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Abstract:
Explores the possibility of including other great religious figures in the Bahá'í category of "Manifestations of God" using the Iroquois prophet Deganawida as an example.
Notes:
See also Messengers of God in North America, Revisited: An Exegesis of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Tablet to Amír Khán, by Christopher Buck and Donald Addison. See also a commentary on this article by William Collins. First published in Bahá'í Studies Review (1996), later abridged for Reason and Revelation: Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í History 13 (2002). This article won the Award for Excellence in Bahá’í Studies (University Category), Association for Bahá’í Studies (Ottawa).
Crossreferences:
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6, pp. 97-133
Abstract: Academic and popular interest has lent prestige to native spirituality and has brought it into prominence. The United Nations proclamation of 1993 as the International Year of Indigenous People gave native peoples international recognition. A corresponding interest in native culture has "valorised" (brought respect to) native spirituality. The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Canada took a position of advocacy on behalf of First Nations Canadians in its formal submission to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples in the fall of 1993. The strong native presence in Canadian Bahá'í community life raises the question of the place of native spirituality within a Bahá'í worldview. Homefront "pioneers" have extended Bahá'í universalism to a recognition of the richness and authenticity of native cultural values. Such recognition has been supported by local Bahá'í policy, as attested in teaching pamphlets addressed to native peoples, in which the concept of First World messengers of God has been validated. Although theoretically acknowledged, explicit recognition of native messengers of God has yet to be formalised in Bahá'í doctrine.
I. The limits of universalism
Now again [?], secondly I say, "Now it is arriving, the Power,' and this means that the different nations, all of the nations, will become just a single one, and the Great Law will come into being, so that all now will be related to each other, and there will come to be just a single family, and in the future, in days to come, this family will continue on. Now in turn, the other, my third saying 'Now it is arriving, the Peace', this means that everyone will become related, men and also women, and also the young people and the children, and when all are relatives, every nation, then there will be peace... Then there will be truthfulness, and they will uphold hope and charity, so that it is peace that will unite all of the people, indeed, it will be as though they have but one mind, and they are a single person with only one body and one head and one life, which means that there will be unity... When they are functioning, the Good Message and also the Power and the Peace, these will be the principal things everybody will live by; these will be the great values among the people." (Deganawida, Iroquois prophet, circa 1450 CE)(2) To the warring tribes 700-800 years ago there came an astonishing Prophet of Peace— Deganawidah united five, later six, mutually hostile tribal groups in a federal union based on democracy, the first in the Western Hemisphere. He cemented this union with a "Great Law of Peace," a constitution which propounded one expansive human family... And thus, in God's Plan, with Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson as perceptive mediators, the Bill of Rights and the Constitution were vital steps (after the War of Independence [1775-83]) toward realising in America the Iroquois concept of the primacy of individual rights as superior to property and power. And of course the Iroquois foreshadowed, in their Longhouse of sky and earth, the planetary message of the Bahá'í Faith for today. (Dr David Ruhe, former member of the Universal House of Justice)(3) Introduction The United Nations declared 1993 as the International Year of Indigenous People. This reflects a renewed interest, popular and academic, in native spirituality. In Canada, such concern with "First Nations"(4) has had an ecumenical impact as well. A strong native presence in the membership of the Canadian Bahá'í community is reflected in the fact that native Canadians represent the most significant influx of new converts to the Bahá'í Faith in Canada, with the greatest teaching successes reported in the Peigan Reserve in southern Alberta. It is no surprise, therefore, that in the Bahá'í National Convention held in Regina 20-24 May 1993, the Bahá'í program for children focussed "on the unique culture, heritage and destiny of Canada's Native peoples."(5) The "destiny" referred to here is the Bahá'í-inspired vision of Amerindian awakening and its anticipated impact on the historic path to world peace. A corresponding concern with native empowerment and amelioration has produced results at the level of Bahá'í councillor leadership. On 10 September 1993, the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Canada, whose chairperson was a native Canadian woman, made a formal submission to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.(6) This position of advocacy on behalf of native peoples is a natural development of Bahá'í universalism and its social gospel. It is also borne of a genuine respect and appreciation for the authenticity and intrinsic value of native spirituality:
