror through the streets of the town,
scandalizing the inhabitants and maltreating women and children, while
a Russian officer, instead of striving to restrain his subordinates,
wounded three passers-by/ and insulted the police who had intervened.
After this noble exploit the soldiers, filled with fury, set fire to a
grocer's shop. 
  "Two days later, again at Qazwfl~, the Russian soldiers entered the
bd~drs, stole 80 ]oaves of sugar, beat the police, and, strange eO
relate, took advailtage of the right of exterritoriality to return to
their quarters without being in any way troubled by 
their officers. Qther solrliers publicly t~rtur~ a child without any
reason and fractured its skull. 
  "When, in consequence of these excesses, the Governor of the town of
Qazwin addressed a letter to the Russian Consul to lay before him
facts, the letter was returned without an answer, the Consul in his
arrogance supposing that it did not behove him to examine a complaint
directed against Russian soldiers. 
  "7~ke Russian an~orit~es and tJ~e b~g;ands. 
  "On the other hand the Russians residing in the province of GIlan,
where the frontier is reduced to a theoretic line, take advantage of
this facility to invoke upon Persian territory a band of Russian
ne'er-do-wells, in order that they may sow trouble and terror wherever
they can. When the local authorities intervene, the promoters of
disorder receive these malellactors into their houses, and, profiting
by their rights of exterritoriality, prevent the police from arresting
them. Thus they have every facility for giving them refuge and
subsequently letting them go to resume their agitation. 
  " The great friendship openly strewn by the Russian Consulate at
Tabriz towards the notorious brigand Rah~m Khan is well known, and to
such a point was it carried that Russian officers were photographed in
his company, holding his hand. This incident occurred a little while
before Rahlm Khan came to attack and lay in ruins the town of Ardabfl,
~vhere he ruthlessly massacred even women and children. When the
Government succeeded in restoring order in Ardab~l, Rahtm Khin fled
the district of Qara-dagh, of which he is a native. The Russian
in order to minimize the success gained by the cause of order, and to
keep in touch with Rahtm Khan, who was so useful to them, now propose
to send 50 Cossacks into the Qana-dagh district on the pretext (which
deceives no one) of informing themselves as to the state of that
  "In the province of Mazandaran the Russian Consular Agent has
presented to the Persian Governor a demand for

compensation unsupported by details, threatening to send sotcliers if
satisfact~on ~s nc~t voluntarily given.
  "The Persian Governn~ent continues to protest to the Russian
at Tihran, but the promises freely made by the Minister of that Power
produce no visible results. But is this diplomatist himself
powerful to make the Russian officers and soldiers, whose
actions can only wound the susceptibilities of the Persians and excite
the national sentiment against Russia, listen to reason? 
  "Notwithstanding the failure of these attempts, the Persian
has not for an instant departed from its spirit of moderation in the
demands which it has been compelled to address to the representative
  "If the dislike of the Persian people towards Russia continues daily
to increase, not less is the disillusion of European residents in
regarding her great and powerful neighbour. The Europeans alone still
refused to recognize the true character of the designs entertained by
Russian agents against the integrity of Persia; to-day they have clear
proofs that these agents pursue no other object than to foment
in order to perpetuate the Russian occupation of Persian territory. 
  "Henceforth the presence of Russian troops in Persia can only
transform order into disorder, and render more difficult the task of
neur Government, ~vhich is doing its utmost to re-establish the
disturbed equilibrium and restore peace in the country. Their mere
presence, moreoser, is in flagrant contradiction to Russia's solemn
promises of non-intervention, and bo the formal assurances on this
matter which she has given to Europe.~/ 
  A year has now (July, ~glo) elapsed since the new Constitutional
Go~ernment of Persia has been established, and during that time its
unremitting e~orts to restore and maintain order, and to guarantee
security of person and property to all, have compelled the admiration
of even the least sympathetic 
ha~re been enormous; for ai~l in these difficulties it is bidden to
to England and Russia, and to no other quarter; and Russia,
demands as one of the guarantees for a loan the formation of a
gendarmerie, officered, at any rate in the "Russian Sphere', (z.e. in
much the largest and most important part of Persia), by Russians!
Putting aside altogether Russia's actions previous to the deposition
Muhammad 'Ah and the restoration of the Constitution, have her actions
since that date been calculated to inspire in the minds of the
any confidence in the benevolent intentions which she continues to
  Of 6300 Russian soldiers sent into Persia last year on various
pretexts, there are still, so far as can be ascertained, some 3000
remaining, viz. ~ooo at Tabriz, no longer encamped outside the to\vn,
but in the B`zg;~-z-Shimal, or " North Garden," within the walls; 500
at different places between Anzali and Qazwm; 500 in Qazwin itself;
in Khurasan; an uncertain number at Astarabad and Urmi'a; and 500 at
Ardabil, besides an additional 50 Cossacks sent to Ahar in Qara-dagh
January, ~g~o, " to investigate the situation." Add to all this the
arrogant and high-handed behaviour of these troops at llasht, Qazwin
Tabriz; the fact that at the latter place they are reported to be
building a church, making Russian flags to the number of three or four
hundred, and, generally speaking, strewing every sign of having " come
to stay "; and their extremely ambiguous relations with that notorious
brigand and arch-disturber of the peace Rahim Khan, and later with
MIrza, a Russianized Persian Prince who, being an officer in a Russian
regiment quartered at Qazwin, went to Zanjan to foment reactionary
disturbances, and was nominally " arrested," but in reality rescued,
Russian soldiers, who, while returning to Qaz`YIn with him, came into
conRict with a body of Persian troops, fired upon them, and killed
including 'All Khan, their commanding officer. Is it to be wondered at
that the Persians "hesitate," as a French journal expresses it, "to
their heads in the noose," or that they declare that " they would
die" than have as the chief military force in the country a
under the command of Russian officers, or, in other words, a greatly
magnified Cossack Brigade        (
controlled~by a score of Liakhoffs? It would be better by far that
shoul~l seek a defensive alliatlce witll Turkey, shift the seat of
Go~ernment to Isfahan, the old capital of the glorious $afawi days,
eYen at the cost of losing territory in the North~ seek to maintain a
free and independent, though ~nutilated, Persia, rather than they
shottld allow the whole country to sink into the miserable position of
a Russian protectorate. 
  So many unex,oectcd things have happenerl in Persia and Turkey in
last few years, and so many confident prophecies have been falsified,
that it would be rash to hazard any definite forecast. My own l~elief
is that if Persia had in her treasury the sums of money wctsted-or
than vlrasted-by three successive Sh~hs in tile last tvrenty years,
could really count on the benevolent neutrality of her " two powerful
neighbours" for a period of, say, ten or twenty years, she would prove
herself equal to the great task of reconstruction and reform which
before her. But these are two big "ifs." Yet, even as things are,
is more ground for hope than there was eighteen months, or even a
ago. The crisis is over, and the patient, though very weak, is
convalescent. Russia may mean to deal fairly `vith her still helpless
neighbour, or, if not, circumstances, internal or external, are
conceivable which might alter any sit~ister designs cherished by the
party of reaction at home and rash adventure abroad which seems so
to dominate her policy. So to the Persians we can only say, in the
of Sa'dI:- 
        (M DCCCLLVV =
i.~. co~nputing all the letters having numerical values in these two

        APPENDIX A. 

         I. THE ~44~`EA^r OF AUCVST 5, 1906.
         2~ THE ELECTORAL LAW 0F SEPTEMBER 9, 1906.
         3. THE FUNDAMUrrAE LAWS or DECEMBER 30, 1906.
        5. ~ HE NEW ELECTORAL LAW OF JULY I, 1909.         ( -


        OF AUGUST 5, igo6.
        ~armdn of the [ek ~kd[, Mwa~an''d-Din Sh~ fic G~ea' (1nay God
        make ~m~nous his Pr~of f ), da~cd 14Jum~a ii, A.H. 1 3z4
(=August 5,
        A.D. 1906). 
        To the Right Honourable His Excellency the Prime Minister. 
        WHEREAS God Most High (glorious is His State !) hath entrusted
to Our hands the direction of the progress and prosperity of the
wellprotected realms of Persia, and hath constituted Our Royal
the Guardian of the Rights of all the people of Persia and of all our
loyal subjects- 
        THEREFORE on this occasion? our Royal and Imperial judgement
decided, for the peace and tranquillity of all the people of Persia,
for the strengthening and consolidation of the foundations of the
that such reforms as are this day required in the different
of the State and of the Empire shall oe effected; and we do enact that
an Assembly of delegates elected by the Princes, the Doctors of
('~lama), the C2ajar family, the nobles and notables, the landowners,
the merchants and the guilds shall be formed and constituted, by
election of the classes above mentioned, in the capital Tibran; which
Assembly shall carry out the requisite deliberations and
on all necessary subjects connected with important affairs of the
and Empire and the public interests; and shall render the necessary
and assistance to our Cabinet of Ministers in such reforms as are
designed to promote the happiness and ~vell-being of Persia; and
with complete confidence and security, through the instrumentality of
the first Lord of the State, submit [their proposals to Us], so that
these, having been duly ratified by Us, may be carried into effect. It
is evident that, in accordance with this August Rescript, you v~ill
arrange and prepare a code of regulations and provisions governing

and likewise the ways and means necessary to its formation, so that,
the help of Cod Most High this Assembly may be inaugurated and may
in hand the necessary reforms. 
  We likewise enact that you should publish and proclaim the text of
this August Rescript, so that all the people of Persia, being duly
informed of our good intentions, all of which regard the progress of
Government and Peopie of Persia, may, with tranquil minds, engage ;n
prayer for Us. 
  Given [under Our hand] in the $ahih-Qiraniyya Palace on the
of Jumada the Second in the eleventh year of Our Reign (= August 5, 1
9 o6 ).    


                2. THE ELECTORAL LAW OF
                   SEPTEMBER 9, 1906.
  Reg~lattons for the Elections lo the ~ational Assemoly, dated
Monday, Rajab 20, A.H. 1324 (= Seit. 9, A.D. 1906).
  The Regulations for the Elections to the National Consultative
Assembly [to be convened] in accordance with the August Rescript of
Imperial Majesty [Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah], may God immortalize his
issuedJon the T4th of Jur,miada ii, A.H. 1324 (=August 5, A.D. T906)
as follows. 
                      FIRST SECTION. 
               Rules governing the Elections. 
  ART. I. The electors of the nation in the well-protected realms of
Persia in the Provinces and Departments shall be of the following
classes: (i) Princes and the Qajar tribe: (ii) Doctors of Divinity and
Students: (iii) Nobles and Notables: (iv) Merchants: (v) Landed
proprietors and peasants: (vi) Trade-guilds. 
ote I. The tribes in each province are reckoned as forming part of the
inhabitants of that province, and have the right to elect, subject to
the established conditions. 
Vofe 2. By "landed proprietor" is meant the owner of an estate, 
and by "peasant" the tiller of the soil. 
ART. 2. The electors shall possess the following qualifications: (i)
their age must not fall short of 25 years: (ii) they must be Persian
subjects: (iii) they must be known in the locality: (iv) the landed
Pr0prietorS and peasants amongst them must possess property of the
of at least one thousand tdmndns (=about 200) (V) the merchants
arn0ngst them must have a definite office and business: (vi) the

  of trade-guilds amongst them must belong to a recognized guild, must
be engaged in a definite craft or trade, and must be in possession of
a shop of which the rent corresponds with the average rents of the
  ARI. 3. The persons who are entirely deprived of electoral rights
as [ollows: (i) women (ii) persons not within years of discretion, and
those wllo stand in need of a legal guardian: (iii) foreigners 
  (iv) persons whose age falls short of twenty-five years: (v) persons
notorious for misrhievous opinions (viN bankrupts whn have failed to
prove that they were not frauclulent vii) murderers, thieves,
and persons who have undergone punishment according to the Islamic
as well as persons suspected of murder or theft, and the like, who
not legally exculpated themselves: (viii) persons actually serving in
the land or sea forces 
  'I'he persons who are conditionally deprived of electoral rights are
as follows: i) governors, and assistant governars, within the area of
their governments: (ii) those employed in the military or police
the area of their appointments.    
  ART. 4. Those elected must possess the following qualidcations: (i)
they must speak Persian: (iij they must be able to read and write
Persian: iii) they must be Persian subjects of Persian extraction:
they must be locally known: (v) they must not be in goveron~ent
employment: (vi) their age must be not less than thirty or more than
seventy: vii) they must have some insight into affairs of State.    
  Aer. 5. Those persons who are debarred from being elected are: (i)
women: (ii) foreign subjects: (iii) those who are actually serving in
the land or sea forces: (iv) fraudulent bankrupts: v) persons who have
been guilty of murder or theft; criminals; persons who have undergone
punishment conformably with the Islamic Law; and persons suspected of
murder, theft and the like, who have not legally exculpated
(vi) those whose age falls short of thirty: (vii) those who are
notorious for evil doctrine' or who live in open sin. 
  A RT. 6. The number of persons elected by the people in the
parts of Persia shall correspond witb the total number of the
inhabitants of that locality. In each province (ayd~t) six or twelve
persons shall be elected in accordance with the following table, save
in the case of Tihran, when the number of those elected shall be as
follows: (i) Princes and mernoers of the Qajar family, 4: (ii) doctors

of Divinity and students, 4: (iii) merchants, ~o: (iv) land-owners and
peasants, ro: (v) trade-guilds, 3, in all, one from each guild. 
  In other provinces and departments the numbers shall be as follows:
(i) ~zarbayjan, I ~: (ii) Khurasan, Sistan, Turbat, Turshiz, Q'ichan,
Bujnurd, Shahnid and Bistam, [ :: (iii) GIlan and Talish, 6: (iv)
Mazandaran, Tunkabun, Astarabad, FirUzk'5h and Damawand, 6: (v)
Qazwin, Simnan and Damghan, 6: (vi) Kirman and Baldchistan, 6: (Yii)
Fars and the Persian Gulf Ports, ~ z: (viii) 'Arabistan, Luristan and
BurUjird,6: (ix) Kirmanshahan and Garrds,6: (x) Kurdistan and Hamadan,
6: (xij 1siahan, Yazd, Kashan, Qum and Sawa, 12: (xii) 'Iraq, Mala'ir'
T6y Sirkan, Nihawand, Kamra, Gulpayagan and Khwansar, 6. 
  ART. 7. Each elector has one vote and can only vote in one class.   

  ART. 8. The number of those elected to the National Consultative
Assembly throughout the whole well-protected realms of Persia shall
exceed two hundred. In the individual towns of each province each
shall assemble separately, elect one representative, and send him to
chief town of that province. The delegates so elected must reside in
town for which they are elected, or in the environs of that town.
delegates thus elected in the individual towns of the provinces shall
assemble in the chief town of the province, and shall elect members
the National Consultative Assembly according to the number specified
the above table for each province, so that they may present themselves
to the National Consuttative Assembly, and, during the period of their
appointment, may discharge their duty and function, which is to guard
the rights of the Government and the Nation. 
  The electors are not absolutely compelled to elect [a deputy] out of
their own class or guild. 
  ART. 9. In every place where elections are carried out, a Council
(anjuman) shall be formed of well-known local representatives of the
classes of electors to supervise the elections. This Council shall be
under the temporary supervision of the Governor or lDeputy-Covernor of
that place. In this way two Councils shall be formed, one local and
provincial, the former in each of the individual towns in the
the latter in the chief town of the province. 
  ART. ~O. Complaints in connection ~rith the elections shall not
interfere with the carrying out of the elections; that is to say, the 

  Councils mentioned above in ~rt. 9 shall investigate such complaints
without suspending the electim~s. 
  ART. 11. Should anyone complain of the local Council, he shall refer
his complaint to the provincial Council, and if his application be
without effect, it shall be referred to the National Consultative
  ART. 12. If any Member of the National Consultative Assembly should
resign or die, and if more than six months intervene before the next
[general] elections, the ~ embers of the Assembly shall elect lin his
place] one from his provir~ce.    
  ART. 13. The local and provincial Councils shall send the names of
electors and the elected "lf each department to the Record Office
a~afla~4hdna) of the National Consultative Assembly, where their names
shall be arranged in alp~abetical order, and shall be printed and
published for the information of the public. So likewise, after the
conclusion of the elections, tl~e local Council shall, within the
of one week, communicate th~ result of the election to the provincial
  ART. 14. Those elected en the individual towns of the province must
be provided with a certificate from the local Council; and in like
manner those elected in the chief towns of the provinces must be
provided with a certificate from the provincial Council, which they
produce in the Nationa' Consultative Assembly. 
  a majority of votes.
  ART. 15. The election of the persons designated shall be by 
  ART. 16. After the elec tion of the Members of the National
Consultative Assembly, the names of those elected shall be recorded in
the Registry of the Asse mbl), and shall be announced in the
  ART. 17. The Nationai Assembly of Electors shall be established in
towns where there is a ~esident Governor, which are divided into two
categories. The local Gov emor, having regard to local requirements,
empowered to fix the place ~f the Court of Electors. 
  ART. 18. The time and ~lace of the election must be made known to
the people one month beforehand by the local government, by means of
printed leaflets and other suitable channels of advertisement. 
  ART. 19. Those elected to represent the Capital and the various
provinces shall proceed to Tihran as quickly as possible. Since those
elected in the provinces must be elected in accordance with the
Regulations, and since consequently some considerable time will
necessarily elapse before they can present themselves, therefore the
representatives of Tihran shall be elected, and the Assembly
immediately, so that it may proceed to discharge its functions until
proYincia1 representatives shall present themselves, nor shall the
in the arrival of these latter cause the Assembly to be inactive. 
  ART. OO. The living expenses and annual allowance of the Members of
the National Consultative Assembly depends on the determination and
sanction of the Assembly itself.    
  ART. -~. The period for which the National Representatives are
appointed shall be two years, after which period fresh elections shall
take place throughout the whole of Persia. 
  ART. :~. Complaints regarding the Assembly and its Members
the carrying out of the Elections, etc., must, in so far as they refer
to the Assembly, be submitted in writing to the President of the
Assembly, so that the subject of complaint may be investigated in the
National Consultative Assembly and judgement thereon delivered.    
  ART. 23. No Member of the Assembly can be arrested or detained on
pretext without the permission of the Assembly, unless he shall
commit some crime or misdemeanour. 
  All written or spoken statements of Members of the Assembly on the
affairs of the Government and the Nation shall be free, except in
where such writings or statements of any Member shall be contrary to
public good, and, according to the enactments of the Most l~uminous
[of Islam] shall deserve punishment. In such cases, by permission of
Assembly, persons of this description shall be brought before the
of Cassation. 
  ART. O4 Government officials and employee of government offices who
are elected in a representative capacity as members of the ~4ssembly
shall quit their previous service, and while employed in this capacity
shall have no right to intervene or concern themselves in their ormer
office or in any other [similar] service, otherwise their
function and membership shall be null and void.        (` ~   

  The conduct of the Election and registration of votes,
and the conditions thereof.
ART. Z5. The election of Members of the National Consultative
Assembly in the Capital, and in the towns of large, moderate or small
size, will take place in the presence of the (;overnor, or Deputy-
Governor,   Y~ -~ under the supervision of tbe Council (anjuman)
mentioned in Art. y.    ART. 26. Election shall be by votes, and by
absolute or relative majority. In case of an equality of votes, the
determination of the 
elected [candidate] shall be e~ected by a [secondj Yoting.

ART. 27. The Polling day for the Election of Members to the Assembly
anll the recording of votcs shall, in whatever year it takes place, be
on a Friday', with due observance of the following arrangements. 
irst, the voting shall take place in the presence of the Govemor, the
local Council and the electors who are present. 
  Secondly, for the organization of the electoral court the Councils
(`anju~rs) mentioned in Art. 9 shall be responsible. 
  ~hzrdly, the voting-paper shall be of white paper having no sign.   

  ~ourthly, each of the voters shall inscribe his vote on this
votingpaper outside [~.c. before he enters] the Court of Electors, and
shall give it, closed up, to one of the members of the above-mentioned
Council who shall be designated [for that purpose], who, in the
of all, shall throw it into the ballet-box.    
  ~z~thly, one of the Members of the Council (anjuinan) mentioned in
Art. 9 shall compare the names of those voting with a list furnished
  ART. 28. Before the votes are taken, one of the Members of the    
  Council shall lock the ballet-box, which shall be sealed by two
others, while another Member of the Council shall take charge of the
  ART. 29. After the voting has been concluded, the lid of the box    
  shall be opened, the voting-papers shall be counted in the presence
of all, and the majority and minority shall be verified by the list
  1 Friday is choser~ because in Persta. as in other Muhammadan
countnes, it is gener:ll holiday. 
persons entitled to vote], while several of those present shall, under
the supervision of the Council, and in the presence of all, set
themselves to work out the result of the voting. 
  ART. 30. Sroting-papers on which nothing is written, or which bear
illegible inscriptions, or which fail to specify clearly the name of
Candidate voted for, or on which the voter has inscribed his own name,
shall not be taken into account, but shall be noted in the minutes.
Thereafter the result of the election shall be proclaimed in a loud
voice, and shall be declared by the president of the Court of
  ART. 3I. Should the number of Members elected by the people exceed
number fixed upon, those persons will be regarded as elected who
seniority of age. Otherwise, should the occasion allo~v, the votes
be recounted. If, after the votes have been recounted, it appears that
the number of vothlg-papers exceeds the number of electors, the
shall be regarded as null and void, and a fresh election shall be
  ART. 32. The Members elected for Tibran shall choose from amongst
themselves one President, two Vice-presidents, and four Secretaries,
the Assembly shall then be opened under the Honorary Presidency of His
Imperial and Most Sacred Majesty (may God immortalize his reign 1). 
  ART. 33. The President, the two Vice-presidents, and the Secretaries
of the National Consultative Assembly shall, with the approval of the
Members of the Assembly, be changed once a year. In renewing the
election of the persons above-mentioned, it is understood that regard
shall always be paid to the majority of votes of the Assembly.    
  Oated the Igth of the month of Rajao, A.H. 1324
   (= S~t 8, A.D. 1906).
  "In the ~anzc of God, the Mcrc~ful, tic Forgruing. 
  "To the Right Honourable the $adr-~:A':am (Prinzc Minzstcr). 
"These Regulations are correct. 
aJab 20, A.H. 1324 (= Sept. 9, A.D. 1906). 
  [Place of the Royal Signature.] 

ART. 2. The National Consultative Assembly represents the whole Of the
people of Persia, who [thus] participate in the economic and political
affairs of the country. 

ART. 3. The National Consultative Assembly shall consist of the
elected in Tibran and the provinces, and shall be held in 

I Tihran
ART. 4. The number of elected Members has been fixed, in accordance
the Electoral Law separately promulgated, at one hundred and
but in case of necessity the number abovementioned may be increased to
two hundred. 

   DECEMBER 30, 1906.