Unity is the only foundation on which problems can be solved. ...We, therefore, ask that the Commission make recommendations relative to new governing structures that increase both the flexibility and the unity of Canadian federalism, a model which the whole world can look at, accommodating the aspirations of Aboriginal peoples and their sense of world citizenship.(7) Reflected thus in its representations to the Parliament of Canada and in its teaching pamphlets, the relation of the Bahá'í Faith to native Canadians has been a dual one: one of advocacy and one of teaching. The implications of this dual relationship are quite obvious. The Bahá'ís would like to see native Canadians embrace their religion and, at the same time, preserve native cultural identities. The purpose of the present study is to examine the implications of such rapprochement for Bahá'í doctrine. A. The "official" and "popular" paradox A classic paradox in the academic study of religion arises from the formal comparison of "official" and "folk" (or "popular") forms of religion. Ideally, the two should mirror one another. In reality, they often do not. This paper will explore one such paradox: indigenisation of sectors of Canadian Bahá'í community life, supported at the policy level but not fully integrated at the doctrinal level. Rise in the indigenisation of Canadian Bahá'í conferences reflects a current trend among missions today in integrating elements of native spirituality with dominant forms of the Canadian religious culture. From a Bahá'í perspective, the major warrant for a religion's spiritual authenticity is the attestation of a bona fide "Manifestation of God" in any given tradition. Acknowledgment of Messengers of God among native Canadians would appear to be a specifically Bahá'í innovation, despite the parallel indigenisation of Christian worship. Towards this end, the concept of Messengers of God to native Canadians has been introduced in the form of localised teaching pamphlets, officially approved by the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Canada but never officially adopted as a public teaching for the non-native population. By accepting native traditions as richly spiritual and valid, and through an "indigenisation" of Bahá'u'lláh, prophet-founder of the Bahá'í Faith, at the missionary level, Bahá'ís have in effect created a body of opinion that may lie outside of the formal teachings of the Bahá'í Faith, since no Manifestation of God among native peoples has been explicitly recognised in Bahá'í doctrine. Official Bahá'í doctrine, which is at heart universalist and egalitarian, has yet to establish a formal position with respect to indigenous religions. This raises the question of the place of native spirituality in Bahá'í prophetology. B. Cross-cultural messianism and Bahá'í universalism
Not unlike popular Mormon identification of Jesus Christ with the ancient Toltec culture hero Quetzalcoátl, the figure of Bahá'u'lláh is becoming progressively indigenised in the Americas. Taking the figure of Quetzalcoátl as a prime example of this Bahá'í teaching technique,(13) Bahá'ís have appealed to prophecies surrounding the return of the Toltec civiliser, and to the "mantic history" of the "Books" of the Yucatec Mayan "Chilam Balam" priests as well.(14) The mystique of such a tradition possibly resides in the fact that it is literate(15) (the Mayans had an extraordinary interest in prophecy) and "historical" (calendrical, chronological, cyclical). In 1975, in the ancient capital of the vast yet centralised Peruvian Inca empire—the golden city of Cuzco—Bahá'ís attending an All-Quechua Bahá'í Conference (Quechua is the surviving language of the ancient Inca empire, now the second official language of Peru) were photographed beside a sign, which, translated from the Spanish, reads: "Bahá'u'lláh is the return of Viracocha."(16) Eschatologically, Bahá'u'lláh has become the Inca culture hero Viracocha redivivus.(17) The existence of prophecies envisioning the return of Quetzalcoátl and Viracocha predisposed Bahá'í pioneers and converts to identify Bahá'u'lláh with both of these culture heroes, Toltec and Inca.(18) The phenomenon of Quechua converts identifying Viracocha with Bahá'u'lláh might in part be explained by a current belief among present-day Incas that the head of the Inca deity Ri actually exists and is reconstituting itself in the Andean underworld, its head growing a body toward its feet. When the body of Ri is restored, the Inca will return.(19) The growing number of localised indigenous messianic connections with the eschatological persona of Bahá'u'lláh will inevitably be exhausted, but the process is still in a developmental stage that has yet to witness the official recognition of native spirituality as a universal feature of Bahá'í doctrine. C. Native teaching and Bahá'í folk beliefs With respect to the international profile of the Bahá'í Faith, the vibrant native presence in the Canadian Bahá'í community is a matter of some renown. A full-colour picture of native Bahá'ís performing at a major Bahá'í conference in Montreal is featured prominently on page eight in the Bahá'í International Community publication, The Bahá'ís: A Profile of the Bahá'í Faith and Its Worldwide Community.