  The Fundamental Law of Pcrsia, promulgalcd in the re~gr of the lafe
Muza~aru'd-l~n Shah, and ratijied ~oy him on IDh1u'l-Qa'da I4, ;
A.H. 1324 (=December 30, 1906). I
        In the ~Vame of God [he Merciful, the Forgivihg. 
  WHEREAS in accordance with the Imperial Farmdn dated the fourteenth
of Jumada the Second, A.H. 1324 (= August 5, 1906), a command was
for the establishment of a National Council, to promote the progress
happiness of our Kingdom and people, strengthen the foundations of our
Government, and give effect to the enactments of the Sacred Law of His
Holiness the Prophet, 
        AND WHEREAS, by virtue of the fundamental principle [therein
laid down], we have conferred on each individual of the people of our
realm, for the amending and superintending of the affairs of the
commonwealth, according to their degrees, the right to participate in
choosing and appointing the Members of this Assembly by popular
        THEREFORE the National Consultative Assembly is now opened, in
accordance with our Sacred Command; and we do define as follows the
principles and articles of the Fundamental Law regulating the
National Council, which Law comprises the duties and functions of the
above-mentioned Assembly, its limitations, and its relations with the
various departments of the State. 
        On the Constitution of the Assembly. 
        ART. I. The National Consultative Assembly is founded and
established in conformity with the ~arm~r', founded on justice, dated
the fourteenth of the Second Jumada, A.H. I324 (=Aug. 5, 1906) 

         FUNDAMENTAL LAWS (DEC. 30, 1906) 363
  ART. 5. The Members shall be elected for two whole years. This
shall begin on the day when all the representatives from the provinces
shall have arrived in Tihran. On the conclusion of this period of two
years, fresh representatives shall be elected, but the people shall
the option of re-electing any of their former representatives whom
wish and with whom they are satisfied. 
        ART. 6. The Members elected to represent Tihran shall, so soon
as they meet, have the right to constitute the Assembly, and to begin
their discussions and deliberations. During the period preceding the
arrival of the provincial delegates, their decisions shall depend for
their validity and due execution on the majority [by which they are
        ART. 7. On the opening of the debates, at least two thirds of
the Members of the Assembly shall be present, and, when the vote is
taken, at least three quarters. A majority shall be obtained only when
more than half of those present in the Assembly record their votes. 
        ART. 8. The periods of session and recess of the National
Consultative Assembly shall be determined by the Assembly itself, m
accordance with such internal regulations as itself shall formulate. 
 After the summer recess, the Assembly must continue open and in
from the fourteenth day of the Balance (Oct. 7), which correSponds
the festival of the opening of the First Assembly.
  ART. 9. The National Consultative Assembly can sit on occasions of
extraordinary public holidays. 
  ART. 10. On the opening of the Assembly, an Address shall be
         I Presentcd by it to His Imperial Majesty, and it shall
afterwards have the honour of receiving an answer from that Royal and
August quarter.

        ART. II. Members of the Assembly, on taking their seats, shall
take and subscribe to the following form of oath: 
        (Form of the Oath.) 
  "We the undersigned take God to witness, and swear on the Qur'an,
that, so long as the rights of the Assembly and its Members are
and respected, in conformity with these Regulations, we will, so far
possible, discharge, with the utmost truth, uprightness, diligence and
endeavour, the duties confided to us; that we will act loyally and
truthfully towards our just and honoured Sovereign, cornrnit no
in respect of either the foundations of the Throne or the Rights of
People, and will consider only the advantage and wellbeing of Persia."

        ART I2. No one, on any pretext or excuse, shall have any
without the knowledge and approval of the National Consultative
Assembly, to molest its Members. Even in case of the Members
some crime or misdemeanour, and being arrested }lagrante delicto, any
punishment inflicted upon him must be with the cognizance of the
        ART. T 3. The deliberations of the National Consultative
Assembly, in order that effect may be given to their results, must be
public. According to the Intemal Regulations of the Assembly,
journalists and spectators have the right to be present and listen,
not to speak. Newspapers may print and publish all the debates of the
Assembly, provided they do not change or pervert their meaning, so
the public may be informed of the subjects of discussion and the
of what takes place. Everyone, subject to his paying due regard to the
public good, may discuss them in the public Press, so that no matter
be veiled or hidden from any person. Therefore all newspapers,
that their contents be not injurious to any one of the fundamental
principles of the Government or the Nation, are authorized and allowed
to print and publish all matters advantageous to the public interest'
such as the debates of the Assembly, and the opinions of the people on
these debates. But if anyone, actuated by interested motives, shall
print in the newspapers or in other publications anything contrary to
what has been mentioned, or inspired by slander or calumny, he wili
render himself liable to cross-examination, judgement and punishment'
according to law. 
        ART. I4. The National Consultative Assembly shall organize and
arrange, in accordance with separate and distinct Regulations called
"Internal Code of Rules," its own affairs, such as the election of a
president, Vice-presidents, Secretaries, and other officers, the
arrangercents of the debates and divisions, etc. 
        On the Duties of the Assembly and its Limitations and Rights. 
        ART. I5. The National Consultative Assembly has the right in
         I questions to propose any measure which it regards as
conducive to the well-being of the Government and the People, after
discussion and deliberation thereof in all sincerity and truth; and,
having due regard to the majority of votes, to submit such measure, in
complete confidence and security, after it has received the approval
the Senate, by means of the First Minister of the State, so that it
receive the Royal Approval and be duly carried out.
        ART. I6. All laws necessary to strengthen the foundations of
State and Throne and to set in order the affairs of the Realm and the
establishment of the Ministries, must be submitted for approval to the
National Consultative Assembly. 
        ART. I 7. The National Consultative Assembly shall, when
occasion arises, bring forward such measures as shall be necessary for
the creation, modification, completion or abrogation of any Law, and,
subject to the approval of the Senate, shall submit it for the Royal
Sanction, so that due effect may thereafter be given to it. 
        ART. I 8. The regulation of all financial matters, the
construction and regulation of the Budget, all changes in fiscal
arrangements, the acceptance or rejection of all incidental and
subordinate expenditure, as also the new Inspectorships [of Finance]
which will be founded by the Government' shall be subject to the
approval of the Assembly. 
        ART. 19. The Assembly has the right, after the Senate has
lts approval, to demand from the Ministers of State that effect shall
be given to the measures thus approved for the reform of the finances
and the facilitation of co-operation between the different departments
of the Government by division of the departments and provinces of
and their governments 
  ART. 20. The Budget of each Ministry shall be concluded during the
latter half of each year for the following year, and shall be ready
Gfteen days before the Festival of the NawrUz'. 
  ART. 2n Should it at any time be necessary to introduce, modify or
abrogate any Fundamental Law regulating the [functions cf the]
lIinistries, such change shall be made only~with the approval of the
Assembly, irrespective of whether the necessity for such action has
declared by the Assembly or enunciated by the responsible blinisters. 
  ART. 2 Z. Any proposal to transfer or sell any portion of the
[National] resources, or of the control exercised by the Government or
the Throne, or to effect any change in the boundaries and frontiers of
the Kingdom' shall be subject to the approval of the National
Consultative Assembly. 
  ART. 23. Without the approval of the National Council, no concession
for the formation of any public Company of any sort shall, under any
plea soever, be granted by the State.

  ART. 24, The conclusion of treaties and covenants, the granting of
commercial, industrial, agricultural and other concessions,
of whether they be to Persian or foreign subjects, shall be subject to
the approval of the National Consultative Assembly, with the exception
of treaties which, for reasons of State and the public advantage, must
be kept secret. 
  ART. z5. State loans, under whatever title, whether internal or
external, must be contracted only with the cognizance and approYa of
National Consultative Assembly.    
  ART. 26. The construction of railroads or `~ussles, at the expense
the Government, or of any Company, whether Persian or foreign, depends
on the approval of the National Consultative Assembly. 
  ART. ~7. Wherever the Assembly observes any defect in the laws, or
neglect in giving effect to them, it shall notify the same to the
bIinister responsible for that department, who shall furnish all
necessary explanations. 
  ART. 28. Should any Minister, acting under misapprehension, issue on
the Royal Authority, whether in writing or by vrord of mouth, orders
conflicting uith one of the laws which have been enacted and 
Tbe Nawr~, or Pers'.an New Yearts Day, fal]s about March ~r in each

have received the Royal Sanction, he shall admit his negligence and
of attention, and shall, according to the Law, be personally
to His Imperial and Most Sacred Majesty. 
  ART. 29. Should a Minister fail to give a satisfactory account of
affair conformably to the laws which have received the Royal Sanction,
and should it appear in his case that a violation of such law has been
committed, or that he has transgressed the limits imposed [on him],
Assembly shall demand his dismissal from the Royal Presence, and
his treason be clearly established in the Court of Cassation, he shall
not again be employed in the service of the State. 
  ART. 30. The Assembly shall, at any time when it considers it
necessary' have the right to make direct representations to the Royal
Presence by means of a Committee consisting of the President and six
its Members chosen by the Six Classes. This Committee must ask
permission, and the appointment of a time for approaching the P`oyal
Presence through the Master of the Ceremonies ( Wa~Ir-s-Dar~r~.    
  ART. 31. Ministers have the right to be present at the Sessions of
National Consultative Assembly, to sit in the places appointed for
and to listen to the debates of the Assembly. If they consider it
necessary, they may ask the President of the Assembly for permission
speak, and may give such explanations as may be necessary for purposes
of discussion and investigation. 
  On the representation of affairs to the National
  Consultative Assembly.
  ART. 32. Any individual may submit in writing to the Petition
Department of the Archives of the Assembly a statement of his own
or of any criticisms or complaints. If the matter concerns the
itself, it will give him a satisfactory answer; but if it concerns one
of the Ministries, it will refer it to that Ministry, which will
into the matter and return a sufficient answer.    
  ART. 33. New laws which are needed shall be drafted and revised in
Ministries which are respectively responsible, and shall then be laid
before the Assembly by the responsible Ministers, or by the Prime
Minister. After being approved by the Assembly, and ratified by the
Royal Signature, they shall be duly put into force.    
  ART. 34. The President of the Assembly can, in case of necessity,
either personally, or on the demand of ten Members of the Assembly,   

hold a private conference, consisting of a selected number of Members
of the Assembly, with any Minister, from which private meeting
correspondents and spectators shall be excluded, and at which other
Members of the Assembly shall not have the right to be present. The
result of the deliberations of such secret conference shall, however,
only be confirmed when it has been deliberated in the said conference
in presence of three quarters of those selected [to serve on it], and
carried by a majority of votes. Should the proposition [in question]
be accepted in the private conference, it shall not be brought forward
in the Assembly, but shall be passed over in silence.    
  ART. 35. If such private conference shall have been held at the
of the President of the Assembly, he has the right to inform the
of so much of the deliberations as he shall deem expedient; but if the
private conference has been held at the demand of a Minister, the
disclosure of the deliberations depends on the permission of that
  ART. 36. Any Minister can withdraw any matter which he has proposed
to the Assembly at any point in the discussion, unless his statement
been made at the instance of the Assembly, in which case the
of the matter depends on the consent of the Assembly. 
  - ART. 37. If a measure introduced by any Minister is not accepted
the Assembly, it shall be returned supplemented by the observations of
the Assembly; and the responsible Minister, after rejecting or
the criticisms of the Assembly, can propose the aforesaid measure a
second time to the Assembly. 
  ART. 38. The Members of the National Consultative Assembly must
clearly and plainly signify their rejection or acceptance of measures,
and no one has the right to persuade or threaten them in recording
votes. The signification by the Members of the Assembly of such
rejection or acceptance must be effected in such manner that newspaper
correspondents and spectators also may perceive it, that is to say
intention must be signified by some outward sign such as [the
of] blue and white voting-papers, or the like. 
  The proposal off measures on the part of the Assembly.
  ART. 39. Whenever any measure is proposed on the part of one of the
Members of the Assembly, it can only be discussed when at 
least fifteen Members of the Assembly shall approve the discussion of
that measure. In such case the proposal ;n question shall bc forwarded
in writing to the President of the Assembly, who has the right to
arrange that it shall be subjected to a preliminary investigation in a
Committee of Enquiry. 
  ART. 40. On the occasion of the discussion and investigation of such
measure as is mentioned in Art. 39, whether in the Assembly or in the
Committee of Enquiry, notice shall be given by the Assembly to the
responsible Minister, if any, concerned in the measure, that if
he himself, or, if not, his Assistant Minister, shall be present in
Assembly, so that the debate may take place in the presence of one or
other of them. 
  The draft of the [proposed] measure, with its additions, must be
from ten days to a month before the time (with the exception of
added at the last moment) to the responsible Minister; and so likewise
the day of its discussion must be determined beforehand. After the
measure has been discussed in the presence of the responsible
and in case it should, by a majority of votes, receive the approval of
the Assembly, it shall be officially transmitted in writing to the
responsible Minister, so that he may take the necessary steps [to put
it in force]. 
  ART. 41. If the responsible Minister cannot, for any reason, agree
with the Assembly about a measure proposed by it, he must offer his
excuses to it and give it satisfaction. 
  ART. 42. Should the National Consultative Assembly demand
on any matter from the responsible Minister, the Minister in question
must give an answer, which answer must not be postponed unnecessarily
or without plausible reason, save in the case of secret measures, the
secrecy of which for some definite period is to the advantage of the
State and the People. In such cases, on the lapse of the definite
the responsible Minister is bound to disclose this measure in the
  On the Conditions regulating the formation of the Senate. 
  ART. 43. There shall be constituted another Assembly, entitled the
Senate7 consisting of sixty Members, the sessions of which' after its
constitution, shall be complementary to the sessions of the National
Consultative Assembly.

  ART. 44. The Regulatic. ns of the Senate must be approved by the
National Consultative Assen~ bly. 
  ART. 45. The Members of this Assembly shall be chosen from amongst
well-informed, discerning, pious and respected persons of the Realm.
Thirty of th em shall be nominated on the part of His Imperial Ma3esty
(fifteen of the people of Tihran, and fifteen of the people of the
Provinces~, ar~d thirty by the Nation [fifteen elected by the people
Tihran, and Of~een by the people of the Provinces). 
  ART. 46. Atter the constitution of the Senate, all proposals must be
approved by both Assem~lies. If those proposals shall have been
originated in the Senate, or l~y the Cabinet of Ministers, they must
first be amended and corrected in the Senate and accepted by a
of votes, and must then ~e approved by the National Consultative
Asseml~ly. But proposals ~rought forward by tbe National Consultative
Assembly must, on the contrary, go from this Assembly to the Senate,
except in the case of financial matters, which belong exclusively to
National C~nsultative Assembly. The decision of the Assembly, in
to the above-mentioned proposals, shall be made known to the Senate,
that it in turn may communicate its observations to the National Assem
tIy, but the latter, after due discussion, is free to accept or reject
these obsenations of the Senate. 
  ART. 47. SO long as th e Senate has not been convoked, proposals
shall, after being approved by the National Consultative Assembly,
receive the Royal assent, aw~d shall then have the force of La~r. 
  ART. 43. If any proposal, after undergoing criticism and revision in
the Senate, be referred b y a Minister to the National Consultative
Assembly, and be not accept ed, such disputed proposal shall, in case
of its being of importance, be reconsidered by a third Assembly
of Members of the Senate a~d Members of the National Consultative
Assembly elected in equal rr~oieties by hIembers of the two
The decision of this [third] issembly shall be read out in the
Council. If it be then accepted, well and good. If not, a full account
of the matter shall be submitted to the Royal Presence, and should the
Royal judgemer~t support the view of the National Consultative
it shall ~ecome effective; but if not' orders will be issued for a
discussion and investigation. If again no agreement of opinion
and the S~enate, by a majority of two thirds, approves the dissolution
of the Nati~nal Consultative Assembly, this approval 
being separately affirmed by the Cabinet of Ministers, then the
Command will be issued for the dissolution of the National
Assembly, and at the same time orders shall be given for the holding
fresh elections, the people, however, having the right to re-elect
former representatives. 
  ARI. 49. The new representatives of Jihran must present themselves
within the space of one month, and the representatives of the
within the space of three months. When the representatives of the
Capital are present, the Assembly shall be opened, and shall begin its
labours, but they shall not discuss disputed proposals until the
provincial representatives shall arrive. If, after the arrival of all
its Members) the new Assembly shall by a clear majority confirm the
first decision, His Most Sacred and Imperial Majesty shall approve
decision of the National Consultative Assembly, and shall order it to
be carried into effect. 
  ART. 50. In each electoral period, which consists of two years,
for the renewal of representatives shall not be given more than 
  ART. SI. It is agreed that the kings of our successors and posterity
shall regard as a duty of their sovereign state and an obligation
incumbent upon them the maintenance of these laws and principles,
we have established and put into force for the strengthening of the
edifice of the State, the consolidation of the foundations of the
Throne, the superintendence of the machinery of Justice, and the
tranquillity of the Nation. 

Dhu'l-Qa'da 14, A.H. 1324
( = December 30, 1906).
  "These Fundamental Laws of the National Consultative Assembly and
Senate, containing fifty-one Articles, are correct. 
  "Dhu'l-Qa'da 14, A.H. 1324"(= December 30, 1906~. 
  [Underneath the concluding words is the signature of the late Shah,
Muzaffaru'd-Din, and on the back of the page are the seals of the then
Crown Prince or IYal'-'abd (the deposed Shah, Muhammad 'Ali), and of
late Mushirn'd-Dawla.] 

                    LAWS OF OCTOBER 7, 1907.
The original Fundamental Law, containing 51 Articles, 7,aS
prom7~1galed on ~hu'l-Qa'da 14, A.H. 1324 (=Dec. 30, 1906) [y t~ la~
A~usaffar?`'d-~in Shah. ~he following suiplemc?'tary laws ze~erc
by h~s successor, ~c ?fO~V deposed Sh~h, M~hammad 'All, o?' 3ha bd~
A.H. 1325 (= 0~. 7, 1907). 
  In the ~ame af Go~ the Mercif?`l, the ~org;ving. 
  The Articles added lo complete the Fundamental Laws of the Persian
Constitution ratified by the late Shahinshah of blessed memory,
Muzaffarutd-Din Shah Qajar (may God illuminate his resting-place!) are
as follows. 
  General Dispositions. 
  ART. I. The official religion of Persia is Islam, according to the
orthodox Ja'fari doctrine of the I/hna 'Ashariyya (Church of the
Imams), which faith' the Shah of Persia must profess and promote. 
  ART. O. At no time must any legal enactment of the Sacred National
ConsultatiYe Assembly, established by the favour and assistance of His
Holiness the Imam of the Age (may God hasten his glad Advent!)2, the
favour of His Majesty the Shahinshah of Islam (may God immortalize his
reign'), the care of the Proofs of Islam~ may    

The Shi~ite form of Islam includes the "Church of the Twelve "(^hn~f
'a~hariy',a) and the ''Church of the Seven "(Sah~iyya). Both agree as
to the sequence of their Imams down to the sixth, Ja'far as-$adiq
whom the epithet ", ta~fa'l "is derived), but diYerge from this point.
Both are regarded as heterodox by the Sunnis, but the "Church of the
Twelve "is orthodox in Persin. 
the Twe]fth Imam, ur Imam MabdI, who is believed to have
disappeared in the year A.H. ,60 ~ = A.D. 8` 3-4) ancl who is expected
to return at the end of time, "to fill the earth with jushce aher it
been filled with iniquity."   
3 I.e. the '"la~nd, or doctors of theology, especially the
  God multiply the like of theml), and the whole people of the Persian
nation, be at variance with the sacred principles of Islam or the laws
established by His Holiness the Best of Mankind' (on whom and on whose
household be the Blessings of God and His Peacel). 
  It is hereby declared that it is for the learned doctors of theology
(the '~iama)-may God prolong the blessing of their existence!-to
determine whether such laws as may be proposed are or are not
conformable to the principles of Islam; and it is therefore officially
enacted that there shall at all times exist a Committee composed of
less than five majtabrds or other devout theologians, cognizant also
the requirements of the age, [which committee shall be elected] in
manner. The '~la/'la and Proofs of Islam shall present to the National
Consultative Assembly the names of twenty of the '~lamd possessing the
attributes mentioned above; and the Members of the National
Asseml)ly shall, either l~y unanimous acclamation, or by vote,
five or more of these, according to the exigencies of the time, and
recognize these as Members, so that they may carefully discuss and
consider all matters proposed in the Assembly, and reject and
wholly or in part, any such proposal which is at variance with the
Sacred Laws of Islam, so that it shall not obtain the title of
In such matters the decision of this Ecclesiastical Committee shall be
followed and obeyed, and this article shall continue unchanged until
appearance of His Holiness the Proof of the Age (may God hasten his
  ART. 3. The frontiers, provinces, departments and districts of the
Persian Empire cannot be altered save in accordance with the Law. 
  ART, 4. The capital of Persia is lihran. 
  ART. 5. The official colours of the Persian flag are green, white   

  and red, with the emhlem of the Lion and the Sun. 
  ART. 6. The lives and property of foreign subjects residing on
soil are guaranteed and protected, saYe in such contingencies as the
laws of the land shall except. 
  ART. 7. The principles of the Constitution cannot be suspended
wholly or in part. 
  ' [.~. the Prophet Muhammad. 
  2 [.~. until the Imam Mahdi shall return and establish the rei~ of

  Rights of the Persian Nation.
  ART. 8. The people of the Persian Empire are to enjoy equal 
  ~rights before the Law. 
  ART. 9. All individuals are protected and safeguarded in respect    
  ~to their lives, property, homes, and honour, from every kind of
interference, and none shall molest them save in such case and in such
wav ~as the laws of the land shall determine. 
  ART. 10. No one can be summarily arrested, save pagranfe dcitefo    
  lin the commission of some crime or misdemeanour, except on the
written authority of the President of the Tribunal of Justice, given
in conformity with the Law. Even in such case the accused must
or at latest in the course of the next twenty-four hours,
be tinformed and notified of the nature of his offence. 
  ART. 11. No one can be forcibly removed from the tribunal which is
entitled to give judgement on his case to another tribunal. 
  ART. 12. No punishment can be decreed or executed save in conformity
with the Law.    
  ART. 13. Every person's house and dwelling is protected and
safeguarded, and no dwelling-place may be entered save in such case
in such way as the Law has decreed.    
  ART. 14. No Persian can be exiled from the country, or prevented 
from residing in any part thereof, or compelled to reside in any
specified part thereof, save in such cases as the Law may explicitly
  ART. 15. No property shall be removed from the control of its owner
save by legal sanction, and then only after its fair value has been
determined and paid.    
  ART. 16. The confiscation of the property or possessions of any
under the title of punishment or retribution is forbidden, save in
conformity with the Law.    
   . ART. 7. To deprive ouners or possessors of the properties or   
  possessions controlled by them on any pretext whatever is forbidden,
  save in conformity with the Law.
   FT ART. 18. The acquisition and study of all sciences, arts and
crafts    r iS free, save in the case of such as may be forbidden by
ecclesiastical law.

ART. z6. The powers of the realm are all derived from the
  people; and the Fundamental Law regulates the employment of those   

  ART. 19. The foundation of schools at the expense of the government
and the nation, and compulsory instruction, must be regulated by the
Ministry of Sciences and Arts, and all schools and colleges must be
under the supreme control and supervision of that Ministry. 
  ART. ZO. All publications, except heretical books and matters
to the perspicuous religion [of Islam] are free, and are exempt from
censorship. If, however, anything should be discovered in them
to the Press law, the publisher or writer is liable to punishment
according to that law. If the writer be known, and be resident in
Persia, then the publisher, printer and distributor shall not be
to prosecution. 
  ART. 21. Societies (any~ma,;s) and associations (ij~imd'~) which are
not productive of mischief to Religion or the State, and are not
injurious to good order, are free throughout the whole Empire, but
members of such associations must not carry arms, and must obey the
regulations laid down by the Law on this matter. Assemblies in the
public thoroughfares and open spaces must likewise obey the police
  ART. 2~. Correspondence passing through the post is safeguarded and
exempt from seizure or examination, save in such exceptional cases as
the Law lays down.    
  ART. 23. It is forbidden to disclose or detain telegraphic
correspondence without the express permission of the owner, save in
cases as the Law lays down.    
  ART. Z4. Foreign subjects may become naturalized as Persian
but their acceptance or continuance as such, or their deprivation of
this status, is in accordance with a separate law. 
  ART. 25. NO special authorization is required to proceed against
government officials in respect of shortcomings connected with the
discharge of their public functions, save in the case of Ministers, in
whose case the special laws on this subject must be observed. 
Powers of the Realm. 
  ART. 27. The powers of the Realm are divided into three categories. 
  First, the legislative power, which is specially concerned with the
making or amelioration of laws. This power is derived from His
Majesty, the National Consultative Assembly, and the Senate, of which
three sources each t~as the right to introduce laws, provided ~at the
continuance thereof be dependent on their not being at variance ~rith
the standards of the ecclesiastical law, and on their approval by the
Members of the two Assemblies, and the Royal ratification. The
and appraval of laws connected with the revenue and expenditure of the
kingdom are, however, specially assigned to the National ConsultatiYe
Assembly. The explanation and interpretation of the laws are,
amongst the special functions of the abovementioned Assembly. 
  sefon~, the judicial power, by which is meant the determining of
rights. This power belongs exclusively to the ecclesiastical tribunals
in matters connected with the ecclesiastical law, and to the civil
tribunals in matters connected with ordinary law.    
  ~hird, the executive power, which appertains to the King, that is to
say, the laws and ordinances are carried out by the ~Iinisters and
officials in the august name of His Imperial Majesty in such manner as
the Law clefines. 
  ART. z8. The three powers above mentioned shall ever remain distinct
and separate hom one another. 
  ART. z9. The special interests of each province, department and
district shall be arranged and regulated, in accordance with special
laws on this subject, by provincial arsd departmental councils
  Rights of Mer,nbers of the Assembly. 
  ART. 30. The deputies of the National Consultative Assembly and of
Senate represent the whole nation, and not only the particular
provinces, department s or districts which have elected them. 
  ART. 31. One person cannot at one and the same time enjoy membership
of both Assemblies. 
  ART. 32. As soon as any deputy accepts any lucrative employment ~n
service of one of the departments of the government, he ceases 
to be a member of the Assembly, and bis re-acceptance as a member of
the Assembly depends on his resigning such government appointment, and
being re-elected by the people. 
  ART. 33. Each of the two Assemblies has the right to investigate and
examine every affair of state. 
  ART. 34. The deliberations of the Senate are ineffective when the
National Consultative Assembly is not in session. 
  Rights of the Persian Throne. 
  ART. 35. The sovereignty is a trust confided (as a Divine gift) by
people to the person of the King. 
  ART. 3G. rhe constitutional Monarchy of Persia is vested in the
of His Imperial Ma~esty Sultan Muhammad 'All Shah Qajar (may God
his sovereignty!) and in his heirs, generation after generation. 
  ART. 37. The succession to the Throne, in case of there being more
than one son, passes to the eldest son of the King whose mother is a
Princess and of Persian race. In case the King should have no male
issue, the eldest male of the Royal Family who is next of kin shall
next in succession to the Throne. If, however, in the case supposed
above, male heirs should subsequently be born to the King, the
succession will dejure revert to such heir. 
  ART. 38. In case of the decease of the Sovereign, the Crown Prince
only undertake in person the functions of the Throne provided that he
has attained the age of eighteen years. If he has not reached this
a Regent shall be chosen with the sanction and approval of the
Consultative Assembly and the Senate, until such time as the Crown
Prince shall attain this age. 
  ART. 39. No King can ascend the Throne unless, before his
he appear before the National Consultative Assembly, in presence of
Members of this Assembly and of the Senate, and of the Cabinet of
Ministers, and repeat the following oath:    
  "I take to witness the Almighty and Most High God, on the glorious
Word of Cod, and by all that is most honoured in God's sight, and do
hereby svrear that I will exert all my efforts to preserve the
independence of Persia, safeguard and protect the frontiers of my     

Kingdom and the rights of my People, observe the Fundamental Laws of
tbe Persian Constitution, rule in accordance with the established laws
of Sovereignty, endeavour to promote the Ja~farl doctrine of the
of the Twelve Imams, and will in all my deeds and actions consider God
Most Glorious as present and -'vatching me. I further ask aid from
from Whom alone aid is derived, and seek help from the holy spirits of
the Saints of Islam to render service to the advancement of Persia."  

  ART. 40. SO in like manner n~' one who is chosen as Regent can enter
upon his functions unless and until he repeats the above oath. 
  ART. 4T. In the event of the King's decease, the National
Assembly and the Senate must of necessity meet, and such meeting must
not be postponed later than ten days after the date of the King's
  ART. 42. If the mandate of the deputies of either or both of the
Assemblies shall have expired during the period of the late King's
and the new deputies shall not yet have been elected at the time of
decease, the deputies of the late Parliament shall reassemble, and the
t~ro Assemblies shall be reconstituted. 
   ART. 43. The King cannot, without the consent and approval of l   
  the National Consultative Assen~bly and the Senate, undertake the  
government of any other kingdom.
  ART. 44. The person of the King is exempted from responsibility. The
Ministers of State are responsible to both Chambers in all matters. 
  ART. 45. The decrees and rescripts of the King relating to affairs
State can only be carried out when they are countersigned by the
responsible Minister, who is also responsible for the authenticity of
such decree or rescript. 
  ART. 46. 'rhe appointment and dismissal of Ministers is efl-ected by
virtue of the [loyal Decree of the King. 
  ART. 47. The granting of military rank, decorations and other
distinctior,s shall be effected with due regard to the special law
referring to the person of the King. 
  ART. 48. The chaice of officials as heads of the various government
departments, whether internal or foreign, subject to the approval of

responsible Minister, is the King's right, save in such cases as are
specifically excepted by the 1 aw; but the appointment of other
does not lie with the King, save in such cases as are explicitly
provided for by the Law. 
  ART. 49. The issue of decrees and orders for giving effect to the
is the King's right, provided that under no circumstances shall he
postpone or suspend the carrying out of such laws. 
  ART. 50. The supreme command of all the forces, military and naval,
is vested in the person of the King. 
  ART. 51. The declaration of war and the conclusion of peace are
in the King.    
  ART. 52. The treaties which, conformably to article 24 of the
Fundamental ] aw promulgated on Dhu~l-Qa'da r4, A.H. 13_4 t= December
3o, 1906), must remain secret, shall be communicated by the King, with
the necessary explanations, to the National Consultative Assembly and
the Senate after the disappearance of the reasons which necessitated
such secrecy, as soon as the public interests and security shall
  ART. 53. The secret clauses of a treaty cannot in any case annul the
public clauses of the same. 
  Aar. 54. The King can convoke in extraordinary session the National
Consultative Assembly and the Senate. 
  ART. 55. The minting of coin, subject to conformity with the Law, is
in the name of the King. 
  ART. 56. The expenses and disbursements of the Court shall be
determined by law.    
  ART. 5 7. The Royal prerogatives and powers are only those
mentioned in the present Constitutional Law. 
  Concerning the Ministers. 
  ART. 58. NO one can attain the ran'~ of Minister unless he be a
Musulman by religion, a Persian by birth, and a Persian subject. 
  ART. 59. Princes in the first degree, that is to say the sons,
brothers and paternal uncles of the reigning King, cannot be chosen as

  ART. 60. Ministers are responsible to the two Chambers, and must, in
case of their presence being required by either Chamber, appear before
it, and must observe the limitations of their responsibility in all
matters as are committed to their charge. 
  ART. 61. Ministers, besides being individually responsible for the
affairs specially appertaining to their own Ministry, are also
collectively responsible to the two Charr~bers for one another's
in affairs oll a more general character.    
  ART. 6~. The number of Ministers shall be defined by law, according
to the requirements of the time. 
  ART. 63. The honorary title of Minister is entirely abolished.    
  ART. 64. Ministers cannot divest themselves of their responsibility
by pleading verbal or written c~rders from the King. 
  ART. 65. The National Consultative Assembly, or the Senate, can call
Ministers to account or bring them to trial. 
  ART. 66. The Law shall determine the responsibility of Ministers and
the punishments to which they are liable. 
  ART. 67. If the National Consultative Assembly or the Senate &hall,
by an absolute majority, declare itself dissatisfied with the Cabinet,
or with one particular Minister, that Cabinet or Minister ahall resign
their or his ministerial functions.    
  ART. 68. Ministers may not accept a salaried office other than their
  ART. 6g. Ihe National Consultative Assembly or the Senate shall
declare the delinquencies of Ministers in the presence of the Court of
Cassation, and the said Court, all the members of the tribunals
comprised in it being present, will pronounce judgement, save in cases
when the accusation and prosecution refer to the Minister in his
capacity, and are outside the scope of the functions of government
entrusted to him in his ministerial capacity. 
  (N.B. So long as the Court of Cassation is not established, a
Commission chosen from the Members of the two Chambers in equal
shall discharge the function of that Court.) 
  ART 70. The determination of the delinquencies of Ministers, and of
the punishments to ~vhich they are liable, in case they incur 
  the suspicion of the National Consultative Assembly or of the
or expose themselves to personal accusations on the part of their
opponents in the affairs of their department, will be regulated by a
special law. 
  Powers of the Tribunals of Just~ce. 
  ART. 71. The Supreme Ministry of Justice and the judicial tribunals
are the places officially destined for the redress of public
while judgement in all matters falling within the scope of the
Ecclesiastical Law is vested in just mujtah~d~s possessing the
  ART. 72. Disputes connected with political rights belong to the
judicial tribunals, save in such cases as the Law shall except. 
  ART. 73. The establishment of civil tribunals depends on the
of the Law, and no one, on any title or pretext, may establish any
tribunal contrary to its provisions. 
  ART. 74 No tribunal can be constituted save by the authority of the
  ART. 75. In the whole Kingdom there shall be only one Court of
Cassation for civil cases, and that in the capital; and this Court
not deal w ith any case of first instance, except in cases in which
Ministers are concerned. 
  ART. 76. All proceedings of tribunals shall be public, save in cases
where such publicity would be injurious to public order or contrary to
public morality. In such cases, the tribunal must declare the
of sitting clausis for~bas.    
  ART. 7 7. In cases of political or press offences, where it is
desirable that the proceedings should be private, this must be agreed
to by all the members of the tribunal. 
  ART. 78. The decisions and sentences emanating from the tribunals
be reasoned and supported by proof, and must contain the articles of
Law in accordance with which judgement has been gi~en, and they must
read publicly.    
  ART. 79. In cases of political and press offences, a jury must be
present in the tribunals.

  ART. 80. The presidents and members of the judicial tribunals shall
be chosen in such manner as the laws of )ustice determine, and shall
appointed by Royal Decree.    
  ART. 81. No ~udge of a judicial tribunal can be temporarily or
permanently transferred from his otTice unless he be brought eo
judgement and his offence be proved, save in the case of his voluntary
  ART. 82. The functions of a iudge of a judicial tribunal cannot be
changed save by his own consent. 
  ART. 83. The appointment of the Public Prosecutor is within the
competence of the King, supported by the approval of the
  ART. 84. The appointment of the members of the judicial tribunals
shall be determined in accordance with the Law. 
  ART. 85. The presidents of the judicial tribunals cannot accept
salaried posts under government? unless they undertake such service
without recompense, always provided that [in this case also] there be
no contravention of the Law. 
  ART 86. In every provincial capital there shall be established    
   a Court of Appeal for dealing with judicial matters in such wise as
is A:   
  expJicitly set forth in the laws concerning the administration of
  ART. 87. Military tribunals shall be established throughout the
Kingdom according to special laws. 
  ART. 88. Arbitration in cases of dispute as to the limitations of
functions and duties of the different departments of government shall,
agreeably to the provisions of the Law, be referred to the Court of
  ART. 84. The Court of Cassation and other tribunals will only give
effect to public, provincial, departmental and municipal orders and
laws when these are in conformity with the Law. 
  Provincial and Departmental Councils (anjumans).
  ART. 90. Throughout the whole empire provincial and departmental
councils a~rju~'a~zs) shall be established in accordance with special
regulations. The fundamental laws regulating such assemblies are as
  ART. 91. The members of the provincial and departmental councils
be elected immediately by the people, according to the regulations
goveming provincial and departmental councils. 
  ART. gz. The provincial and departmental councils are free to
complete supervision over all reforms connected with the public
interest' always provided that they observe the limitations prescribed
by the Law. 
  ART. 93. An account of the expenditure and income of every kind of
provinces and departments shall be printed and published by the
instrumentality of the provincial and departmental councils. 
  Concerning the Finances. 
  ART. 94. No tax shall be established save in accordance with the
  ART. 95. The Law will specify the cases in which exemption from the
payment of taxes can be claimed. 
  ART. 96. The National Consultative Assembly shall each year by a
majority of votes fix and approve the Budget. 
  ART. 97. In the matter of taxes there shall be no distinction or
difference amongst the individuals who compose the natiom 
  ART. 98. Reduction of or exemption from taxes is regulated by a
special law.    
  ART. 99. saYe in such cases as are explicitly excepted by Law,
can on any pretext be demanded from the people save under the
of state, provincial, departmental and municipal taxes. 
  ART. 100. No order for the payment of any allowance or gratuity can
be made on the Treasury save in accordance with the Law. 
  ART. 101. The National Consultative Assembly shall appoint the
of the Financial Commission for such period as may be determined by
  ART. 102. The Financial Commission is appointed to inspect and
the accounts of the Department of Finance and to liquidate the
of aLl debtors and creditors of the Treasury. It is especially deputed
to see that no item of expenditure fixed in the Budget exceeds       

the amount specified, or 1S changea or alterea, ;~nu ~laL ~;ll 'cC:ll.
expended in the proper manr~er. It shall likewise inspect and analysc
the different accounts of all the departments of State, collect the
documentary proofs of the expenditure indicatect in such accounts, and
submit to the National Consultative Assembly a complete statement of
accounts of the Kingdom, accompanied by its own observations.    
  ART. 103. The institution and organization of this commissior~ shall
be in accordance with the Law. 
  T he Army. 
  ART. 104. The Law determines the manner of recruiting thetroops, and
the duties and rights of the military, as well as their. . promotion,
are regulated by the Law.    
  ART. 105. 1he military expenditure shall be approved every year by
National Consultative Assembly. 
  ART. 106. No foreign troops may be employed in the service of the
State, nor may they remain in or pass through any part of the Kingdom
save in accordance with the Law.    
  ART. 107. The military cannot be deprived of their rights, ranks or
functions save in accordance with the Law. 
  (Co~ of the ar~gr~st I - erial ~Zescripl.) 
  "^ the AFa~nc of Gofl, lilessed a~d exalted is ~e. 
  "The complementary provitsions of the Fundamental (:ode of Laws have
been perused and are correct. Please (;od, our Royal Person ~vill
observe and regard all of them. Our sons and successors also will,
please (;ocl, confirm these sacr~:d laws and principles.    
  29 S:fia'`5a~i, A.H. r325, r7~ the Year of the Sheei (,~ `.SY)   =
Oct. 7, 1907),
In the Royal Palace of Tihran."

  (prO1nU[gate~ 0?! tJ`e twelf~k of J`~'ada ii, A.H. 1327).
  WHEREAS, in accordance with the requirements of the time, certain
articles of the Regulations for the election of Members to the
Consultative Assembly were seen to need alteration, agreeably to the
Command, irresistible as Fate, of His Most Sacred Royal and Imperial
Majesty (may God immortalize his dominion and rule) a Commission was
formed of well-wishers to the Nation in co-operation with members of
[former] National Assemb]y, comprising twenty members and deciding by
a majority of votes, to construct a new Electoral Law. 
  And whereas attention had been directed to four articles in the
Fundamental Law having reference to the matter of the Elections, the
modification of which articles was inconsistent with the principles
above-mentioned, in order to remove this difficulty the
Commission, with the concurrence of the well-wishers of the more
important provinces of Persia, submitted the more important articles
the Electoral Law which it had drawn up to the chief centres of the
ingdom, and delegated their powers in this matter to the Azarbayjan
centre. The most competent members of that important centre a~ proved
the modification af the four articles above-mentioned, and further
remarks on other material points. Thereafter, having due regard to the
observations of the Azarbayjan centre, this Electoral Law ~ras written
and codified, subject to this provision, that after the National
Assembly shall have been auspiciously opened, it shall, conformably to
the option assigned to it by the Fundamental Laws, exercise its
discretion as to the confirmation, rejection or emendation of each
article of the Electorat Law. 
  In the ~Van~e of God, the Aferc~i~i, the ~orgivirg. 
  ~J'e numlier of the ~Yal~o'`al Re~Orese'Jtalirres, and their
  accordi?;g fo Provinces aJld D~parIn~erts.
  ART. I. The number of the National Representatives for the National
Consultative ILssembly is fixed at one hundred and tv~enty. 
  ART. 2. The assigmllent of the National lkeprescutatiYes
proportionally to the estimated population of the provinces and the
importance of the locality is in accordance with the explanatory table
appended to the Electoral Law.    
  ART. 3. Since, by reason of the absence of the necessa~y appliances,
the places of election `~-ill be only in the large cities and smaller
towns, no mention has been made in this Electoral Law of most of the
districts and tribes whereof the centre of government lacks the
qualities of a town. Yet notwithstanding this, the inhabitants of such
districts and tribal areas in each department, subject to their
possessing the specified qualifications, are entitled to proceed to
of the towns of that department and take part in the electians. 
  Q~4al~ficaifons of 1~1ectors. 
  ART. 4. The electors shall be persons possessing the following
  (i) They must be Persian subjects. 
  (ii) They must be at least twenty years of age. 
  (iii) They must be locally known, aild, if not natives of or
in the district, they must have been domiciled in the electoral centre
or in its dependencies for at least six months before the election. 
  iv) They must possess property to the extent of 250 t4~NS (so) at
least, or must pay at least lo td~d?`s (,~) in taxes, or must be h1
receipt of a yearly income or earnings amounting to at least 50 Iumans
  ART. 5. The following are absolutely disqualified from electoral
  i) Women. 
  (ii) Persons not of full understanding, or such as are legally in
hands of guardians. 
  (iii) Foreign subjects. 
  (iv) Persons whose apostasy from the orthodox religion of Islam has
been established in the presence of a duly gualified representative of
the Holy Law.    
  (v) Persons under twenty years of age. 
  (vi) Fraudulent bankrupts. 
  (vii) Persons who have been guilty of murder or theft, criminals
liable to punishment according to the laws of Islam, and persons
suspected of murder, theft and the like who have not succeeded in
legally establishing their innocence. 
  (viii) Members of the naval and military forces actually engaged in
  ART. 6. Persons provisionally deprived of electoral rights are:    
  (i) Governors and Assistant-governors within their own command and
  Employes of the gendarmerie and police forces within the district of
their employment.

  Qual~j~cafions of Candidates Jor Electior.
  ART. 7. Candidates for Election must possess the following qualities
and status:    
  (i) They must profess the Faith of His Holiness Muhammad the son of
'Abdu'llah, unless they represent the Christian, Zoroastrian, or
communities, in which case also they must be sound in their respective
  (ii) They must be Persian subjects. 
  (iii) They must at least be able to read and write Persian to an
adequate degree.    
  (iv) They must be locally known. 
  (v) They must possess some knowledge of affairs of State. 
  (vi) They must have the reputation of being trustworthy and upright.

  (vii) Their age must not fall short of thirty, nor exceed seventy.  

  ART. 8. Persons disqualified for election are: 
  (i) Princes in the first degree, that is to say the sons, brothers,
and paternal uncles of the King. 
  (ii) Women. 
   (iii) Foreign subjects. :~
  (iv) Members of the military and naval forces actually in service. 
  (v) Persons employed in the service of the State, unless they
their off~ces during the period for which they act as representatives.

  (vi) Fraudulent bankrupts. 
  (vii) Persons who have committed murder or theft, and other
deserving punishment according to the Law of Islam, as well as persons
reputed guilty of murder, theft, etc., who have not legally
their innocence. 
  (viii) Persons whose age falls short of thirty or exceeds seventy
  ART. 9. In every electoral centre there shall be temporarily formed
a committee named the "Councilof Supervision"(Anju''ian-''-Waz~ral)
which shall superintend and be responsible for the correctness of the
  (ix) Persons whose apostasy from the orthodox faith of Islan1 shall
have been established in the presence of a duly qualiFed
Judge, and those who live in open sin. 
  ~ormal~on of the Coz`nci! of Superv~sio,i. 
  ART. IO. In places where, in conformity with the Law, there exists 
  a Provincial or Departmental Council, this Council of Supervision
shall consist of three members of such Provincial or Departmental
Council and four persons generally respected in the locality, under
presidency of the Governor. ~I'hese four persons shall be appointed,
subject to the approval of the Governor, by the Provincial or
Departmental Council from outside its members. 
  ART II. ln places ~here no Provincial or Departmental Council    
has yet been formed in conformiry with the Law, the Council of

shall consist of the Governor, the acting governor (Kdr-g~zdr), one
well-known local ecclesiastical authority, one Prince, two notables,
and two merchants of repute. (In any place where one of the persons
above-mentioned is not to be found, one of the notables or merchants
shall be elected in his place.? 
  ART. 12. In large towns the Council of Supervision may form separate
branches in each quarter, consisting of the Rad,-khu~ and five
trustworthy inhabitants of the quarter, to give out the voting papers.

  ART. 13. The Council of Siapervision shall from its own members
one or two secretaries. 
  ART. 14. The Councii of SuperYision shall be dissolved one week
the conclusion of the elections. 
  Melhod of ~:Icetion.
  ART. 15. The elections throughout the whole of Persia shall be in
  Dc~'on (i).-What is meant by election in two degrees is that first
all in the quarters of one city, or in the towns of one Electoral
Division they shall elect a fixed number tof persons] who shall be
called "the Elected."After this the persons thus elected in the first
degree shall meet in the centre of the Electoral Division and shall in
turn elect from amongst themselves the requisite number. The persons
thus elected in the second degree shall be the representatives. 
  Dc~n;`ion (ii).-TYhat is meant by an Electoral Division is those
portions of the Kingdom which, according to the schedule set forth in
these Regulations, conjointly elect one or more persons and send them
directly as Members to the National Consultative Assembly,
of whether such division be under one or several governments. The
of the division is that point where the elections in the second degree
of the clivision take place. 
  ART. 6. The elections in the first and second degrees will in
be multiple elections, save in places which, according to the schedule
of the Regulations, have only the right to elect one person. In such
cases single election will be practiced.

+P390;lio,'.-What is meant by "multiple elections"is that each of the
electors rccor~ls on his voti~lg l~aper tl~c names of persons
corresponding in number with the total number of members [assigned for
the representation of that place]. What is meant by "single
that each one of the electors writes on his ~oting paper the name of
person only. 
  ART. 17. Elections in the first degree shall be by relative
and elections in the second degree by absolute majority. 
  ~efin'`'on.-What is meant by "absolute majority"is that more than
the voters vote for one person. 
  ART. 18. In the elections in the first degree those persons who
an absolute majority relatively to the total number of electors in
electoral rlistrict are disllens~d from election h1 the second degree,
and are accepted as rne~nbers of the National Consultative Assembly. 
  ART. 19. In the elections in the second degree if, on the first and
second occasions, an absolute majority be not obtained for any person,
on the third occasion that person shall be deemed elected on his
relative majority. 
  ART. ~O. In case of an equality of votes bet~een two or more
if the electim1 of one of them be necessary, that one shall be
determined by vote.    
  ART. ZI. In elections of the first degree, the number of thase
in each Electoral Division shall be three times the number of the
representatives fixed for the Division according to Article z. 
  ART. 22. In the Electoral Division of Tibran the elections in the
first degree shall be conducted fro~n five quarters, each of which is
under the control of a ~aa,-~Izua,i, according to such apportionment
as shall be determined by the Council of Supervision.    
  ART. 23. In the Electoral Divisions of the Provinces and Departments
the elections of the first degree shall be conducted by relative
maioritY in all the to~vns of each Division. Thereaf~er those elected
in the first degree shall assemble at sucb time 35 the Ccntral Council
of Supervision shall determine at the ~ivisional Centre, and shall
collectively choose, by absolute majority, representativeS from
their number, according to the number assigned in conformity with
Article 2 to that Division.    
  ART. 24. The five principal nomad tribes, namely the Shah-savans of
[zarbbyjan, the 13akhtiyarls, the Qashqi'is, the 'Five Tribes' of
and the rurkmans, shall each send directly one representative to be a
member of the National Consultative Assembly. The tribal elections
shall be in two degrees, but the Ministry of the Interior shall
determine the number of those elected in the first degree by each
and the Electoral Centre of the second degree. In this case the
elections in the Second Degree shall be by votes. 
  ART. O5. In case those persons elected by the ~:omponent towns shall
not present themselves at the Centre of that Division at the tin~e
for their appearance by the Central Council of Supervision, the right
of election shall lapse in their case for that [electoral] cycle, and
those who present themselves at the appointed time shall choose the
representatives of that 1)ivision from amongst their number.    
  ART. Z6. No one of the electors has the right to vote more than
save in cases where a new election shall be necessary. 
  ART. 27. In the first degree the electors are not absolutely
to elect from those resident in their ov~n quarter. 
  Iss?`e of tke z~ot'ng patcrs ~ delerm~ne the ~iectors. 
  ART. 28. The Council of Supervision shall prepare and publish from
five to fifteen days before the day fixed for the election, according
to the importance of the place, a proclamation. 
  P`RT. 29. The above-mentioned proclamation shall include the
  li) The qualifications of the electors and the elected. 
  (ii) The place and times at which the Council of Supervision' or
[local] branch thereof, will distribute the voting papers. 
  (iii)l The place and times at which the Council of Supervision will
be prepared to receive the votes. 
  (iv) The number of representatives ubom the voters are entitled to
  ART. 30. If those persons who possess the qualifications of electors
do not claim their voting papers within the period fixed by the
of Supervision for claiming them, their right of election for that
lapses.        1

  ART. 31. The voting paper given to each of the electors shall
the followh1g particulars: 
  (i) Number and date. 
  (ii) Name of the holder and his father. 
  (iii) Occupation and abode. 
  (iv) Time and place at which the holder must present himself to
his rote.    
  (v) Hour of opening and closing of the poll. 
  (Yi) Seals or signatures of the members of the Council of

   ... ART. 3Z. The Council of Supervision, or the [locall branch
  shall record in the special register [set apart for that purpose]
the   voting papers issued by it in order of their numbers.
  ART. 34. After the lapse of the period fixed by the CounciL of
Supervision for taking the votes, no voting paper shall be received
  Co?tcern'?~g ff~e akin"aJld counting of Ike votes, and f~
  delerm`nation of ~ose elected.
  ART. 33. The period for taking the votes shall be from one to three
days' according to the importance of the place, as shall be determined
by the Council of Supervision.    
  ART. 35. The voting must be secret, and therefore the voter, before
entering the polling booth, must write the name or names of the
candidate or candidates for whom he votes, without any further
indication, on a piece of white paper, which he must roll up and bring
with him. 
  ART. 36. After the arrival of the members of the Council of
Supervision and the opening of the poll at such time as has been
announced, the President of the Council of Supervision, before
to take the votes, shall open the box appointed for receiving the
in the presence of the members of the Council and such of the voters
may be present, and shall shew that it is empty. 
  ART. 37. Each of the voters on arriving at the polling booth shall
quietly give his voting paper to one of the members tof the Council of
Supervision] designated for this purpose. 
  ART. 38. The receiver of the voting paper shall read out its number
aloud, in order that the Secretary of the Council may find and mark it
off in the register for recording votes. After thus marking off the
number, the receiver shall cancel that voting paper and restore it to
its owner, and shall place his vote, without looking at it, in the
ballot box. In case of circumstances which shall necessitate a fresh
election, voters shall keep their cancelled roting papers. 
  ART. 39. Ntoters after recording their votes and receiving back
cancelled roting paper shall, in case of over-crowding, disorder or
confusion [in the polling booth], withdraw, at the command of the
President, from the polling booth.    
  ART. 40. In places where the election is not concluded in one day,
the members [of the Council of Superrision] shall, at the close of
day's session, seal up the ballot box with all necessary precautions,
and on the next day the same members shall reopen it. 
  ART. 41. After the announcement of the conclusion of the poll, the
President of the Council [of Superrision] shall empty the ballot box
the presence of the other members [of the Council] and of those
and shall order the votes to be counted.    
  ART. 4~. One of the members [of the Council] shall count the voting
papers and compare their numbers with the list of voters the number of
whose voting papers has been marked off in the register of votes. In
case of any excess of voting papers, a deduction shall be made from
total corresponding to this excess, which shall thus be annulled, and
the result shall be recorded in the report of the Council. 
  ART. 43. One of the members shall read out the voting papers aEoud
by one, while another member hands them to him, and three others
on a large sheet of paper the names in the order in which they are
  ART. 44. In case more or fewer than the allotted number of names
have been written on the voting papers, the electoral act shall not be
considered null and void. In the former case the superfluous names
be omitted at the end [of the list or the voting paper]. 
  ART. 45. Such voting papers as shall be blank or illegible, or which
do not clearly specify the candidate voted for, or which are signed by
the roter, or which consist of more than one paper, shall not

  be counted, but shall be attached just as they are to the Report of
  Immediately after the counting and calculation of the
  ~-votes, the President shall announce the result aloud and destroy
  woting papers, except such as are mentioned in the preceding
  o the Report of the Council. 
ART. 47. The Secretary shall write out three copies of the Report of
polling, and cause them to be signe~1 by the members of the Council of
Supervision. Of these one copy shall be sent to the Giovernment,
anotiler copy thrGugh the Government to the National Consultative
Assembly and a third copy, together with the register 3.- recurding
votes, to the Provincial or Departmental Council of the centre of that
Elcctoral District. 
  ART. 48. E'ersons not provided with voting papers have no right to
enter the polling booth. 
  ART. 49. It is strictly forbidden that any one carrying arms should
enter the polling booth 
  ART. so. After the conclusion of the elections, the names of those
elected in the first and second degree shall be announced in the
newspapers hy the local governor.    
  ART. 51. Candidates elected in the smaller towns must tee provided
with a certificate of election (i''bar.~dma) signed by the local
of Supervision, and n~ust shew it to the central Council of
So likewise those representatives who are elected in the centre of the
Electoral District 5S hIembers of the National Consultative Assembly
must be provided with a certificate of election signed by the Central
Council of Supervision, which they must hand over to the Registry of
National Consultative Assembly. 
  0n co?npla~nfs 17' reference to the ~lections.
  ART. 52. If at the time of the elections any voter or candidate has
any complaint or objection to make in regard to the election, this
not hh~der the completion of the election, but an account of such
complaint must be h~serted in the Report of the Polls. 
  ART. 5 ;. Complaints and objections concerning the elections must be
made known to the Council of Supervision within a week after the 

conclusion of the elections, so that the Council may investigate and
decide them, and append its conclusion to the Report of the Polls. 
  ART. 54. If those who have complaints to make about the elections
not satisfied with the decision of the Council of Supervision, they
submit their complaints to the National Consultative Assembly within
first month after the opening of that Assembly, and the decision of
Assembly shall be final. (Complaints referring to elections taking
after the opening of the National Consultative Assembly must reach the
Assembly within the nrSt month after such election has taken place.) 
  ART. 55. Should any candidate or representative be elected by means
of bribes or threats, the election of such candidate or representative
shall, after the charge has been proved to the Council of Supervision
or the National Consultative Assembly, be null and void, and he shall
further be subject to such penalties as the Law shall determine in his
  ART. 56. Those persons who have the right to vote are entitled to
raise objections to the elections. 
  0~! VariOus mal~e~s. 
  ART. 57. As soon as half the representatives of the people plus one,
that is to say 61 [successful candidates], sha]l reach Tihran, the
National Assembly shall be opened, and the decision of a majority of
them shall be valid and effective.    
  ART. 58. The beginning of a [new] electoral period shall be two
after the day on which the National Consultative Assembly shall be
  ART. 59. At the conclusion of such period of two years the Repre~
sentatives must be elected again. Constituents have the right to re-
elect any Representative whom they wish. 
  ART. 60. The confirmation of h[embers of the National Consultative
Assembly depends on the designation and approva of that Assembly. 
  ART. 6 r. The travelling expenses of those elected in the first and
second degree, both for going and returning, shall be paid by the     

Government of each place, with the concurrence of the Council of
Supervision, at the rate of five `~r~f~s a l~arasang, in addition to
five t2~'lans 1 = 50 yrdn.C, or about I) for the expenses of
five days in the District Centre.    
  ART. 6~. If a Member of the National Consultative Assembly shall
resign or die, and if more than three months remain before the
conclusion of the Electoral Period, the National Assembly shall, by an
absolute majority, elect another to take his place.    
  ART. 63. In Tihran ten days after these Regu]ations have received
sanction of the Imperial Autograph, and in the Provh~ces five days
the arrival of the said Regulations, the Council of Supervision shall
be constituted and the elections shall begin. 
  (Signatures of the Members of tbe (:mnmission for draffing the
Electoral Regulations)-
  [Here follows the table of the Electoral Districts and their
representation. This table is arranged in six columns, strewing (i)
names of the Electoral Districts; (ii) the Centre of each District;
(iii) the number of Representatives which each is entitled to send to
the National 
Assembly; (iv) the number of Candidates elected "in the first degree,"
which is always (except in the case of the nomad tribes, where it is
specified, being left to the determination of the Minister of the
Interior) thrice as many as the number of Representatives finally
chosen; (v) the polling places of elections in the first degree in
Electoral District; and (vi) the number of persons elected in the
degree in each, or in other words the number of members contributed by
each to the Electoral College of the District, which in turn chooses
one-third of its number as Representatives in the National Assembly.
These particulars, which I have not thought it necessary to preserve
tabular form, are as follows:] 
7~ilrci'2 and ~ependencies (centre, Tibran) has 5 polling places,
v'~. the Oawlat, Sanglach and Shahr-i-Naw, 'IJd-lajan, Chala-maydan
ll.iz;ir quarters, svEicl1 together elect 45 Representatives "in the
first degree," of whom 1 5 one-third) finally represent the district
in the National Assembly. The apportionment of these 45 amongst the
parishes or quarters is not specified, being left to the determination
of the Councii of Supervision. 
  2. Azarta';~n (centre, Tabriz) has rg polling places, v~z. Tabriz
(26), Urmiya (5), Khuy (4), Dilmaqan (~), Maku (1), Maragha 2), Binab
I), Mayan-i-Du-[b (I), Sawujbulagh (2), DiLkhwaraqan r), Marand (~),
Ahar (2), Ardabil (4), Mish~in (~), istara (I), Khalkhal (~), Sarab
Mayanaj (I), $;a'in-Qal'a (I): total 57 Representatives "in the first
degree," of whom 19 (one-third) finally represent the district in the
National Assembly. 
  3. The Shah-suz~an tribe sends one Representative to the Assembly.
remaining details are left to the decision of the Minister of the
  4. X)iura'san (centre, Mashhad) has 12 polling places, viz. Mashhad
(12), Quchan 3), Bujnurd (2), Dara-Juz (~), Jam and Bakharz I),
(3), Sabzawar (4), Khwaf I), Turshiz (I), Turbat-i-Haydarl (3), Tcin
(I), Tabas (~): total, 33, of whom II finally represent the district. 
  5. Sisan and Qd'indt centre, Birjand) has only 2 polling places,
Nusrat-abad in Sistan (l) and Birjand (2): total, 3, of whom one
represents the district.    
  6. f~a'rs centre, Siliraz) has IO polling places, z~z. Shiraz (~o),
Kazarun (z)' Babbahan (3), Niriz (I), `4bada (I), Lar (3), Fasa (r),  

  Jahrum (1), Galla-d ir (I), Darabjird (I) total, z4, of whom 8
repr~:sent rlle district. 
  7. The ~shqu'i tribe sends one Representative to the Assembly. The
details are left to the Minister of the Interior. 
  8. The Fi~e Tribes (f~ff-i-~iamsa) also send one Representative.    
  9. The (]ulf Port and Islands (~anadir u Jazd'ir), with Bushire
Shahr) for their centre, have 5 polling places, vfz. Bushire (z),
Bur.izjiil1, fashti and Tangistan IT), Bandar-i-'Abbas (I), Bandar-
iKhamir and the Islands (Ij, and Bandar-i-Linga II) ttltal, 6, of whom
z finally represent the district. 
  IO. ~irman (centre, Kirma~n) has 7 polling places, viz. Kirman (8),
Rafsinjan (z), Saiid-abad and Sirjan (1), Khabis (1), Rawar (I), 
  Zarand (1), Aqta' wa Afsha (1~: total, 15, of whom 5 finally
the district.    11. ~afuchistan, ~am and N'r~iashir (centre, Bam)
only z polling places, Bam (z) and Baluchistan (1), and only one
finally represents the district.    
  I Z. ~4starabad (one pollinL; place at Astarabad) elects 3
of whom one finally represents the district. 
  . '1'he 7~urliman tribe sends one llepresentative to the Assembly. 
  14 Isfakdn (centre Isfahfin) has 5 polling places, viz. Isfahan (5),
Qumishah (I), Najaf-abad (1), Quhpaya (I), and Ardistan (~): total, 9,
of whom 3 finally represent the district. 
  . The ~akhfi)arc tribe sends one RepresentatiYe to the Assembly.    
  16. Buruyird (one polling place at Burt~jird) elects 6 candidates,
whom z finally represent the district. 
  17. Khamsa and 7drunz (centre, Zanjan) have 3 polling places, viz.
Zanjan (4), Abhar (I) and Tarum (1): total, 6, of whom z finally
represent the district.    
  18. S'awa and Zarand (centre, Sawa) have only z polling places, u''z
Sawa (z) and Zarand (1): total, 3, of whom one finally represents the
  19. Sh~fIirfcd and ~isla'?' (centre, Shahrud) have only two polling
places, viz. Sh.illrud (zy and 13istan1 (I): total, 3, of whom one
finally represents the district.    
  20. 'Iraq (centre, Sultan-abad) has 3 polling places, viz.
(4), ishtiyan (I) and 'tatrish (I): total, 6, of whon1 z hnally
represent the district.    

  ~ I. 'Aral~istrin (centre, Sh~ishtar), has 4 polling places, z~iz.
Shushtar t2), DizLil (3), l~lul1alllmara wa 'Ashatir (3), Bandar-i-
Nasirl (I~: total, 9, of whom 3 finally represent the district. 
  zz. ~niz-kuJi (I) and l)am~zoand (z): total, 3, of whom one finally
represents the district. 
  z3. Qa~win centre, Qazwin) has 4 polling places, viz. Qazwin (3),
Tarum-i-Sufla (~), Kharaqan (I), and Talaqan (I): total, 6, of whom 2
finally represent the district.    
  ~4. Qani chooses 3 candidates, of whom one represents the district. 
  z5. ~ashan (4), .Jiishydn (I) and JVafanz (`I): total, 6, of whom z
represent the district. 
  ~6. ~Yiirdisf~i?i (centre, Sinandij) has 5 polling places, viz.
Sinandij (4), Saqaz (~), Bana I), Uraman (I) and Mariwan (I): total,
of whom 3 represent the district.    
  z7. ~ir,'idnshaliar (centre, Kirmanshah) has 3 polling places, viz.
Kirmanshah (6), Sunqur (z) and Kangawar (I): total, 9, of whom 3
represent the district.    
  z8. Garrds (centre, Bijar) elects 3 candidates, of whom one
the district.    
  zg. Gz`Ipayag~n (z), ~llwans~r (I), ~Ya?nra (I) and the Mahall and
other districts (~) elect 6 candidates, of whom z finally represent
  30. Gz~n and ?~a?ualish ("the Talishes": centre, Rasht) has 8
places, vi'z. Rasht (6), Anzali (z), Lahijan (z), Rudbar and Daylaman
(I), Langar~d (I), Fuman (1), Gurgan-rud I), and Talish and Dulab (I):
total, 15, of whom 5 finally represent the district. 
  31. :ums~n (centre, Khurram-abad) has two polling places,
(4) and Pusht-i-Kuh (z): total, 6, of whom z represent the district. 
  3~. Mazanda~n, 7~=n~liun and Sa~vad-4ziJi (centre, Sari), has 8
polling places, viz. Sari (z), Barfurdsh (3), Amul (T), Tunkabun (~),
Sawad-Kuh (I), Ashraf (I), Mashhad-i-Sar (I), and Nur (I): total, r:,
of whom 4 finalLy represent the district.    
  33. Mala)~ir, ~hdwand and ~Ho~sirkdn (centre, I?awlat-abad) have 3
polling places, Dawlat-abad (3), Nihawand (z) and Tuysirkan tr):
6, of whom z finally represent the district.

  34. Hamadd:n (5) and Asad-`fhff] ( I): total, 6, of whom z represent
the district.    
  35. Yac:d and its dependencies (centre, Yazd) has 5 polling places,
tnz.Yazd (4), Natin 1~2~' Shahr-i-Babak (~), Ardakan (I) and 'Aqda
total, 9, of whorn 3 finally represent the district. 
  36. Finally the Armenians, "Chaldaeans"(i.e. Nestorian Christians),
Zoroastrians and Jews have each one Representative. 
  f~ranslation of I'~lperial 12cscr~p! conclud''ig and co?,~rming   ~e
  "lrrl his 2~a'~e, 3lessea7 ~nd Exalf`d is ~e!
  "'rO S`l~d~'d-l~a~la' Chief Minister. 
  "The Regulations for the Election of Deputies drawn up 
  agreeably to Our Supreme Will by the Special Commission, and
comprising sixty-three articles, are correct. Cause them at once to be
printed and circulated, and let the Minister for the Interior
immediately take the necessary steps to prepare for the elections at
Tibran and in the Provinces. 
  IZ JUH1ada i;, A.H. 13Z7 (=July I, A.~. 1909). 
   [Signed] ''Muhammad 'All Shah Q`ijar."

        I (For most of the following notes I am indebted to my
friend M~rza M~hanzntad itn 'Abdn'i-Wabhab of Qazwfn, who zwas kind
enor6zgh to read the proofs of this book as it passed throngh the
7'hese notes are disting~ished by the lelterS " M M." placed after
the~n. {he " Memorandum on Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din " owe to Mr Wilfrid
~cawe'3 BJ/unt, z~hzle ~ have added some further notes ri~yselffrom
information collect~dfro'n vanous sources while the book was
        NOTE I (0~ Chapter I ). SIYYID JAMABU~D-Df N. 
        Mr Wilfrid Scawen Blunt writes (May 27, 1909): 
        "I knew Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din well, and saw much of him in the
years 1883, 1884 and 1885. The first time I met him was in London in
spring of 1883. He had just landed from America, where he had
for some months after his expulsion from India, with a view to
American naturalisation. Later, in the month of September in the same
year, we met again at Paris. He was living then in the company of
certain Egyptian refugees of my acquaintance, and I was anxious to see
him in order to consult him about a visit I intended making to India,
as I wished to obtain introductions from him to some of the principal
Indian Muslims, the object of my visit being to ascertain their
condition as a community, and their relations with the rest of Islam
with the Reform Movement. I find the following note regarding him in
diary of the time: 
        '''Setst. 3, 1883. $abUnjI [my private secretary] came in with
Shaykh JaTnalu'd-Din. When I saw him in London in the spring he wore
Shaykh's dress. Now he has clothes of the Stambouli cut, which sit,
however, not badly upon him. He has learned a few words of French, but
is otherwise unchanged. Our talk was of India, and of my being able to
get the real confidence of the Muslims there. He said that my being an
Englishman would make this very difficult, for all who had anything to
lose were in terror of the Government, which had its Spies everywhere.
He himself had been kept almost a prisoner in his house, and had left
India through fear of worse. Any Shaykh who galned notoriety in India
was tracked and bullied, and, if he persisted ~n an independent
was sent on some charge or other to the ndannan Islands. People, he
said, would not understand that I iShed them well, and would be too
prudent to talk. The poorer PeOple might [do so, but] not the Shaykhs
or the Princes. He thought 
Haydarabad would be my best point, as there were refugees there from
every province in India, and tbey were less afraid of the English
Government. He said he would write me some private letters to explain
my position, and Lwould also write] to the editors of some Muhammadan
newspapers. I told him what the political position (in England) was,
and how necessary it seemed to me to be that the Muslims should shew
that they joined with the Hindoos in supporting the Ripon policy. All
depended on the Indians strewing a united front. He said that they
have courage if it could be proved to them that there were people in
England who sympathised with them; but they only saw Lhe officials
never srr.iled when they spoke to them."
  ``'~. 14, 1883. Jamalu'd-Din, Sanna ("Abu Naddara") and $ab`5nji
to breakfast, and we stayed talking all day. J;he Shaykh brought with
him letters which he had written...and which may be of great value. He
told us some interesting particulars as to his own people and family,
repudiates the idea of the Afghans being a Semitic pc`~ple, an~l says
that, on the contrary, they are Aryans, like the inhabitants of
ludia. But his own family is Arabian, and they have always preserved
it the tradition of the Arabic language, which he speaks with great
perfection. He also discoursed on history. I read them my poem (he
a~id ~e Whir~wJnd, which Sabunji translated to the Shaykh. He said
if he had been told that there was in the world an Englishman who
sympathised ~vith the misfortunes of India, he would not believe it.'
tw.~. He began a translation of it, which I have somewhere amongst my
papers, if I could find it.] 
  "The letters which the Shaykh gave me proved of the greatest
use to me. I found him held everywhere in India in the highest esteem,
and I was receiYed as few Englishmen have been for his sake. At
there were a number of young Muslim students who were entirely devoted
to his Pan-Islamic doctrines of liberal reform, and the same was the
case in others of the chief cities of Northern India. He was a whole-
hearted opponent of English rule, but at the same time without the
smallest fanatical prejudice, and would have welcomed honest ternns of
accommodation with England, had he believed such to be obtainable~
was proved to me later on my return to Europe in 1884. 
  "I found him again at Paris that spring, living with my friend
Muhammad 'Abduh in a little room some eight feet square at the top of
a house in the Rue de Seize, which served them as the office of the
Arabic newspaper they were editing-the 'Indissoluble Link' [le [icn
In~fissofub~, al-' LJrze~a~'l-[~c~hq`~]. He was delighted at the
of my Indian journey, and urged me to further exertions in the cause
Islam. It was a mon~ent of great excitement both in England and at
Cairo, in connection with General Gordon's mission to Khartoum, and I
sought his advice and help as to the possibility of sending a mission
of peace to the ~labdi, with ~vhom he was more or less ~n
and his intervention to effect Gordon's withdrawal.    
  He expressed his willingness to help in such a project, if he could
assured of the bona des of our Foreign Office, and on my arrival in
London I put myself in com~nunication with Gladstone about it.
Gladstone, I believe, would have willingly availed himself of his
assistance, and the matter even went so far as to be laid before the
Cabinet. But a peaceable issue was not in the designs of the Foreign
Office, and the offer was rejected. 
  '` In the follo~ing year, r885, G1adstone having gone out of office,
and Lord Randolph Churchill, with whom I was friendly, having become
Secretary of State for India, I got Jamalu'd-Din to come over to
to see him, in order to discuss the terms of a possible accord between
Lngland and Islam. 3:Ie remained with me as a guest for over three
months, partly at Crabbet, partly in London, when I came to know him
very intimately. I introduced him to several of my political friends,
notably Churchill and Drummond Wolff, and I have interesting notes of
his conversations at my house with both of them. At one time it was
arranged that he should accompany Wolff to Constantinople o~l his
special missioll to the Sult;in, with a view to his exercising his
induence with the Pan-Islamic eniouraf~e of 'Abdu'l-Flamid in favour
a settlement which should include the evacuation of Egypt, and an
English alliance against Russia with Turkey, Persia and Afghanistan.
Unfortunately NVolff at the last moment sutTered himself to be dis.
suaded from taking the Siyyid with him, and I attribute (in part at
least) to this change of mind the difficulties he met with in his
mission and its ultimate failure. The Siyyid was greatly offended at
being thus thrown over, for his ticket to Constantinople had been
already taken; and, after lingering on for some weeks in London, he
ultimately left in dudgeon for Moscow, where he made acquaintance with
Katkoff and threw himself into the opposite camp, that of the
of a RussoTurkish alliance against England'. 
I lost sight of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din for several years, but in 193 I
found him established at Constantinople as a prime faYourite with
'Abdu'l-Hamid, one of his pensioners at the MusdfirkA'dne [guest house
at Nisban-Tash, just outside the Yildiz garden-wall. Only a few days
before my arrival he had brought himself into prominent    
   notice at one of the Court ceremonies connected with the ~ayrdm
festival. A court official had sought to turn him back, but, with the
independence which had always been his characteristic, he had insisted
that he had a right as an '~lim tdoctor of theology] and a sayyid
[descendant of the Prophet to a place of equality with anyone there,
had forced his way forward. This had attracted the attention of the
Sultan, who had called him up and made him stand next him behind the
imperial chair, 'nearer even than the chief Eunuch.' This, I say, was
Yery characteristic of him, for be had a democratic contempt of
pretensions, and had asserted himself in much the same way many years
before with the then Shaykbu'l-lrsldm, on the occasion of his first
visit to Constantinople, and with a like result. Nevertheless, 
  l some particulars concerning this secret mission to Russia are
on pp. to3zo5 of the Introduclion to the H`story af t1ie .4zi~ak~ni,ig
of tJ,' P`rsians. He seems to have hI. de Giers, bI. Zinorieff,
~ladame Novikoff.

though in high favour in 1893, he was under that close surveillance to
which 'Abdu'l-Hawkl sulijccted ali his gt~ests. 
  "On the occasion of my first visit to him at the A~sa~r-kh~na I had
my daughter with me, and he was delighted to see us. fhe rooms he
occupied were handsome ones, and he was sitting surrounded by his
friends, men for the most part of the learned class. He rose with
alacrity to receive us, kissed me on both cheeks, made my daughter sit
in an arm-chair of ceremony, and gave tIS tea and coffee, entertaining
us the ~vhile with animated talk in the mixture of Arabic and French
had always used with IIS. He talked very freely on all matters, his
other guests, T think, knowing only Turkish. The next day he returned
our visit at our hose] in Pera. He was very anxious that I should see
the Sultan, and I regret that I missed the opportunity. Bl~t audiences
at that time needed much manceuvring with court officials, and much
waiting, and I could not remain on at Constantinople, being on rny way
through from Egypt to England. On the occasion of a second visit I
hiltl, he told me much that was interesting of bis position in that
strange world of Yildiz, where he was half guest, half prisoner. I le
was happy in it at the time, for the favour he enjoyed gave hin1
iniQuence and did not set a seal upon his mouth He was always a free
  4'I am glad to have seen him then' for later he fell upon less
fortunate days, and, through the intrigues of Shaykh Abu'l-Huda [the
late Sultants astrologer], who regarded him with jealousy, the
favour was withdrawn. Nevertheless he continued to reside at
to the end. I have little doubt in rny own mind that he was privy to
assassination of the Shah (I mean that his violent words led to its
bei~g undertaken by one of his Persian disciples), for Jamalu'd-llin
no milk-and-water revolutionist. Also I am not disinclined to believe
the story of his fatal illness having been the result ol poison. He
many enemies, and he had become an encumbrance to 'Abdutl-Hamid. Be
as it niay, his last days were sad ones According to Shaykh Muhammad
'Abduh, who told me of it at the time, his fall from favour with the
Sultan had caused his former friends to avoid him, and he found
gradually deserted by his fellowresidents in the Musddr-lkalza, and
in the arms of a single devoted    
  servant, and that servant a Christian."
  NOTE ~ (on p. zo). H.4JIT SAYY1H, FURUGHf AND
  .~j~ Say)~`ih ~ MahalMlz is, or was until lately, the tutor of the
young Shah (Sultan Ahmad~, while his brother Mirza Ja'far is teacher
Persian in the University of Moscow. 
  Milza hIuhammad Husa,~n of Isfahan, with the poetical nom dc g~erre
of ur~g-hi, and the title of Zul`'u'l-Mulk (now borne by his sor'
Muhammad 'All Khan secretary to the MajI's), was during the reign of
Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah the proprietor and editor of the 
7'arbrr~rt, one of the best Persian newspapers of that period, and was
accounteil onc of the n~ost talented poets and writers of his time.
was on friendly ter~ns both with Siyyid Jamaltl'd-l)in and Prince
hIalkom Khan, and was in consequence imprisoned bv the
He died not long before the coz~ d'etaf of June, 1908.    
  Muhammad Hasan Khan ['tinrea~'Z's-Saltafla was the son of Hajji
Khan ~a,iib~'d-awita, the notorious farra'sh-oashi and chief
executioner of Nasiru'd-Din Shah, who achieved an unenviable notoriety
in connection with the persecution of the Babis in 18~0-1852, and the
destruction of his benefactor Mirza faqi Khan Amir-i-~Yabir. (See vol.
ii of my Tre~e`~`'er's ~Va~ratiie, p 5z, n. I, and the references to
Watson and Polak there given, and pp. z56-5 of my ~ew iSris~orv.)
Although Siyyid 3amalu d-Din apparently thought highly of the
l'`UnradZz's-Salfarra, in the opinion ot others he was a charlatan and
a scoundrel, ignorant, illiterate and pretentious'. He could not even
spell decently, and the ~vorks published in his name were written by
of learning acting under compulsion and prompted by fear of his
  NOTE 3 (0N . 34). M. ANTO[NE KITABJf. 
  hl. Antoine Kitabji was born at Constantinople in 1843, and died in
Italy, at I,eghorn, in 190Z. He was presented to Nasir~Z'd-Din Shah in
1878, entered the service of the Persian Government in 1879, and in
left Persia to become Cot~nsellor of the Persian Legation at Brussels.
Ior this information I an1 indebted to his son Dr P. Kitabji, whose
intelligence impressed me very favourably. Another son, Edward, shewed
great kindness to the Persian refugees who came to London after the
fl'f'tat of June, 1908. 
  NOTE 4 (oil p. 78). MfRZi Ah.-lMAD OF KIRMAN AND
  Siyyid HASAN.
  Hajji Mirza Allmad of Kirman was, like Hajji Shaykh Ahmad ~RZihI ~
Kirman (from ~vhom he ~nust be carefully distinguished), an Azali
and his companion to whom allusion is here made was almost certainly
Siyyid Hasan, known as .sfihlb~t3-za~a~nf, on account of his clainn to
be the expected IvIaDdi. I n consequence of the disturbance created by
their propaganda at Hamadan, they were troth arrested and imprisoned
I ibr.Zn [ here Abrza Ahmad diecl of dysentery, ht~t f;avyid l.~iasan
~vas released hy the influence of his uncle the AlushirZf's-Sai~ana,
afterwards the reactionary Premier of NlulZarnmad 'All Shah. He was a
~nan of considerable ability and scholarship, but very eccentric and
something of a liLertine. He is still living. (Al. Al)    
  ~ Cf. p. 9z s~fpre, tines zr and :z, fron1 ~;hich it appears lhat
5,iirza RiZa of KZrman sh~red th~s opinion.

NOTE 5 (on . 79).
  Hajji Shaykh Hadi Najm-abadi was one of the most celebrated of the
`~14?~ of Tihran, and the services wbich he rendered to the cause of
liberty in Persia were almost if not quite equal to tbose of Siyyid i
~am~iR~'d-Ditl, for he was a ~ri~jfakid of the first rank and enjoyed
the confidence of gentle and simple. He was absDlutely
and ~never accepted a penny from anyone. Every afternoon he used to
on the ground outside his house cf. p. 79, lines 30-3T), wilere he
received people of all cl.asses and all failbs, statesmen and
princes and poets, Sunnis, Shi'is, Babis, .Ar:nenians, Jews, iAli-
llahis, etc., witb all of whom he discussed all sorts of topics with
utmost freedom. I trough a n''~jfabid, he was at heart a free-thinker,
and used to cast doubts into men's minds and destroy their belief in
popular superstitions, and he was instrumental in "awakening "a large
proportion of those who afterwards l~ecame the champions of Persia's
liherties. I he II.ijji Mir7..i Ahmad-i-Kirm.ini and Sayyitl l.lasan
~h~u'z~an~an~ mentioned in tbe last note were amongst his disciples,
well as many prominent Constitutionalists of the present time. Siyyid
Muhammad Tabataba'i was originally his disciple, but afterwards
denounced his opinions as heretical to his father Siyyid Sadiq, who
publicly banned him as an infidel This denunciation, however, so far
from injuring him, actually added to his prestige and increased the
m~mber of his disciples and admirers. Not only princes like the
lLra'ib~'sSalfana and ministers like the ~nfnn's-~5~?~itan came to
him, but even Nasiru'd-Din Shah himself, and he received them all,
without any attempt at ostentation, outside his house in Hasan-abad,
making no di~erence between the humblest and the higleest. Only in the
case of the Shah he rose up to receive him, a concession he would make
to no one else. On one occasion the Niadm~'s-Salfana 1then Minister of
Finance, afterwards Premier) came to see him, and found him as usual
sitting on the sand outside his house, surrounded by his disciples. In
response to the AIinister's respectful bow, Shaykh Hadi merely said,
"Upon thee be peacel"The Minister then sat down on the bare earth
a yard off him, and he, without rising or moving, merely ejaculated,
All~th!"Then he called to the owner of a neighbouring coffee-house, a
certain Siyyid of parts who was one of his intimates, to bring tea and
a qaly,jn, as was his wont when his guests desired refreshments j and
a common qalydn and a cup of the most ordinary tea were brought. The
Aitz~m~'s-Salfana thereupon asked permission to have the utensils for
n;aking and serving tea brought from his own house, to which ShayPh
replied, "Do as you like," and forthwith a silver urn and L,eautiful
lea-service and the finest of qalyd~rs uere brought by the Minister's
servants from his house. 
  Shaykh Hadi had several sons, Mirza Mabdi, now in the Ministry of
Justice, and Haji Shaykh raqi, a m'~jtahia~, whose son, Shaykh Muhsin,
,sas a prominent Constitutionalist, who took refuge in the British
Legation after the coup d'':fat, afterwards fted to the Caucasus, and,
after the deposition of Muhammad ~Ali and the restoration of the    
Constitution, was a member of the Directory (hray'ati-'Altya). I~hese
sons he compelled to earn their livelihood by humble and laborious
trades Mirza Mabdi kept a druggist's shop, and, when he went to buy
sugar and tea or the like in the b~izar, his father would not allow
to hire a porter to carry his parcels, but insisted on his carrying
himself, so that, notwithstanding his distinguished position as a
theologian and scholar, he was ohen to be seen toiling along with a
heavy sack on his shoulders' breathless and perspiring, the cynosure
every eye. So likewise Shaykh Hadi compelled one of his most
accomplished pupils, Siyyid Ahmad, to serve at a coffee-house known as
(?ahzoakana-i-f~asr, between Tibran and Shimran, ~vhere he waited on
customers at a remuneration of thirty Slufh!s (about sixpence) a day.
He was once found by one of his friends Iying utterly exhausted on the
floor of the college founded by his master, Shaykh Hadi, not having
eaten anything for :4 hours, because his master said he must earn
before he could eat, and he himself was unwilling to abandon his
to look for work, and had not a single penny in his possession. One
a certain Husayn Khan, called 7'irydki because of his opium-smoking
habits, came to Shaykh Hadi, complaining that he had had no opium for
two days, and begged for five s~fza~is to buy some. Shaykh Hadi not
refused to give him any money hin~self, but prevented the Sarddri-
Afi'harram from giving him any, saying that it was unlawful to help
who spent his money on opium. So Husayn Khan went out cursing Shaykh
Hadi and saying, "May God increase thy punishment in both worlds,
thou wilt neither give me money thyself nor let anyone else give it to
me, though I am dying for want of opium 1"Shaykh Hadi died in the
part of Muzaffaru'd-Iin's reign. (M. M.)    
  The Amfrlyya garden and palace, situated near the ~agh-~:S~dh, not
from the Race-course or Mayd~-~:Ast~arv~nz, was built by the
Sa'?tana, Kamran Mirza, one of the sons of Nasiru'd-Din Shah, and is
of the finest and most beautiful gardens in Tihran. M. J];) 
  NOTE 7 (on p. g~). SHAhISU L-'ULAhIi h~D AufNu'z-ZARs. 
  The proper name of the Shantsu'l-'t71amd is Shaykh bluhammad 
  Mahdf of 'Abdu'r-Rabb-abad near Qazwin. He is one of the most
accomplished scholars in Persia. Some account of him is given on pp.
169-170 of the Ir'timddn's-Sa~`ana's Ritdbu'l-~a'dthir
He was appointed by Nasiru'd-Din Shah to collaborate with Shaykh
'Abdu'l-wabhab, the father of Mirza Muhammad, in the preparation of
iVa'ma-z-Ddnisi~f~ara'n ("Book of the Learned"), under the supervision
of the l"t''mdJu's-Salfana (see N'ote z, p. 405 s~Srai. 
  The Hajji Muhammad Hasan to N`hom reference is here made (line 30)
bore the title of Amirutz-Zart, like his son, Hajji Husayn Aqa, who 

was Vice-President of the first .`llaylis, and one of the richest men
in Persia. Siyyid Jam.ilu'd-lY'n ~vl~ile in tI ihriin stayed in his
  'I he Slarnsr/V-'LJJame was ~ great friend of the reactionary
ecclesiastic Shaykh l azh~'llah-i-Ntiri (`vho was afteruards hanged on
July 3r, 1909, and deemed it prudent to remain concealed in his house
after the Clonstitution was restored in July 1909. He was protected,
ho~vever, oy Haj~i Siyyid Nasru'llah Akhawl, Vice-President of the
second Alay7r.s, who kept hin1 frorr.' being molested by the National
Volunteers. He was second to none in l'ersia in his knowledge of
and Arab~c history and literattEre, and contributed several valuable
notes to the text of the Aarzi~ba~r nama. edited hy Afirza Muhammad in
the "(libb Memorial "series, of which it constitutes vol. viii. He is
now about sixty years of age. (~. ill.) 
  ~IOTE 8 (U'l , (.13) ExEcu-rroN or MiRZA REZA OF KIRMAN. 
  the ~story of fhe Al~alening of tJ,e ~ersians (pp. 153-156)' after
reproduc~ng ahllost verbatim tl~e account of Mirza Riza's
here translated fron1 the Sur-i-,rsreJil, gives an account of his last
days and execution, of which the gist is as follows. He shewed a brave
front until the last, and neither threats nor persuasion would induce
him to admit tbat he had any accoEnplices. He was publicly hanged
on the morning of Thursday the ~nd of Rabi' i (=August itl, 1896) in
ilta)~ar-i-Atashy, or "Drill Square," at Tihran, in the presence of a
great concourse of people. He was confined on the previous night in
Cossack Barracks ~ Qazza'y-~na), and was accompanEed to the place of
execution by the Shi`ya'z~'s-Sal~ana, son of the Sar~Y-i-~ur7, and
sundry kinsmen of the Amin~l's-S;~i~. It vras said that NIirza Riza
hoped until the last that the Aminn's-Sult~n would deliver hin1 fro;m
death, and that when he saw the gallows and realized that he was to
he tried to speak to the people, but his voice was dro~vned by the
of a military hand. On the ~th of Rabi' ii, A.En 13T4 1=Sept. ~c,
few of his friends, such as Mfrza Hasan-l-Kirm.ini, Shaykh Muhammad
'Ali-i-I:)izfuli and some of the relatives and disciples of Elajji
Shaykh H~idi-i-Nam-al~adi (see Note 5 sr`,,u) met at the bouse of the
last-mentioned to celebrate, as is the custom in Persia, the fortieth
day after Mirza Riza's death, and to pray God's forgiveness for hin~.
Ar d again on the first anniversary of his death, called by the
S~-r-AaJ:yi`, Shaykh Hadi held a similar celebration iE1 his honour,
which he invited only the ArJrzn?~'a-azala and one other. (3n this
occasion Shaykh Fladi himself prepared the food, which was of the
simplest kind-rice, oil, syrup and bread,-and after they had eaten,
again united in craving God's Mercy for Mirza Riza It was after and
apparently in consequence of this that the A'nf~rn'a'-19awla founded
RushaY)~a and other schools for the better education of the youth of
  NorE: 9 (on pp. 93 - 96). SEEAYKEE AEIMAD "RUN"OF KN~bfiN
  In the ~istory of the Awaken~ng of ~e f~ersians (pp. 6-13 of the
introduction) a good n~any particulars are given concerning these
unfortunate associates of Siyyid Jamalu'd-I)in. 
  Mirz~i .iqa Khan, whose proper name was 'Abdu'L-Husayn, was the son
of Nlirza 'Abdu'r-RalJim of Bardasir near Kirman. and was born in A.~.
1270 (=A.D. 1853-4). He studied Mathematics, the Natural Sciences and
Philosophy, and acquired Turkish, French and some English. In A.H.
(= A.D. 1885-6) he left Kirman for Isfahan on account of the tyranny
the governor, Sultan 'Abdu'l-Harnid Mirza .!Va.riru',i-~)awla. At
Isfahan he was well received by the Zillu's-Sultan (Mas'ud Mirza), who
wished to retain him in his service; but he, disliking a courtier's
life, went to Tihran and thence soon afterwards proceeded to
Constantinople with Shaykll Al!~nad "lt~ihi "of Kirm:in. 'rhere he uas
for some time on the staff of the Persian newspaper Alktar t"the Star
"), and became acquainted with Siyyid Jamalu'd-l~in, with whom he
for the awakening of the Persians and the promotion of Pan-1slamism.
composed a prose history entitled k;~'at:S,kander~ ("the Mirror of
Alexander"), and another in verse, in the metre of the Sbdh-nama,
entitled A7~'na-i-~dstdn ("the Book of the Ancients"~. lhe latter he
completed in A.~. 13r] (=A.D. 1895-6) while he was in prison at
Trebizonde, as he states in the concluding verses. Two years later,
after the author's death, the ~arman-farn~d caused this poem to be
printed, with the omission of certain passages which he considered
dangerous, and the addition of a supplement written by another Shaykh
A,hmad of Kirman known as AdIl, and this book he entitled Sa~riyya.
author of the A'e~ake~zing gives long extracts from the suppressed
portions of the poem on pp. 244-264 of his Introduction, and in these
Mirza Aqa Khan speaks freely of his Pan-Islamic ideals and his dislike
of Nasiru'd-Din Shah. The follo~ving passage (pp. 256 eS se~.), which
is typical, may serve as a sample:- 



                 ( Translation.)

1 "So long as thou livest, O renowned King,1 vex not one who has
Especially if, through the illumination of his heart, he be the
adherent of the Prophet and 'Ali.
I am a man of renown from Persia, who have trained myself to do
battle with lions.
I possess an eloquent pen, knowledge, culture, judgement, noble
blood and the virtue of the Phoenix.2
5 When I reached years of discretion my spirit was a key to knowledge
From the world I sought nothing but Truth: I had no dealings
with error and defect.
I desired all good for the Muslims, I adorned my heart with virtue
I desired that the Muslims might with one accord gird up their loins
in unity,
Might increase friendship with one another, might expel ancient
animosity from their hearts,
Io So that honour might increase to them, and that enmity and dis
sension might be set aside,
And that, under the auspices of [Sultan 'Abdu'l-]Hamid, a political
union might be effected in Islam;
So that Turk should be Persian, and Persian like Turk, and that
duality might no longer remain in these great rulers,
And that in like manner the learned doctors of 'Iraq3 should agree ~
in [recognizing] the [Sultan as] sovereign supreme, l

And should swiftly cleanse their hearts of this animosity, and should 

no longer talk of who was Sunni and who Shi'i,
I5 SO that thereafter they should take the world by strength, and
confound the souls of their opponents.
To several well-chosen and virtuous men we wrote many well renowned
We sent them off to 'Iraq, so that dissension might depart from the
realm of Religion.
By the strength of God, the Creator of the Soul, all set their seals
The letters produced a good effect, for the pens [which wrote them]
were neither raw nor inexperienced.
so I praise God the Victorious that this palm of hope proved fruitful
From Persia and from 'Iraq they wrote, 'We have washed from our
hearts the dust of dissension:
'We will all sacrifice our lives for the Holy Law, we will all swear
allegiance to the King of Islam:


Sultan 'Abdu'l-Hamid is addressed. 

~ ]/ur'~a, the mythical bird whose shadow makes royal (humd77~r) all
whom it falls. 

' i.~. the n~ujtahids of Karbala and Najaf, the spiritual heads of the

' This alludes to the wriler~s correspondence with the m~jtahids of
Karbala aDd Najef cf. p. 64 supra. 


We will forsake the law of estrangement, and will adopt the practice

'Henceforth we will lay low unbelief, and will obtain possession of
world from end to end. 

'None of the Kings of the Muslims, whether of the 'Abbarsids or of the

'Samani, Ghaznawi or Daylami, Seljdq, Khwarazmshaht or Fatimid, 

'From the first predecessor until the present successor, has been
enabled to [achieve] this honour, 

'Until this age, when, through well-founded judgement, such firm
foundation appeared.' 

If this misliketh thee, it is my fault, for this practice is my way

      3o Herein was I born, and herein shall I pass away, and through
pride in this [achievement] my head touches heaven. 

       Did the Shah [Nasiru'd-Din] possess spiritual perception he
have made me independent of the world, 

And had he any portion in the faith of Islam, he would have made me
celebrated throughout the world for my good deed. 

But since the essence of unbelief was in his blood, his wrath was
kindled at the unification of Islam. 

A farthing is better than such a king, who has neither law, nor faith
nor religion! 

Thou didst threaten to bind my body with chains in Ardabil as though I
were a rogue-elephant. 

I fear not to be slain, being noble: I was born to die, even from my
mother's womb. 

No one in the world dies until his time is come: he is dead who takes
not with him the name of greatness. 

Henceforth I shall not die, being alive, since I have laid the
foundations of this unification. 

Many a message of joy reaches my ears from the Archangel: my heart is
the treasury of pearls and my pen the dragon. 

40 After my death is immortality, for Eternal Life is mine. 

My portion shall for ever be praise, while thy portion shall for ever
be execration. 

After me men of renown shall say, and the great ones shall cry to one

'The noble and pure-hearted Kirmani rendered full account of his
and learning; 

'After thirteen centuries full of strife, he pointed out the road of

4j 'He summoned [the Muslims] from duality to unity: he turned [them1
from crookedness and witchcraft !' 

Applause shall be heaped upon me from [the planet] Jupiter, because I
sacrificed myself for the Luminous Faith. 

The ~dns shower praise upon me from the Spirit-land, and scatter light
upon me from Heaven. 
   Saltan 'Abdn'l-liamid is addressed. ~
  h~i`~`rf, the myth~cal bird ~hose shado~v makes royal (bu~r'`iy`;~)
all on who~n it a
  '.~. the ~r'~j~ahi~ls of Karba]a and Najaf, the cpiritual hen~ls of
the ShL'a.   
  ~ This all~rles to Ihe ~riter's correspondence ~rith the ?~eJ/~bi~
liarbala and N~af: cf. p. 6~ s~~pra. 
  'We ~vill forsake the law of estrangement, and will adopt the
of wisdom:    
  Henceforth we will lay low unbelief, and will obtain possession of
~Yorld from end to end. 
  z5 'None of the Kings of the Mnslims, whether of the 'Abbasids or of
the Ottomans,    
  'Samani, Ghaznawi or Daylami, Seljuq, Khwarazmsh~hi or 
  'From the fi'st predecessor until the present successor, has been
enabled to [achieve] this honour, 
  'Until this age, when, through well-founded judgement, such firm
foundation appeared.'

  If this misliketh thee, it is my fault, for this practice is my way
and custom    
  30 Herein was I born, and herein shall I pass away, and through
in this [achievement] my head touches heaven. 
  Did the Shah [Nasiru'd-Iin] possess spiritual perception he would
made me independent of the world, 
  And had he any portion in the faith of Islam, he would have made me
celebrated throughout the world for my good deed. 
  But since the essence of unbelief ~vas in his blood, his wrath was
kindled at the unification of Islam. 
  A fatthing is better than such a king, who has neither law' nor
nor religion!    
  35 Thou didst threaten to bind my body with chains in Ardabil as
though I were a rogue-elephant. 
  I fear not to be slain, being noble: I was born to die, even fronn
mother's womb.    
  No one in the world dies until his time is come: he is dead who
not with him the name of greatness. 
  Henceforth I shall not die, being alive, since I have laid the
foundations of this unification. 
  Many a message of joy reaches my ears from the Archangel: my heart
the treasury of pearls and my pen the dragon. 
  4o After my death is immortality, for Eternal Life is mine. 
  My portion shall for ever be praise, while thy portion shall for
be execration.    
  After me men of renown shall say, and the great ones shall cry to
  'The noble and pure-hearted Kirmani rendered full account of his
courage and learning;

  'After thirteen centuries filll of strife, he pointed out the road
  45 'He summoned [the Muslklls] from duality to unity: he turned
from crookedness and witchcraft !' 
  Applause shall be heaped upon me from [the planet] Jupiter, because
I sacrificed myself for the Luminous Faith. 
  ~rhe 6dris shower praise upon me from the Spirit-land, and scatter
light upon me from Heaven.


  But thou, O dark-soured [tyrant], shalt dwell in Hell, and curses
shall fall upon thee from old and young. 
  Virtuous elders shall sit and talk, but shall not mention thy name
  50 [Rather will they say] 'Nasiru'd-Oin Shah was the friend of
infidelity, and through him the market of infidelity became brisk. 
  'Those who desired the unity of the Faith, and who exerted
for this sacred end, 
  'He afflicted, discouraged and drove from before him, and called
by none but evil names in the world.' 
  O King, bar not thus the Path of Religion, do not vainly give
a bad name;    
  Else suddenly thou wilt move n~y heart, and I will overthrow all thy
  55 Will utter words better unsaid, and will pierce pearlsl better
  [ I elling] of what sort was tl~e root and race of the Qajars, and
they betook themselves to Syria, 
  And how they mingled with the Mongols, and why they ned from Syria. 
  I have a history in Europe greater in strength than Krupp guns:    
  Beware lest that history be published, and thy root and race be
  60 It ;s better that thou should~st silence me, and cause me to
thy malice."   
  Hajji Shaykh Ahmad "Ru hi "of Kirman was the second son of the late
Shayth~'l-'~la~nid Mulla Mullammad Ja'far2, and was born about A.H.
(=A.D. 1855-6~. "Ruh.i"was the nom de guc~e under which he wrote
and he was an eloquent preacher as well as a man of learning. He left
Kirman for Isfahan with his friend Muza Aqa Khan in A.H. 1302 (= A.D.
1884-5) Thence they went to Tihran, where Shaykh Ahmad lectured for a
while on the exegesis of the Qur'4n. Thence they went to Rasht, svhere
they were for a while the guests of the Governor Ml`'ayyi~',/-D"wla,
who, however, dismissed them on learning that Nasiru'd-Din Shal~
regarded them with disfavour. Thereit lo pierce pearls "is a
metaphorical expression meaning to indite verses.    
  2 ~ulla ~1uh~mn~ad Ja~far was a distinguishell theologian and one of
the early pror'.oters of the Liberal Movement in Persia, and lived to
the age o~ seventy years. E~rly in the reign of Nasiru'd-nin Shah he
~vas imprisoned on suspicion of being a sabt by ~han saba Khan the
governor Of Kirman. He died in A.~r. '3~ (=A.D, 1893-~). Ilis eldest
Shaykh Mah~f Bahr'l-4Ul`Sn' was one of the representatives of Kirman
in Ihe first `1lai~ :~d of Bam in the seco'~d. The second son was
Ah~nad, the subject of this note. The third was Shaykh Mabmud
.4~'zatutiAtuik, who went lo Constantinople and there became one of
Siyyid Jamalu'd Din's intimate disciples. On the arrest of his brother
he ser out, by the Siyyid's instructions, to try to release him and
companions, but the assassination of Nasiru'd-Dln Shah and the
subsequent fate of his brother compelled him to hide for a while antil
finally he returned to ~irman. The n~urth son, Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim, is
men60ned in the cross-examination of Mirza piza ~p. 63 s~`pra), and a
little further on in this note He is rlow at Kirman.    
upon they proceeded to Constantinople, where Shaykh Ahmad learned
Ottoman Turkish, English and French, and earned his living by teaching
languages and translating. He made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and on his
return thence spent some time at Aleppo before returning to
Constantinople, where he was introduced by Mirza Aqa Khan to Mirza
Khan ~Icuoir~'l- JIu~, who was Persian Consul-General. These three,
prompted by Siyyid Jamalu'd-lin, began to carry on an active
propaganda, and wrote many letters to the Shi'ite '1~lamd of Persia,
Karbala and Najaf. Shaykh Ahmad even caused a seal to be made for
himself bearing the following inscription: 
am kc ~roiagandist of ~an-Islamcsm: Ahmadl-i-ll~h~ is my name.'   l he
Am~n~`'s-S,'/tcin, greatly annoyed by their activity, endeavoured to  
secure tbeir arrest, and sent instructions in this sense to Mirza
Mahm~id Khan 'AId'?v'l-M7~Ik, who was at that time Persian Ambassador
at the Turkish capital, and who in A.H. 13~2 (=A.~. 1894-5) succeeded
in inducing the Ottoman Government to exile the three friends to
Trebizonde, on the ground that they were dangerous and seditious
and had helped to foment the recent Armenian disturbances, besides
corresponding with the '~iam~ of Persia. They were still in prison at 
Trebizonde when Mirza Riza of Kirman, who left Constantinople in  
1896 (see p. 63 supra), after their exile, shot Nasiru'd-D;n Shah   
on May I of the same year; and as he was known to be acquainted with
them, and had succeeded in obtaining his passport by pretending 
to be the servant of Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim, the 'orother of Shaykh Ahmad,
and had visited them in prison when he passed through Trebizonde, they
were suspected of con~plicity in the assassination, and their
extradition was demanded and obtained by the Persian from the Ottoman 
Government. At the frontier the Turkish guard handed them over to
Khan, who had been deputed to receive them, and who conducted them to
Tabriz, where they were secretly butchered by command of the Aminn's-
Sult~n on the afternoon of $afar 6, A.H. ~3~4 (=July 17, 1896) in the
~`fghi-ShimM ("North Garden") in the presence of Muhammad 'All Mirza~
then Crown Prince. The skins of their heads were removed, stuffed with
straw, and sent to Tibran to the Amin~'s   Sult~n. Further details of
their arrest and execution are given in the ~istory of ~e Awalening of
the Pcrsians on the authority of Mtrza Salih Khan Wazfr-i-Akram, and
Mirza Mahmud Khan '~4M'u'l-Mu~, both of whom were interviewed on this
subject by the author of the aforesaid work.    

  In the Introduction to the Awakening of perJ/a (pp. 163-16~) some
account is given not only of the reign but of the character of 
Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah. He was born in A.H. 1269 = A.D. 1852-3),

and had six sons and sixteen d aughters. He was reputed to have
inclinations, but was much under the influence of Russia. He promoted
the publication of a newspaper called the ~kh-~dr~i-Ildsirf in 'abnz,
and used to receive Prince Malkom Khan's pan?fn, of which the
circrllation was forbidden in Persia. Considerable hopes were aroused
in the hearts of the reformers by his dismissal of Mirza 'All Asghar
Khan Amzn?f~s-s?~n and appointment of Mirza 'All Khan
to succeed him in A.H. 1315 (= IS97-8), by his establishment of
and colleges on modern lines, and by other indications of a desire for
progress, but their hopes were soon disapp~~inted by the banishment of
the latter and the reinstatement of tbe former Minister. '1'he return
to power of the Amlnn's-S?~Han was soon foilowe`1 by the first
Loan of A.H. 1317 =A.D. 1899-1900), ~vhich Prince Arfa'zc'~d-Daarta
(until the spring of 1910 Persian Ambassador at Constantinople) was
instrumental in negotiating. This, and the Shah's journey to Europe in
A.H. 1318 (1900-1901), with its useless extravagance, caused much
discontent, and there were disturbances in 'F~hran, ostensibly
against the Governor AsaJu'dDa1~la, but really against the
and inefficiency of the Government. The proceeds of the second Russian
Loan of A.H. 1319 (=A.D. 1901-) were similarly squandered in the
European tour of the following year. The growing discontent was
increased by the death, at Rasht, of Mirza Mah. rnUd Khan ~Yakim?`'l-
M?~Ik, who was believed to have been poisoned by the Amin~'s-Sulf~n,
in Jumada ii, A.H. 1321 (=Sept. 1903) the latter was excommunicated by
the clergy and compelled to flee from Persia, and was succeeded as
Prin~e ilinister by Prince 'AJ'nn'd Dawla, who at first shewed liberal
tendencies, and permitted the hratiu'~!-~liat?n, a notable Persian
newspaper printed at Calcutta, to circulate in Persia. In A.H. 1323 (=
A.D. rgoS-6), in the middle of the Russo-Japanese war, the Shah
Europe for the third time, leaving his son the Crown Prince 
afterwards Shah) Mnhammad 'All NIirza to act as Regent during his
absence. In A.H. 1324 (= A.D. 1906-7) there was talk of a joint 
~ Anglo-Russian Loan (called by our author "the fourth loan," for he
believes that a third secret loan was negotiated with Russia in the
preceding year), but this, as described at yp. IZ4-5 and z3s of the
text, was inhibited by the Alajiis. Muzaffaru'd-Dln Shah is described
by our author as simple-minded, easily persuaded, undecided and
changeable, fond of l~uffoonery, and entirely in the hands of his
corrupt courtiers, "who," says our author, `'appear to have been
selected from the most low-born, mean-spirited, ill-educated and
"elements of the nation. The Shah himself was utterly ignorant and
illiterate, Icnowing nothing of either histo,ry or politics, and
devoid of prudence, judgement or foresight Government and other
important offices were openly sold by auction, and the Royal Signature
lost all credit. He was a devout spectator of the hIuharram mournings
and fa'~i~s (Passion-plays), had some knowledge of gunnery, and was
passionately fond of cats. Un like his father, he was averse from
violence, bloodshed and cruelty, but he suffered both his relations   
  and foreign concession-hunters to exploit Persia to a degree
  'I'he ~4~i?n~''-Da~eJia Hajji Mirza 'All Khan) is regarded by the
author of the ~'uakening as one of the pioneers of the reformers. He
born in A.H. 1260 (= A.D. 1844) at Tihran, and was the son of Mirza
Muhammad Khan May'd`'l-Mu~ He was first employed in secretarial work
the Palace, and in A.H. 129C (=A.D. 1873-4) received the title of
~4nzinn'l-M?~ and the office of Chief Secretary. He reorganized the
postal service and so greatly increased its efficiency that a letter
would go from ~l'ibran to Kirman or vife vers~ in seven or eight days,
and an answer to it would l~e received in fifteen days while atter his
administration was ended eight days grew to twenty, and fifteen to
or fifty. He also greatly ameliorated the position of the post-office
Cf?JpiOy(S. In A.H. 1295 (= A.D. 1878) he was sent on a special
to Italy to condole with King Hurnbert on the death of his father,
Victor EmTnanuel, and to congratolate him on his accession. In A.H.
(=A.D. 1880) he was placed in control of the Al7~4J, or Religious
Endowments, and two years later (in 1882) received the title of
Da7rie by ~vhich he is best known. In A.H. T304 (=A.D. 1886-7) he
became President of the Council of Ministers. He accompanied Nasiru'd-
Din Shah on his journeys to Europe. For a while the ascendancy of his
ri~al the AmEn'~'s-Sulidn obliged him to withdrawfrom public iife, hut
in A.H. 1313 (=A.D. 1895-6) he was made waz~r to the Governor of
Azarbayjan (the Crown Prince), and the progress made by the
of that province, thanks to which they are now reputed the most
enlightened and public-spirited of the people of Persia, was largely
to his benefilcent influence. In A.H. 1314 (=A.D. 1896-7) he was
summoned to'l'ibran by Muzaffaru'dDin Shah, who had just succeeded to
the throne, and in the following year he v~as made Prime Minister, and
specially charged to promote public instruction according to a scheme
which he had drawn up in the reign of Nasiru'd-Din Shah. It was then
that the An~man-~: Ala'4rif, or Academy, was founded, and also the
Rushdiyya College, to the expenses of which he contributed 12,OOO
(2,400) out of his own pocket He also gave greater freedom to the
Press, and- unhappily-introduced the Belgian '` organizers "into the
customs. Aided by the ~'V,is''rn'1-l1~~ he also set himself to reform
various fiscal abuses. His reforms, however, alarmed the Court, who
their own interest threatened, and, headed l~y Mirza Muhsin Khan
Mushir1v'dDafm~a they succeeded in arousing Muzaffaru'd-L)in's
suspicions, making use especially to this end of the Amin?''d-~)awla's
proposal to fix the Shah's Civil, and to conciliate 'I'urkey by
recognizing the Sultan as (:aliph and Commander of the Faithful. The
A,nrnn'`~-Da7nia was in consequence dismissect, and retired to a place
called Lasht-Nisha sitnated some I S miles from Rasht, where he
himself in agriculture and in composing ~arious political treatises,
until his death in A H. 13~z (=A.D. T904). He left one son-the present
Amnr`'dDa.e,la-and tsvo daughters. His tsvo chief aims were to
the finances of the country' and establish a regular Budget; and to

end to hribery, corruption and peculation. The history of
Muzaffaru'dIJin Shah's reign is mainly the history of the struggle
between hi~n and the Amin~'rSul!~n and their respective parties. 
  NOTE II (on p. 1031. THE QiW~4MU D-DAWLA. 
  4irza Muhammad confimns ~ny conjecture in line 18: 
  "Yes," he writes, '`it was the Q`re~dm;`'lDa~la. I myself was at the
time at Shimiran (Shimran) when they arrested him, and saw them carry
him in chains n~ounted an a n~ule to Tihran, through which he was
paraded before being consigned to prison. After a while he was
and retired to his property in 'Iraq."(M. Al;) 
  NOTE [2 (OIZ P. 105). SHAPSL l;HIN. 
  The Russian tutor of MuhalDmad 'All Mirza here alluded to is the
notorious Shapshal, a Karaite Jew of the Crimea, to whom M. PanotT
consecrates a short chapter of his unpublished work. Of this chapter
following extracts may serve as a specimen:    
  "It is true, Mr Shapshal, no revolutionary in Persia would 'paint
black,' not because you are worthy of white, but simply because there
is no black colour in the world which it would be any good to smear
with. I believe that the reactionaries kept as clear of you as the
of incense, because you were more reactionary than any of the
  "Eight years you were tutor to the Shah, and in what did you tutor
? He hardly knows two words of Russian. Day and night you endeavoured
to impress upon him the conviction that a Constitution implies the
complete abolition of the Shah, and that he should combat it with all
his strength....For 'tutoring' you received r6,ooo roubles a year; for
'preparing' the Shd.h, I do not know how n~uch I ...    
  "I hope, Mr Shapshal, you have not forgotten the scandal about the
construction of the Julfa-Tabriz road. It you have forgotten, I am
to remind you publicly in a Court of Incontrovertible proof of
what I said above wiLL be the fact that on a salary of 16,003 roubles
a year you managed in eight years to acquire an estate in Azarbayian
worth 300,00;~, and also put a round sum of s80,ooo roubles into a
which I am ready to indicate.... 
  "Your quarrel with the Amir Bahadur Jang was a mere theatrical
display, designed merely to throw dust in people's eyes. It was by the
direction of the Persian Reaction, the Shah, and the Government in
service you are a secret agent, that you came clandestinely to Europe
to prepare the ground for the Persian loan by which only the triumph
Reaction in the country can be secured, and an opportunity afforded
the veiled occupation of Persia. lto my very deep grief I think that
have succeeded in playing your shameful part, and that you are no~b,
singing in St Petersburg the finale of your air. Here 

  you are obtaining the public guarantee for the loan which in essence
has long been gmnted in secret. Your article and your attc~npt to
whitewash yourself and the Shah are only the two last chords, so that
Russian put~lic opinion n1ay have nothing against so shameful a
transaction as lending money to a hangnnan. But, Mr Shapshal, your
troubIe is quite unnecessary, since l~ussia is at present passing
thro~gh a period when no one takes any account of her public opinion,
and you can boldly ignore it....    
  "Recognizing clearly that it is necessary to make soTneone or other
responsible for all that has happened, you put the whole blame upon
Bahadur Jang. ~l~o all that you have written about him l am ready to
subscribe with both hands, and I could even add something to it; but
only on the immutable condition that you should consent to adn1it that
he was merely a simple tool in your hands, and that you were the evil
genius inspiring hirn, so that, for all the evil deeds he committed,
responsibility rests on you and the Legation in whose hands you in
turn are a pliant tool.    
  "You speak of a revolution in Persia; you make a great mistake, Mr
Shapshal: in Persia there is no revolution, only a united people,
fighting like one man for the most moderate constitutional rights.... 
  '` Mr Shapshal, thanks to his superabundant audacity and incapacity,
explicitly declares that at the time of the couts a7'/lat 'hardly
' (in another place 'no one') was killed. ~I o say nothing of the five
or six huncired Persians killed by the machine-guns of the Cossacks
under the command of Colonel Liakhoff, I Yenture to put to him this
question. Does this 'no one' take account of the Mal~k~'i-
M?`talalli~n~r' and Jahangir Khan, whose brutal punishment was
personally directed by you and Colonel Liakhoff, while the Shah stood
on a balcony and admired your artistic tortures? Io you remember how,
as you went away, you spat on the corpse mutilated by tortures and
'One dog the less ? "' 
  At the end ot the type-written chapter the following postscript is
added in manuscript: 
The article was finished when there appeared a telegram to say that
well-known Persian public man Sbapshal had been received by the
  "In Russia hitherto friendship with spies and agents provocateurs
been kept up by the Virectors of the Police Department and the
of the Interior. Now the Emperor himself has begun. There is a fine
departure! "
  'l'he following particulars about Shapshal I owe to an F:nglish
correspondent long resident in Russia and well acquainted with current
events there.    
  "Shapshal is a Karaite Jew. His relatives are proprietors of a
wellknown tobacconist fimn. I know no details of his early life,
that he was a pupil at a private grammar-school in St Petersburg
(Gurevich's1, and that he completed a course at the Oriental Faculty
  the St Petersburg University. It is very probable that he was
for   the Consular Service, since most of the students of the Oriental
Faculty   c
  ~rork with a view to entering either the Consular or the Diplomatic
Servicc. is said to be very intelligent, an~l to have a
good Itnowledge of l'ersian, ] urkish and Arabic. At present (Nov. 28,
1909) he is iiving quietly on his estate near Theodosia in the
  NOTE 13 (0~ t. 116~. ~HE AN]UMAN-~-MAKHFf. 
  The author of the Awaken'ng, M3,rza Mrlhammad Wd~imu'C-ls~m, .
to have been one of the founders of the Anju~na?~-i-Mak~ or -~p~ '~
Secret Society," of several stances of which he gives, at the
.~ ~.: '. of vol. i. o[ his history, a very fail report. He gives J
hursday, 18 Dhu l
Hijja, A-H- 2322 (=Feb. z3, 1905) as the date of its first meeting.
~-.j =- ~ Amongst those present were Mirza Al~mad-i-Kirmani Dhr''r-
h!'y~sala,~n, Shaykh NIuhammad ~7a~lasuf ("the Philosopher") of
Siyyid Burhan-i-Khalkhab', and Shaykh Husayn-'Ali Bahbahani. Siyyid
Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i was also one of the promoters of the Society. 
   NOTE 14 (0H P. 131). THE SIPAHSALAR.
  An account of the Sipahsd:~:r (Hajji Mirza Husayn Khan
Mush~rn'd]~a~via) is given at pp. [70-184 of the Introduction to the
  He was educated at the Ddru'C-~i'"i~', or University of Tihran;
entered   the Government service in A.H. 1255 (=A.D. 183g-40), and,
after acting   as Consul-general at Bombay and liflls, received the
title of Alushir~'d~aze~Ca in A.~. 1279 (=A.D. 186~-3, and shortly
afterwards was made
  Persian Ambassador at Constantinople. In A.H. 1287 (=A.D. 1870) he  
met Nasiru'd-l)in Shah at the Holy Places of Karbala and Najaf, and  
in the following year returned with him to Tibran and was made  
Afinister of Justice, to which the supervision of the Awqdf (Religious
  Endo~ n3ents) was afierwards added. His tendency to introdr~ce  
European institutions into Persia led to his excommunication by the  
~nz~s (headed by HajJi Mulla 'All and Siyyid Salih the Arab), and the
  Shah (with whom he was returr~ing from Europe) was obliged to divest
  him of his other posts and make him Governor of ~asht. In A.H. 1291
  (= A.r). 1874-5) he was reinstated, and made Minister for Foreign  
Affairs with the title of Sipahs~C~r-i-,4';a?P-. It was by his
  that Malkom Khan was brought back to Persia, but suspicion was  
aroused by the foundation of the Masonic Lodge (~ardmi`sf,-kh~na),  
Malkom Khan was conseauentlv sent tr~ represent Persia in London.   
   ~-. ~ rl he S~aksd~r attenaptecl several important reforms in the
organization Wi   
  03f the Government, but again incurred the St~ah's displeasure' was
  banished to Mashbad (nominally as Governor of Khurasan), and there  
died suddenly (as is commonly L,elieved of poison) in A.H. 1298  
1881~. Nasiru'd-Din Shah composed the following chronograrn   on his
  The Sipahsa'~r is credited hy the author of the A',~aheninF with
almost prophetic gifts, since hc is reported to have expressed the
that the Mosque and llaharistan which he had built might one day serve
tn harbollr the representatives of the Nation, and even to have
that he built them to that end. 
  Quite recently the great ?~`jtahids of Karbala and Najaf were asked
to give a fat~l~ct, or formal legal decision, as to the rights of the
Znroastrian community in Persia. The text (in facsimile' is given on
next page (4~), while the translation of the request and the reply are
as follows: 
  "He is God', exalted is iYis GIoriaz~s S`ate. 
  "O Proof of Islam ! What say you on the question of the infliction
vexations and humiliations on the Zoroastrian community which is under
the protection of Islam and subject to Islam ? It is requested of your
Sacred Presence that you will write the answer to this question in the
margh1 in your own honourable handwriting, and will seal it with your
auspicious seal. 
  "Peace be upon you, and the Mercy of God, and His Blessings. "The
sinful Hajji Shaykh Hasan of Tabriz. 
  '4 The tenth of Safar the Victorious in the year 13z8 of the

  Flight '' (= Feb. ~ r) r 9 r o). 
"In the ~la~ne of God, the Mcrc~j~l, t~c Co?npassionale.
To vex and humiliate the Zoroastrian Community or other nonMuslims who
are under the protection of Islam is unlawful, and it is obligatory on
all Muslims duly to observe the injunctions of His Holiness the Seal
the Prophets respecting their good treatment, the winning of their
affections, and the guarding of their liYes, honour and possessions,
should they swerYe by so much as a hair's breadth from this, please
  '` From the humblest, the sinful
  Muhammad Kazim al-Khurasani.', 
  "I's the ~amc O)r God, cwaited is h~. 
  "The matter is as hath been written [above); "Written by 'Abdu'llah
al MazandaranL    
  The same great ?h~jtah`;/, Mulla Muhammad ECazim of Eiburasan, on
April ~ ~, 1909, addressed to the Persia l~omrnittee the following
letter of thanks, which seems to rne worthy to be perpetuated as a
str~king proof of the broader outlook now taken by the supreme
heads of the Sh~'a. (Facshnile of letter on p. 4~3.)        (   

  Facsimile of li~f~f~a on rights of Zoroastrians. 


  '` May it ~ honoured by [reaching] fhe ~rescr~cc of ~fie rcs~ectcd
Mc~bers of the ~ersia Comrnittce of [ondon (niay fheir fair
bc n!anzj~ofe'~ ~)    
  "I inform and notify the respected body of the Persia Committee of
London, especially the officers and active members thereof that the
tidings of the extraordinary eflorts of those friends of tile htlman
race have afforded imllleasurable comfort to our hearts, distressed
distracted by the cruel deeds of certain barbarians of our country. We
ere extremely grateful for the wise measures adopted by that political
E;roup, and are greatly rejoiced that this respected Committee has
participated in the tribulations of us Persians, and devotes its time
to the advancement and emancipation of its fellow-creatures. It is
evident that the dictates of humanity impose such obligations of help
and assistance on those who have graduated in the School of Humanity. 
  ' Part of ane body is each mol~r~s son,
  S'nce in crealed s7~tstan~c aN are one.
  [Jzen (f one memter l~e by ~atc d~s~rest
  hrozo car' ~epose remain unto fl~c rest7"
  `' We are convinced that the judicious exertions of your Committee
will succeed in removing the various misfortunes with which Persia is
  "Meanwhile I trust that, in gratitude for the security which you
under the shelter of the Constitution of your glorious Empire, you
not forget the sorely-afflicted people of Persia. 
  "Peace be upon you, and the Mercy of God, and His Blessings. "The
humble and unworthy    
  "4 Rabi' ii, A.H. T327 ~ (=APril Iz, 1909). 

  The attitude adopted by the Bibi, or rather the Baha'[, leaders
towards the Constitutional Movement in Persia is a matter on whiCh I
have not been able to satisfy myself. I have heard three view~
the first by a l~rilliant English diplomatist who has generally strewn
an unusual understanding of and sympathy with the Persians; the second
by a singularly sympathetic and discerning journalist who spent a
considerable time in Persia, the third by a captain of the National
Volunteers who was a fugitive in England after the coup d'ctat of
1908. These divergent views are briefly as follows: 
  I) That 'Abbas Effendi or 'Abdu'l-Baha, as he is now general!'
strictly enjoined on his followers that they should refrain from 
  1 Tbese well-known verses are from the C~is~n of SaidL

force known as Babiism or taking any part whatsoever in the struggle,
frstly because their aims should be wholly spiritual, not political,
scrond~y because their support of the Constitution, if it became
would tend to prejudice it in the eyes of the orthodox Shi'a, and
especially the ~nullds. 
  (~) 'l~hat not only the Constitutional Movement in Persia, but the
general awakening of Asia, was the direct outcome of this new
  (3) That the Baha'is were opposed to the Constitution, and continued
until the end to encourage and support the Shah, partly because they
thought he would eventually triumph and were anxious to win his
partly because they hated the m'~J~a's and m?~las, who, as we have
generally supported the popular party; and partly because of their
gratitude to llussia, who had strewn them various favours, and had
allowed them to make 'Ishq-abad Askabad) one of their principal
and to build there one of their few existing places of worship. 
  I am not sure which of these three theories is the true one' but I
have often asked this question of my Persian friends: "If a convinced
and enthusiastic Baha'i had the choice of seeing Persia a strong and
independent country with Islam as the established religion, or a
province with Bahaiism as the established religion, which would he
choose" In almost all cases the answer has been that he would choose
the second alternative. The very universalisn1 of Bahaism does not
to encourage a passionate patriotism, and the following is a
utterance of Baha'u'llah:    
"Pride is not for him who loves his couniy, ~oz~ for him who loves the
[whole] world -- an admirable sentiment, but not, perhaps, one which
likely to be of service to the Persians in this crisis of their

  Fortunately some positive evidence as to the attitude enjoined by
'Abdu'l-Baha on his followers is afforded by a series of letters (ten
in number) written by him to various Baha'is and com~nunicated to me
M. Hippolyte Dreyfus, whose works on Babi and Baha'i theology are so
well and so favourably known. From these it appears:    
  (l) That the "Yahya'is"(i.c. the followers of MIrzi
had put it about that the Baha'Is were supporters of the Shah and
opponents of the Constitution.    
  (~) I hat as a matter of fact the attitude enjoined on and adopted
the Baha'is was one of complete abstention from politics. 
  13) Ihat the persecutions which they had endured at the hands of
certain reactionary mz~iMs shewed that they were not regarded as
of the Reaction.    
  The letters are too long to translate in full, and, moreover, repeat
themselves to a certain extent, but the following extracts will
to give an idea of their purport.        i
  r. `4ddressed to M~`z~nmad '~4h ~lidn of ~ibran.
  "As regards what you wrote touching the intervention in the affairs
of Persia of the neighl~ouring States, time upon time it hath been
declared hy the Pen of the Covenant that the Govermllent (Da7ulat) and
the l'eople (Ati~f) should mix together like honey and milk, else the
field will be open for the manccuvres of others, and both parties will
regret it. Bnut alas! the two parties v',ould not give ear, but have
brought matters to this perilous pitch !"

2. Address~ fo "15n ~4~1`ar "at ~hrdn. 
"As to the matter of our ill-wishers amongst the Ya~`tya'is [i.c. the
Azalis], who accuse the Friends [~:c. the Baha'is] of sympathy with
Court [or Government, ~arv.hzil7 it is certain that the truth of the

will hecome plain and evident, and yott should pen~se the letters sent
by this post to Mirza 'Abdu'llal1 .Sah~h/`nish. NVe have no connection
witl1 any party: we are neither partisans of the Victorious
nor do we share the opinions of the Glorious People. We stand aside
all strifes, wish well to all, and offer our prayers and supplications
at the Throne of God that He will reconcile these two honot~rahle
elements with one another, so that they may hecome one element, and
work together for the glory and advancement of both Government and
People. Praise be to C;od, by Cod's Grace we strive to be at peace and
on friendly tertlts ~vith all parties in the world, we shew friendship
and affection [to all], seek after righteousness, and spend ourselves
in this Path."
Vou wrote that it had been stated -in the /labh`'tAtat~n published at
Rasht that the Baha'~s were partisans of the Autocracy, and at Zanjan
had collected aid for the Royalist Cause. One of the ' Friends' must
write to some other newspaper, or it must be spread abroad amongst the
people, that this is a calumny concerning the Baha'ls [emanating] from
the Yahya'i [~:e. Azali] Babis, for these men are the enemies of the
Baha'is. The aim of the Baha.'is is the reformation of the world, so
that amongst all these nations and governments a reconciliation may be
effected and strife and war may be abolished. Therefore they hasten
onward with heart and soul and spend themselves that perchance the
and the Nation, nay, [all] parties and peoples, may be united to one
another, and that peace and reconciliation may enter in. lience they
have no part in such quarrels. And a clear proof and conclusive
as to the falsity of the accuser, which leaves no opening for doubt,
the decree of the mujtahid Mulla Hasan of Tabriz for the slaughter of
the Baha'is, and also the slanderous proclamations of the "~uJ'`'hia,
Mirza. Fazlu'llah of Nur and Siyyid 'All Akbar, which vrere posted on
the walls in all the streets and bez~rs of Tibran. But the Yahya'i
Azali] Babis, who are the enemies of the Baha'is, and who keep
themselves in concealment, tell the Nationalists that the Baha'is are
the partisans of the Court, while telling the Royalists that they are
ready to lay down their lives for the Nation, in order to stir up both
sides against the Baha~is and make them their enemies, that perchance
they may seduce certain souls on either side. This is the trl~th of
matter, therefore it behoves that some just men should investigate the
fLuestion of tl~e [alleged] help [given to the Royalists] at Zanjan.
such a thing hath been done by the Bahatis we will believe and admit
[the charge]. Glory be to God! lhis is an awful calumny! Frorn the
beginning of the Revolution it was constantly enjoined that the
of God should stand aside from this strife and struggle and war and
contest, and should seek to reconcile the Court and tl~e Nation, and
should spend then~selves so that Court and Nation should 
mix with one another like milk and honey: for safety and success are
unattainaL'le and impossible without [such] reconciliation. Now when
they who wish us ill utter calumnies, the 'Friends' are silent,
wherefore these our foes each day boldly enunciate some [new] slander.

"Upon thee be the Most Splendid Splendour tel-Baha'u'i-Abhd). 'A.
'A."(`i.e. 'Abbas 'Abdu'l-Baha). 
  Space will not allow the citatiou of further extracts. One of the
remaining letters is addressed to "the Friends of God "in Bak4, and
also emphasis is laid on the enmity of Shaykh Fazlu'llah and Siyyid
of Vazd, and their assertions that the Baha'is supported and had even
originated the Constitutional Movement, in reply to which 'Abbes
says that the Baha'is were absolutely forbidden to discuss political
matters in their assemblies, and were told to regard "the differences
and strife now existing in Persia as like children's toys, having no
importance," and an appeal is made to the judgement of Eiuropean an~l
American investigators of the Baha'i doctrines and ethics. In a fifth
lerter, again addressed to "Ibn Abhar," he is bitlden to recommend the
Baha'is `' every night and day to concern themselves with that which
will conduce to the Eternal Glory of Persia "-i.e., apparently, the
diffusion of the Baha'i faith. The remaining letters contain nothing
worthy of special note. 

  This much at least seems clear, that from the Baha'is little active
support or sympathy can be expected by the Persian Nationalists, while
certainly in the past (as in the case of Shaykh Ahmad "R0hi"of Kirman)
and probably in the present the Azalis have identified themselves to a
much larger extent with the popular cause.    


  AS an example of the cynical interpretation which Russians have put
on England's motives in concluding the Anglo-Russian Agreement, I may
cite the following passage &om an article on "New Persia and her
opponents," by a writer who uses the nom degz~errc of "M. Pavlovich,"
which appeared in the Sovremcnny Mir ("fhe Modern World") for
1909 The correspondent to ~vhom I am indebted for the - communication
of this translation describes this magazine as `' probably the most
widely read of the Russian monthlies," and says that it is edited by
Social-Democrats. The writer says:    
  "The chief danger to the new Persia consists not so much in the
resistance of the Court Camarilla and the army to the emancipatory
movement as in the ambiguous policy of the two neighbouring States,
Russia and England. Until the recent Russo-Japanese war Persia was
by the fear of inevitable subjection to Russia. The shadow of the
Northern Empire day by day spread farther and farther over the land of
the King of kings. It seemed as though nothing could save 
Persia from the fate of Khiva, Bukhara and Khokand. The RussoJapanese
war checked Russia's southward movement. Persia breathed        (
a sigh of relief, hut soon a new danger appeared. When the powerful
Northern l.~gle lct the prey fall fn,'', his ciaus, the British Lion
seized the oppor~tmity and laid his paw on the provinces thus freed
llussian influences. .~t the opening of the ~aj~is the President
delivered a speecl1 to the representative of Great Britain in the
of which he said: 
  "'Permit me to relate a parable. A horse was fleeing from the
of a wild l~east. A man passed by and said to the horse, "I will mm~nt
you, if you wish it, and bring you out to a world where no beast of
can reach yot~."The horse obeyed, and was saved from his enemy, but
alas! the nder who had saved him refused to    
  ~dismount, and is sitting on his back to the present day. It is the
ardent desire of all l'ersia and we beg you to inform the British
o f this, that the rider should dismount.' 
  `. England kneNv very well that once a National consciousness was
awaEcened she could not long retain her proYisional hegemony over
Persia. l~'t~rthermore she fetred for her control over India, and was
desirous of checking the powerful German  Ira~ag nach Oslen,' the
movement towards Asia Nlinor and Central Asia, which was certain to he
intensified when the Baghdad l~ailway was completed. Accordingly she
concluded an Agreement with Russia and yielded the latter a lion's
share, for she surrendered to her the protectorate over the richest
most populous provinces of Persia, retaining the smallest portion for
herselE. By giving to Kussia, by the Convention of At~gust 3r, Igo7,
chief part of Persia witli the capital, Tibran, and the towns of
Isfahan, l~asht, Tabriz and Mashhad, the centres of the emclocilyatory
movement, the British Goiernment treacherously washes its bands once
for all of the duty of defending the Persian Constitutional Movement,
which at one moment it stimulated and sr~pported, and leaves the
Constitutional Party to its fate. For those who have penetrated into
essence of this Treaty tbere is nothing very surprising in the
subseqvlent attitude of the English Government to the Persian
On the one hand it was compelled to take into account English pu~lic c
pinion and the representatives of the Special Committee on Persian
allairs which was pec~liarly interested in Anglo-Yersian trade. At the
same time it acted under the influence of the Bureaucracy of
and that section of the Plutocracy of Finance and the Stock Excilange
which is anxious at any cost to maintain the old order in India. 'l'he
British Government therefore plays an extremely ambiguous game in
to l~ersia. Thor~gh publicly professing sympatlly for the Persian
Constitution, England is now, as a matter `,f fact, ~n enemy of tbc
Persi.'n em:Zncipatory move'',ent. It is a truism that (;overun~cuts
not imp`lled by sentimental motives either in their internal or
their foreign policy. England su~ ported the Constitutional Movement
Northern Persia so long as it saw in it a means of combating l4.ussian
inHuence. but at the same time England actively supported the Reaction
in tile Southem Provinces along the Indian frontier, and rendered aid
in various forms to the satraps who were opposing the emancipatory
movement there. By 

giving l~p all Northern Persia to Russia, and retaining under her own
prctection merely the two poor provinces of SIstan and Makran, which
strategically extremely important, since they guard the way to the
Indian frontier and the Gulf of 'Umman, England shews that the Persian
Question, as such' does not interest her, and that in the AngloRussian
Convention she is primarily interested in the question of the defence
of her Indian Empire. The Treaty of Aug. 31, 1907, means the death of
English commercial influence in Nortllern Persia, and if, so long ago
as 1906, the British Consul-General in Isfaban reported a decline in
British trade during r90S, and attributed this to the competition of
Russian wares, which are more cheaply and more expeditiously
transported, it is certain that now that Russia has been allowed to
establish a Protectorate over the wealthiest part of Persia, she will
be commercially and economically absolute in the country, and that
England simply cannot dream of competing with her successfully.    
  `'The motives which led the ruling classes of England to consent to
such a bargain must certainly have been very serious. The ~imes dots
i's and expresses itself very clearly on this question. 
  "' Our political interests in Persia,' it says, 'are bound up with
question of the defence of India. Hitherto the real danger of Russian
expansion lay in the fact that Russia might, by way of Persia and
Sistan, reach Baluchistan and our Indian frontier, and then by some
strategical road slip past our great defensive position on the North-
West frontier. The fact that we have secured from l?ussia a pledge to
refrain from intervention in these regions is sufficient compensation
for our abandonment of equal rights with Russia in those provinces
are, as a matter of fact, in her hands.' 
  "Thus it is considerations connected with the security of India
ag;~inst attack from without, and, of course, the maintenance of
'internal order,' which was seriously menaced by the growth of the
Constitutional Movement in Persia, that cause the ruling classes in
England to pursue an ambiguous policy in regard to the Persian
  "New Persia cannot expect European Governments to help her. She will
receive no help from the English bourgcots~e, nor from the ruling
classes of any other country, say Austria, for instance, from whom the
Persian Constitutionalists at one time naively hoped to receive aid.
rl'he foremost representatiYeS of Persian society are becoming daily
more and more convinced of the hostile, or at any rate absolutely
indifferent, attitude of the ruling classes of Europe to the Persian
Constitution. hIany Persians are now, therefore, addressing their
protests against the English and Russian Governments not to European
i'arliaments and Ministers, but to the masses of Europe. Persian
Constitutionalists send telegrams to Jaures requesting him to direct
attention of the European proletariat to the state of affairs in
Persia."       t   

         NOTE I 8 (O~ ,. 198). THE MUJABLALU'S-SUBTIN. 
  A little before the death of hIu?.affaru'd-Din Shah and the
of Muhammad 'All, the Mujalla~'s-Sultd?z la title which means
by the King") was in Paris. He is described by one of his countrymen
is a friend of mine as repulsive, utterly illiterate and ignorant, and
corrupt and immoral in the most extreme degree. He bade my informant
"pray for the speedy death of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah," "so that," said
"I may make you the ~qbd~'d-19aw~z"("Fortune of the State "). He
squandered some 3o,ooo francs in Paris and then di.saIipeared A little
later my informant was amazed to see in the papers that he was
back in Persia, and in high favour at the Court of Muhammad 'Ali. Then
he realized what that Court ~vas like, and became convinced that "in
Persia (unlike England, perhaps) in nobility, attainments, virtue,
knowledge and culture the middle classes are infinitely superior to
upper classes," who, he considered, were hopelessly rotten and should
be displaced to make room for their less aristocratic but infinitely
more capable and virtuous countrymen. (Al. ~.)    

NOTE 19 (on pp. 221-225). ORIGINAL TEXTS OF THE 

  Since the argument for the genuineness of the alleged Liakhoff
documents turns partly on the style of the Reports themselves, and
since a judgement on this is only possible to those who are well
acquainted with the Russian language (of whom, unhappily, I am not
one), it seems desirable to give here the original texts, as cited in
M. Panoff's unpublished work.  They are as follows:










  As stated in a note at the foot of p. a67, the moving spirits of the
rising at Rasht were the Mutzzer~'s-Sul~n and his brother Karim Khan,
of whom the latter visited Western Europe twice in the course of the
last two years. Karim Khan spent some zo,ooo roubles (=  out of his
pnvate estate in preparing for this venture, and, with certain trusty
comrades, made five journeys to Tiflis and other parts of the Caucasus
to obtain the necessary arms and ammunition, with ~vhich he returned
disguise by mountain paths and unfreq~'ented tracks. On one occasion
(about March, 1909: see the [KIi~e Book on Persia, p. 56, No. Io~j the
Russians seized fi`re million cartridges and a large number of nfles
whid1 he was bringing to Persia, together with nine of his comrades,
whose fate is still unknown. For three months he and his brother
harboured in their spacious house some seventy mz`;ahza~zn or Natlonal
Volunteers. On the day fixed or the attempt to seize Rasht 

they bade one another an affectionate farewell, little expecting to
another sunrise, and went forth on their desperate, but, as it
successful venture. (See also the WI;'tc Book on Persia, pp. 58 and
'9-80.) It is generally supposed, and apparently with good reason,
the Sipaidar in reality played a very subordinate and by no means
part in the Kasht revolution, and was mainly used by the bolder and
energetic spirits as a figure-head, or "ma-`ars," as tbe Persians say.
Nor is he now (July, Iglc) regarded as a convinced and steadfast
Nationalist, but rather as an Opportunist. Hence he does not command
confidence of his fellow-countrymen in anything like the same degree
the Sar~r-i-As'ad. I am informed on good Persian authority that the
advance of the army of Rasht on the capital was thro,~ghout really
directed by the above-mentioned Mu~izzl`'s-sult4~' the cousin of the
Sar~r-i-Aansur. Under him were the following commanders: 
  (I) Hajji Mirza hI'5sa Khan Mir-pany; who, in conjunction with Samad
Khan Mumf`zu's-Sulta~a (the Persian Minister at Paris, and one of tbe
most enlightened, far-sighted and patriotic of contemporary Persian
statesmen), represented Persia at the funeral of the late King Edward
the Seventh. Musa Khan is the brother of the present ~akf~u'i-Mulk,
is noled for his courage. He was wounded at Bidamak, and later came to
Paris to have the bullet extracted. He was in command of 500 men.    
  (~) ~ hIlrza Hasan Khan 'Amdu's-S'cIMn, brother of the
and Mirzi Karim Khan already mentioned, and cousin of the Sardar-
~:Mans~r. He also was in command of 500 men. 
  (3) Muza 'All Khan M7`nlesir~'d-Daz`~la, the aidc-~amp of the
Sipalddr. He was in command of zoo men. 
  (4) Mirza 'All Khan S~dr-r-~`ih, Colonel, of Kaj~ir. He ~ras in
command of about 80 men. 
  (5) Mirza Hasan of Qazwin, son of the Shay~hu'l-Is~m who was killed
when (2azwin was taken by the Nationalists. He was in command of about
80 men. 
  (6) Mirza Gha~ar Khan of Qazwln, who came to England after the coup
d'eta', as mentioned on p. 166, n. I ad calc. He was in command of
r50 men. Elis portrait faces p. 166 supra. 
  (7) Asadu'llah Khan of Tihran' Mfr-panj, in command of [so men.    
  (8) Monsieur Yeprem (or Ephrem) the Armenian, who has recently
rendered such signal services to Persia in suppressing the marauding
reactionary Shah-sevens at Ardabll and in QaraJa-dagh. He commanded
Izo men. 
  (9) Husayn Beg, son of Shaykh Hasan, the Persian lecturer at
Cambridge, and Mah. mlid, in joint command of some 60 men. 
  (lo) Vallkoff the Georgian, in command of some 80 men. He, however,
with seven or eight others, turned back from Qazwin and did not take
part in the attack on Tibran.    
  The Mu'izzu's-SulM~'s proper name is 'Abdu'1-Husayn Khan, and he is
now entitled Sard`ir-i-Muily. 
  The above particulars were derived from Hajji Mdsa Khan MIr        
  Pa~rj and Karim Khan, who communicated thern to my friend Mfi-za
hinl!anlmad, by whom in turn they were transmitled to me. Muse Khan,
who came to Paris to undergo an operation for the removal of the
l~ullets wherewith he was wounded at the battle of Badamak,
communicated to Mirza Muhammad a somewhat lengthy account of the adv-
ance of the Army of Rasht on Tibran. As it is too long to quote in
I must content myself with a summary of its more important contents,
premising that its value is in some degree impaired by the complete
absence of dates. 
  In this narrative also the S~`rlddr is represented not only as a
figure-head, but as a very half-hearted supporter of the Cause. and it
is even implied that he and his retainer the Mzcn~asiru'd-Dan~la
endeavoured rather to check than to encourage the advance. The three
active commanders, who throughout were in perfect accord, were Musa
Khan, the A - 'izzu's-Szc~r' and MIrza Muhammad 'All Khan. When they
finally decided to leave Qazwin and march on Tihran, the Sipaiddr
~vished to halt at a village belonging to him situated only one
from the former town, hut the orhers insisted on pushing on to
51X parasangs distant, and thence advanced to Yengi Imam, where they
haLted for a few days, partly to allow the rear-guard to come up, but
chiefly because it was reported that a delegatian including the
'Az~a~'lMu~ and other infiuential persons had started from Tihran with
powers to negotiate with them, and they did not wish to do anything
which might prejudice the success of these negotiations. But this
turned out to be devoid of foundation. They therefore decided,
notwithstanding the S~af~ddrts opposition, to conlinue tbeir advance. 

  By this time the Cossacks and some other Royalist troops had
the bridge over the Karaj, a strong position, where a small force
easily bar the way to a much larger body of troops, since the river
the mountains left no other passage. Six hundred Cossacks, with eight
guns, held the bridge, while some two hundred men had been set to
those spots where the river might possibly be forded. The Sipahdr was
opposed to any attack on this position, and advised a long detour to
Shahriyar, distant some seven parasangs, and thence by Shah 'Abdu'l-
'Azim to Tibran, but the other chic& rejected this advice, being
to leave this force of Cossacks in their rear, lest they should be
caught t~etween two Royalist forces and utterly destroyed. They also
recognized that the capture of Karaj would be almost equivalent to the
capture of Tibran, of which it was, as it were, the key. They
spent that night in making all their dispositions and plans, and it
settled that M6sa Khan and Yeprem Khan with their men, who were the
courageous and trustworthy, should form the vangl~ard, but that, even
if they were successful in taking Karaj, they should on no account
pr~rsue the Cossacks beyond that place. During their halt at Karaj
had acquired a good knowledge of the surrounding ccuntry, and in
particular had received information from the villa~ers (whose hearts
they had won by good treatment, while the R.oyalist troops, on the
contrary, had irritated them by vexatious exactions) of a mountain
practicable only for 
pedestrians, which would lead them to a higher level than the hill
occupied by the Cossacks. 
  When the advance began, Yeprem Khan with his men took this path,
Khan was to endeavour to outflank and get hehind the Cossacks,
Asadu'lLah Khan SurJfp occupied the gardens of Karaj, Mirza 'Aii Khan
Sartip was to attack in front, Hajji Mirza E.lasan-i-l~azwn!
lrs~m on the right, and 'Amid~'s-~5z`1~?z on the left. Their movements
were attentively watched by the Russian officers of the Cossack
through their field-glasses. 
  On the approach of the Nationalists, the Cossacks fired several
volleys and then retreated. Mirza 'All Khan's detachment, in spite of
their instructions to the contrary, pursued them, seeing which Mdsa
and Yeprem Khan descended from the bills with their men to stop them
prevent an engagement if possible, and if not to render them asslstan
  The Cossacks, on reaching Shahabad, turned and began to fire on
pursuers, who numbered only about 150 men. The engagement which ensued
lasted from about 7 p.m. that night until 8 a.m. next morning. The
Nationalists had three 7-centimetre guns, two with Musa Khan and one
with Yeprem Khan. The remainder of the Nationalist forces, seeing the
Cossacks retreat, halted where they were, as had been agreed, not
realizing that their comrades were engaged with the enen1y. 
  The Cossacks occupied a stone cara~ansaray, and on this the
Nationalists advanced until they ~vere so near that they could hear
Cossacks talking and bidding one another not ta waste cartridges,
the supply was almost exhausted. But at this juncture reinforcements
reached them fiom 'Fibran, bringing fresh stores of ammunition' where
upon the Cossack hre again became heavy, and Musa Khan was twice
by shrapnel, once in each leg. He nevertheless continued to fight, and
did not suffer his injuries to become known to his followers, lest
should be discouraged. The Nationalists, who had been in the saddle
nearly twenty-four hours, now began to fall back on Karaj, having lost
three men killed two Musulmains and one Armenian) and eight wounded
Musulmans and four Armenians). 'Fine Cossack losses were estimated by
them at forty-six wounded and two waggonloads of dead. Yeprem Khan's
were obliged to leaYe their gun, owing to the restiveness of the mule
which should have dragged it out of action. The Silah~r arrived from
Yeng' Imam just as the retreating Nationalists re-entered it with
wounded commander. 
  At this juncture a message came froin the Sarddr-i-As'ad that the
armies should effect a junction at 'All Shabbaz, which was cccupied
some of the [loyalist Bakhtiy.iris. 11ere a most untoward incident
place. Some of the Royalist Bakhtiyaris, having disguised themselves
Nationalists, advanced towards the mujdhidin of Rasht with shouts of
Long live the Constitution ' Long live the Sipahdar and the Sar`~r-c-
As'ad !"'Fine r`uJahidin, supposing them to be friends, suffered them
to enter their ranks, whereupon they began to fire their guns and to
wrest from the rm~hidcn their weapons. 'rhey were soon 
overpowered and put to flight, after several had been killed; but when
the ~Sar~fr-~:As'ad's BakhtiyarZs approached with the sa~ne shouts,
m''.~'ahid~, thinking that the same trick was about to be repeated,
opened fire on them, and killed seventeen, including the Sar~fr-
~:As'ad's nephew, before they discovered their mistake.    
  In the engagement with the Royalists which ensued, and which - .
lasted until sunset, the combined Nationalist forces lost 65 men 
 -- killed and 40 and odd wounded, while the Royalist losses were
estimated at zoo killed and an unknown number of wounded. That night 
  l ~the Sardrir-''-As'ad and the Si~ahdar with a portion of the
combined l ~ ''!~forces advanced on Tihran, while the rest, some 600
number, ~''~ 2remained with the Afiu'tezz~'s Su~td~z and Mirza
'Aii Khan -at 'All Shabbaz.    
  ~';r~"~ Next day the Royalists [at Shahabad], finding the
camp at Badamak deserted and abandoned, fell to looting it, but while
 they were so employed they received a message bidding them return at
once to the capital. When the rear-guard of the Nationalists reached
Tibran, Muhammad 'All had already taken refuge in the Russian Legation
and abdicated his throne. 
  NOTE ~T (`on ~S. Z69). MR H. C. BASKERVILLE. 
  The following particulars concerning the unfortunate Mr Baskerville
were kindly furnished to me, in a letter dated April 8, 1910, by Mr W.
A. Shedd, his countryman and fellow-worker. 
  "Mr Baskerville ( EI oward C. ijaskervil le) was a grad `'ate of
Princeton University (B.A., Class of 1907) who was teacher in Science
and English in the Memorial Boys' School at Tabriz, connected with the
American Presbyterian Mission in that city. He came from America under
contract for two years' work in the School. As a teacher he was
successful, and his earnest, sincere and manly character gained the
respect of everyone. In the School were naturally young Persians of
progressive class, and one of the Persian teachers was Mirza Husayn
Shartf-zada, who became one of the most trusted and best of the
Nationalist leaders in Tabriz. Sometime during ~908 he was
in the streets of Tabrtz by som e ~nen of the opposite party. These
circumstances, as well as the inevitable sympathy of a young and
enthusiastic American with the popular cause, led him to take an
interest in the movement, and also made him acquainted with the
Finally he felt it his duty to give up his mission work, offer his
resignation, and throw in his lot with the Nationalist forces. About
same time, but I believe independently, ,~lr Moore, the London
[sic] Ctirrespondent, joined these forces. Each was given a force of
n~en to drill. I believe that Mr liaskerville (and I think Mr Moore
also) advised sorties when Sattar Khan did not feel ready. Finally he
insisted on one, apparently for political rather than strategic
when it did not meet with their approval. However Baskerville set out
on what was a hopeless adventure. At least those who have seen the
ar~d the disposition    
  Sattar Khan
  rhe Defenller ~r Tab~lz
  lfahim Khan Qaraja-Daghi,
  one of the besiegers of T.Zbriz, frZtemizing with the Russi;`n
officials. See p. 347 

of the mud walls in the neighbourhood so describe it. Most of his men
failed him, Sattar Khan was not ready with the support he had promised
to bring, and Baskerville was killed. His funeral was made the
of a great demonstration. I think that there is no doubt but that
two foreigners helped to dissuade the Nationalists from some rash
projects, such as attacks on foreigners. He was disappointed in Sattar
Khan, whom, indeed, success seems to have ruined, or he was already in
a bad way before he became prominent....I think that there is no doubt
whatever of Mr Baskerville's worthiness to be ranked as a martyr,
perhaps the more so as he found a good deal to disappoint him and
held on. The Mission, of course, is precluded by its position from
espousing a political cause, and 34r Baskerville's act was a private
        NOTE 22 (O~Z P. 269). SATTAR KHAN. 
        From information supplied to me from several trustworthy
since my account of the siege of Tabriz was in print, I fear there is
no doubt that Sattar Khan deteriorated sadly during the latter part of
the siege and afterwards. The following is from a correspondent in
judgement I have great confidence, and who was well placed for forming
an opinion. I quote it with great regret, but since the aim of the
historian should be the truth only, I feel that I have no right to
suppress it. 
        " With regard to Sattar Khan, I hope you will be moderate in
your praises of him in your Constitutional History. I went to Tabriz a
fervent admirer of Sattar, and I came away with another lost illusion.
Sattar is an illiterate, ignorant Qara-daghi horse-dealer, who has no
more idea of what a Constitution means than Rahim Khan. He was a sort
of ~tz' in Tabriz, and had enrolled himself amongst the pda'zs before
the coup d'etat of June, 1908. When the fighting began in Tabriz, he
shewed considerable courage, and a certain spirit of leadership which
enabled him to assert his supremacy over the Izztz's of his quarter.
has something in him of a Claude Duval, a chivalrous brigand, not
without a love of theatrical effects. This character undoubtedly led
to act well in adversity, and, as much as anyone, I am ready to
acknowledge the great debt Persians owe to him. It is a strange story,
the struggle at FabrSz during the summer of 1908. Within three weeks
after the coup d'etat all was practically over. The Nationalists had
surrendered, Baqir Khan, who is a cowardly bully, had hung a Russian
flag over his house; and Rahim Khan was in possession of the town.
Sattar Khan, with about 200 horsemen, still held out. The revolting
cruelty of the Qara-daghis forced the townsmen to take up arms again,
and RahSm Khan was driven out. Then Sattar Khan shewed himself at his
best. Of course he was largely helped by the Caucasians, to whose
greater skill in war he generally deferred, but it would be idle to
that he himself shewed great courage, moderation and skill in
what seemed to be a hopeless fight. His followers besought him not to
expose himself, representing that his death would mean the

collapse of the Constitutional cause. He declined to listen to their
arguments, and replied that he did not understand such subtleties, and
that his place was in the firing line. His conduct then was not
a simple grandeur, which won him the sympathies of the Europeans in
Tabriz. His love of theatrical effect was, of course, in some degree
responsible for his conduct, which, however, was admirable. It was his
steadiness and cheerful assurance which largely contributed to the
saving of Tabriz. 'God is on our side,' he used to say, and perhaps
believed it. You know the story of that successful resistance, the
repulse of that furious attack of the MakU Kurds, the grim resistance
against which the general attack of the Royalist forces failed
hopelessly, I and the final sortie over the Aji Bridge in the night,
resulting in the rout of the besieging army. That moment was the
of Sattar Khan. Had he fallen then he would have left a glorious name
in history. But success spoiled him. He began to rob inoffensive
citizens; his house was full of spoils; eleven stolen pianos decorated
his drawing-room; he took to heavy drinking; he took unto himself
many wives; he was no longer seen in the firing rank, but rested on
laurels in slothful ease. Moore has probably told you the pitiful
of the second siege. Once or twice Sattar shewed some of his old
spirit. Once, when in a sortie towards Alvar he was abandoned by
most of his followers, and yet held his own with admirable coolness,
conducting the retreat with perfect mastership. Again when Samad
Khan attacked and was almost successful, Sattar Khan came out and |
stayed the rout, changing defeat into victory. But these were only I
expiring flashes. I will not linger on the final stages of his
demoralization. After the siege his behaviour was disgraceful, and he
and Baqir Khan were largely responsible for the prolonged stay of the
troops. His conduct at Ardabil was despicable, and was mainly
responsible for the rebellion of the Shah-sevens, whose chiefs had
into Ardabil to tender their submission. Sattar, in a drunken fit,
insulted them in the coarsest language. Furious at this treatment by
a man whom they looked on as a plebeian, they left the town and
joined Rahim Khan. Sattar then ignobly abandoned the unfortunate
town to its fate and fled to Tabriz. There he grossly insulted
Mz6khoir~'s-Saltana, and made the government of Tabriz almost
impossible. I was in Tabriz during all this time, and I can assure you
that all the better Constitutionalists were furious with Sattar and
for his removal.
  "I think that the above is a fair description of Sattar, and I know
that Taqi-zada, for instance, agrees with it. Other Nationalists who
were in Tabriz during the period in which Sattar consistently
AIukhbir~c's-Saltana's government would give a less favourable
description. But then, in their natural resentment against Sattar's
unpatriotic attitude and terrorizing system in the town, they forget
real services he rendered during the first siege. 
  "I have tried to be impartial, and I cannot admit either that Sattar
is undeserving of praise, or that he merits the title of 'the Persian

  The marked hostility of the Times correspondent towards the Persian
Nationalists, of which so many instances have been given in these
naturally aroused great feeling on their side against him and his
In NO. 169 of the frdn-i-Waw (April 4, I9IO) there appeared a
translation of a letter written by that correspondent on Feb. 5, and
published in the Ttmes of Feb. 28, Iglo, under the heading of "Persia:
the Distrust of Russia." To the translation of that letter the
irdn-i-~aw, which was evidently much annoyed by the assertion that "
was controlled by Armenians and Russians from the Caucasus," appends
following observations: 
  "It is very strange that, in pursuit of a purely European aim, the
Times is ready to advance its objects even at the cost of trampling
under foot those laudable qualities for which it was once especially
  "In adapting its utterances to those of the lVovae Vremya in order
further the alliance desired by Sir Edward Grey and M. Izvolsky, the
Times has so far forgotten not only that love of liberty for which the
English were formerly so famous, but also a reputation for
which had almost passed into a proverb, that it is ready to lower its
standard of distinction and gentlemanly conduct in order to confuse
Persian public opinion by accusing one of the chief Persian newspapers
of being 'controlled by Russians from the Caucasus.' If the allusion
this poisonous allegation is to one of the writers on our staff, who
a Persian by birth, but whose ancestors inhabited the Caucasus, where
he also naturally grew up, and who, impelled by patriotism, has
to his original home, then it is an astonishing thing that the
correspondent should see fit, without further enquiry, to send such
information to his paper. 
  "Now as to Armenians being members of our staff, it is evident,
however much the Times may boast of 'international' and 'cosmopolitan'
sentiments, what poison of prejudice is mingled with its conceptions
of us. For in any country which reckons Armenians amongst its children
is possible that an Armenian may be placed at the head of a paper,
though as a matter of fact this statement of the Times is false, for
have no Armenian on our editorial staff. 
  "Before its present correspondent the Times maintained in Persia a
correspondent whose prejudiced writings rendered a greater service to
Russia than Liakhoff and Shapshal. 
  "A credible witness related as follows: 'When the Nationalist forces
reached Tibran I met three persons mourning and sorrowful, first
Liakhoff, second Sa'du'd-Dawla, and third Mr David Fraser. The last
the most disturbed: he was wringing his hands and saying, " No it is
impossible! This is some rascally trick ! One Russian IS equal to five
hundred revolutionaries. I am disgraced in the eyes of the readers of
the Times. Moreover I have wagered a large sum of

money, and now I shall lose it ! "' It is obvious that, in comparison
with Mr Fraser, the present correspondent of the ~*nes is a cause of
        NOTE 24 (on pp. 329 et seq~?~). EXECUTION OF SHAYKH FAZLU
  Mirza Muhammad writes: " According to the statements of a number of
trustworthy persons who were present at the execution of Shaykh
Fazlu'llah, the story of his kissing the rope is false. He only said,
'On the Day of Judgement these men [i.e. my judges and executioners]
will have to answer to me for this. Neither was I a " reactionary,"
were Siyyid 'Abdu'llah [Babbahani] and Siyyid Muhammad [Tabataba'l] "
constitutionalists ": it was merely that they wished to excel me, and
I them, and there was no question of "reactionary" or "constitutional"
principles.' At the last moment he 
is said to have recited this verse: I
  "'If we were a heaz~y ourden, we are gone; If we were unkind, we are
  Then, without strewing any emotion or fear, he said to the
executioners who were waiting to accor~plish their task, 'Do your work
" He was hanged in his turban and cloak ('a~i), but was only suspended
for about ten minutes, when his body was let down and given to his
relatives. His eldest son, Mirza lVl~IIIUI (of whose conduct the most
charitable explanation is that he was insane) stood at the foot of the
gallows, reviling his father, and urging the National Volunteers
(mu)ahzdz'n) to bring this sad business to a speedy end. 
  "I myself studied for a year or two with Shaykh Fazlu'llah, and for
four years taught Arabic to his two sons Ziya'u'd-Din and Hajji Mirza
Hadi. I know all of them well: they were good and kind-hearted
gentlemen, and I can only attribute Shaykh Fazlu'llah's sad end to bad
fortune and an evil destiny. 
  "The members of the Supreme Court of Judicature
(Makkama-iQazawaf-~:'Ali) which tried and condemned Shaykh Fazlu'llah
were as follows: 
        (1) Shaykh Ibrahim-i-Zanjani, Deputy for Zanjan. 
        (2) Mirza Muhammad, editor of the newspaper 117a~at. 
        (3) Ja'far-quli Khan the Bakhtiyari. 
        (4) Siyyid Muhammad, entitled Imam-~da, the present ImamJum'a,
son of the late Imd?n-Jum'a. 
        (5) The ~'t7~a'u'1-M~lk, now attached to the Persian Embassy
        (6) Ja'far-quli Khan, one of the Persian residents in
        (7) Hajji Mirza 'Abdu'l-Husayn Khan of Kashan, entitled
        (8) The Yamin-~:1V'zam 
        (9) Mirza 'All Muhammad Khan, National Volunteer. 
        (TO) Ahmad 'All Khan, National Volunteer. 
        " The I'tiM'u'l-Mulk himself communicated to me the names of
members of this Court when he was in Paris three or four mollths ago,
and I took them down in writing at the time." (M. M.) 
        NOTE 25 (on p. 330). THE FATE OF CERTAIN PROMINENT
  "The Mushfru's-Saltana and Kamran Mirza JVa'iou's-Saltana did not
leave the country with Muhammad 'All Mirza [the ex-Shah], but remained
in Tihran. Kamran Mirza put himself under Russian protection and is
still in Tihran. The Mushiru's-Saltana appears to have ransomed
for some 60,000 tumans (12,000), and is also still in Tihran. The
Muja~lalu's-Sulta72 and Muwaqqaru's-Saltana accompanied the deposed
Shah. The former is still in Vienna with the A'nir Bahadur Jang: the
latter returned to Persia, was arrested, and was hanged on January 27,
1910, at Tihran." (~II. M.) 
  The following account of the Muwaqqaru's-Saltana's examination at
Ministry of Police appeared in the Iran-i-l~aw of Jan. 3o, 19IO, No.
                         ( Translation. ) 
  "After the Muwaqqaru's-Saltana had been subjected to a searching
examination in the First Division of the Criminal Court of the Supreme
Ministry of Justice, in the presence of an impartial Commission, and
had been condemned to death, five hours after sunset on the evening of
Thursday, Muharram I5 [A.H. I328=Jan. 27, 19103 he was brought to the
Ministry of Police. On the morning of that Thursday he was conducted
the examination room, where certain further investigations were
out. In reply, he first made sundry irrelevant statements having no
connection with the questions put to him, and, even when I threatened,
continued to make various unprofitable statements, until finally,
hours before sunset, in the presence of Iqtidaru'd-4awla, the
representative of the Government, 1'Vizamu's-Sultan, Sardar Yahya,
Mir'4tu's-Sulta'n, Chief of the Investigation Department, and
Wuthuqi-~\7i~am, he made the following declaration. Some of the
disclosed by him, having regard to the gravity of the affair, are
kept secret, but we shall insert so much as is permissible, while the
conclusion will naturally be made known at the proper time. 
  "First of all the Muwaqqaru's-Saltana himself asked of those of the
Commission who were present, 'If I tell you what I know, and you
it to the people, is it possible that my crime should be overlooked,
that I should not be put to death, but that my punishment should be
mitigated ?   "'If you tell the whole truth,' was the answer, 'the
Persian people will certainly mitigate your punishment.' 
  "'Then,' he proceeded, ' I swear by God's Word that I will tell you 

what I know without one falsehood, and you shall communicate it to the
  "At this juncture one of the examiners sat down behind the door of
room and took down verbally what he said. 
"The Muwaqqaru's-Saltana then continued as follows: 
  "'When we left Tihran, in consequence of the promises given to the
Shah by Prince Mu'ayyzdu's-Sa~tana (who had said to him, " I will not
allow you to go to Russia: do you only linger somewhat on the road,
I will work for you ") the Shah made very slow and deliberate progress
from stage to stage, expecting that news would reach him of
in the provinces, and enquiring every day by telephone from the
as to the conditions prevailing there. The Amir Bahadur Jang had also
assured the Shah that he had written to Iqla'~'s-Saltana, Rahim Khan
Shuja'?`'d-Dawla to create disturbances in their districts, and to
declare that they would not suffer the Shah to go to Europe. The Shah
himself, moreover, while on the road had requested the Russian Cossack
officers to induce the Persian Cossacks at ()azwin to stop his
while on the same day the Cossacks at Tihran should create a
there, declaring that they would not suffer the Shah to leave Persia.
The Shah's own intention, however, was that at Qazwin he, with the
Bahadur Jang and some of his other companions, should mount mares and
should swiftly flee to the Khamsa tribesmen whom the Amir Bahadur had
promised to provide, while these should be reinforced by the horsemen
of the Iq~ia'lu's-Saltana and Rahinl Khan, who should prevent his
departure. When news of the arrest of Mu'ayy~du's-Saltara reached the
Shah, he still did not despair, saying, "This matter will be effected
at Rasht," and adding that the chief ~ujtahid of that town was one of
his own men, and that he would surely be ready to create a disturbance
  "'Thus it was that we proceeded to Rasht, where one or two persons
visited the Legation (sic), and brought letters from Khamsa, which
conveyed to the Shah by the Amir Bahadur Jang, but I did not gather
they were about. When we reached Anzali, however, he sent for me and
said, "The time is now come for you to render me a service." I
"What shall I do?" He said, "You must go as an envoy from me to a
certain person who is one of ourselves." "Who and where is that
I replied, " and what shall I say to him ~ " " That person," answered
the Shah, " is 1qla'/u's-Saltana of Maku. All you have to do is to
him and say, 'Now is the time for your service. Although I have 20,000
J~da"~'s (devoted adherents), yet it is of you that I ask help. All
towns, moreover, are awaiting news of me. Do not, however, tell him
I have been forcibly expelled from Tihran. nor that they overcame me
force. Say, 'He himself deemed it expedient to go to Russia, settle
affairs there, and return, and now he relies on the help of you, his
faithful and loyal servants."' 
        " 'To this I replied, " When the I~a'lu's-~'altana and Rahim
Khan see me in this garb, they will not recognize me, nor pay any
attention to my words. It would be better, therefore, that you should
put it in writing." 
  ""'Nay," said he, "for should I write anything, and should you
be captured on the way, such writing may be a source of danger for
But I will give you a sign which shall suffice to identify you when I
write in my own hand." 
  ""'Very well," I replied, "but I need some money for current
  ""'You know perfectly well," he answered, " that I have not brought
such money with me, but I will give you a little to enable you to
him Once there, he will give you whatever is necessary. As for the
It is this which I now tell you, and do not forget it. Say to him,
sign is this, that you wrote to me that I should give my daughter in
marrlage to your son. And I am writing in my own hand by means of
~qla~'s-Saltana that when the matter is finished I will give [you]
Tabriz. As for the person of whom you wrote that he betrayed my
Government in the war at Tabriz, I will punish him severely. On the
arrival of Mz~zonqqar~'s-Saltana you must act on any instructions
reach you in writing."' 
  "'After thus concluding the discussion, the Shah went into the
(women's apartments) and sent out to me 75 tdma'ns in cash, with this
message: " By thy life I swear that I have sold several guns in
and that this is part of the money obtained by this sale. Be content,
so far as possible, with this money, and betake thyself whither thou
  "'After receiving the money I reflected a little, and came to the
conclusion that, with so small a sum at my disposal, it would be the
height of folly for me to court death. So I said to the Amir Bahadur
Jang, "The Shah instructs me thus. What is your opinion?" He replied,
" Do not take a penny of this money. There is no necessity for you to
go, for during the time we were at Zarganda1 I sent several messengers
to arrange this matter, and news from them should reach us in the
of the next two or three days. Should it be necessary you will go
  "'Thus it was that I did not again enter the Shah's presence. We
started for the Caucasus, and on arriving there Muhammad 'All Mirza
a secret conclave with some Caucasians, of whom the chief was Salim
the Amir Bahadur Jang being also present. I supposed that the message
of which the latter had spoken was about to reach me, and that during
these two or three days these had brought the news. After half an hour
Salim Beg came out, holding a bundle of papers in his hand, and went
away with the Caucasians who accompanied him The Amir Bahadur Jang was
sent after me. I asked him what was the cause of the secret conclave.
He replied, " The Shah has written some telegrams and is sending them
by means of these people to the Russian Prime Minlster, so that he may
enter into correspondence with him." I suspect, however, that these
papers were not telegrams. 
  "'At all events I left the Shah there, and set out for Paris with
Amir Bahadur Jang, Mu~allalu's-Sulfan and Arshadu'd-Dawla. In one 

' The summer residence of the Russian Legation. 

of the stages on the way thither I quarrelled one night with
M~jallahz~sSz~lt~n over a game of dice at a hotel. He became very
abusive and boxed my ears. I struck him and abused him. From that
onwards I was naturally on bad terms with him. His companions took his
part and gave me a good, sound thrashing. Next day I parted from them
and proceeded to Paris....'
  "It was at this point that the prisoner made certain disclosure5
we deem it inexpedient to divulge. Even at the foot of the gallows
certain further questions were put to him and certam answers were
by him which it is our duty for the present not to disclose.~, 
  The execution of this unfortunate man was carried out in the most
barbarous manner, and created a very painful impression. It is much to
be regretted that the otherwise admirable record of the
Constitutionalists should have been defaced by such cruelty, or at any
rate such culpable negligence. 
                         END OF THE NOTES. 
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