(20) On page ten, The Bahá'ís reads: "Bahá'ís the world over come from all religious backgrounds: Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Jain, Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, Zoroastrian, animist, and non-religious" (emphasis added). The use of the term "animist" here is politically incorrect.(21) For the same reason, the present writer recognises that other terms, such as "primitive" and "primal"—these being classifications for native spirituality current in scholarly literature—are themselves theological constructs, and therefore will not be used in this paper.(22) (The term "primordial" is perhaps more neutral, although this does not reflect some very recent developments in native spirituality, which have come about through the influence of both anthropologists and journalists.) Further on, page 37 of the same publication reads: "People from all of the major religious backgrounds have found that the promises and expectations of their own beliefs are fulfilled in the Bahá'í Faith. Bahá'ís from Native American, African and other indigenous backgrounds, similarly, find in the Bahá'í teachings fulfilment of prophetic visions" (emphasis added). Here, reference to prophetic visions would logically require the instrumentality of prophets (major or minor) or, if not, then seers or sages. Prophecies and visions are acknowledged far more easily than are prophets and seers, even though the former require the instrumentality of the latter. Thus, on page 34, under the header "Divine Messengers," the Bahá'í International Community states: "Bahá'ís believe that throughout history the Creator has revealed Himself to humanity through a series of Divine Messengers. These Messengers include: Abraham, Krishna, Moses, Zoroaster, Buddha, Jesus, Muammad, The Báb, Bahá'u'lláh." Absent from this list are native prophets and seers, because they are not attested in Bahá'í scriptures, except in principle. The problem of attestation notwithstanding, we get a much different picture when it comes to native teaching. There are some very significant reasons for this. Throughout Bahá'í history, Bahá'í missionaries—known as "pioneers"—have done more than anyone else to universalise the Bahá'í Faith, both demographically and doctrinally. In 1916-17, 'Abdu'l-Bahá lent considerable impetus to this missionary diversification in his Tablets of the Divine Plan, which, at that time, was addressed to four countries: the United States, Canada, Newfoundland, and Greenland.(23) In fulfilling 'Abdu'l-Bahá's vision of systematic missionary work to be prosecuted throughout the Americas, Bahá'í pioneers dedicated their lives to promoting the Bahá'í gospel of unity. Evidence of such dedication is not lacking: what appears to be a local Mohawk tribute to Bahá'í pioneers, James and Melba Loft, was published in Tekawennake.(24) In the Bahá'í mission field, it was necessary to relate Bahá'í teachings and truth-claims to indigenous traditions. Native-oriented Bahá'í teaching pamphlets were published for that purpose. It is important to note that these pamphlets typically expressed genuine Bahá'í solidarity with elements of native spirituality, which included recognition of some of the great spiritual teachers revered in native traditions. Such pamphlets—some in typescript, others handwritten—were thus on the cutting edge of Bahá'í universalism. In the pamphlet review process, Bahá'í policy has supported the teaching initiatives of Bahá'í pioneers, but official Bahá'í doctrine has not formally assimilated some of the sweeping universalisms published by Bahá'í pioneers or by other authors of teaching materials. In one teaching pamphlet, for instance, Peter Simple, Bahá'í Athabascan Indian from Fort Yukon, Alaska, asserts that in ancient times God sent prophets to the native peoples, and stresses the importance 'Abdu'l-Bahá placed, in the Tablets of the Divine Plan, on teaching native Americans and native Canadians (including the Inuit/Eskimo peoples):
'Abdu'l-Bahá said of the American Indians, "...should these Indians be educated and properly guided, there can be no doubt that through the Divine teachings they will become so enlightened that the whole earth will be illumined."(25) There are many Indian prophecies from different parts of America that are much alike. They go something like this: They tell of a day when the Indian will be run-down, when his soul will be sick and he will not act like much of a man. They say that a time will come when there will be a great deal of confusion about all things, especially religion. Then, a new truth will come from the East (where Bahá'u'lláh lived). This will wake up mankind and will cause the Indians to wake up and become the great people they were before. This can happen when the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh touch the hearts of the Indians.(26)
The Messenger told the red people about One God. The Messenger told the red people to love God. The Messenger told the red people to pray to God. The Messenger told the red people to do to other people What you want them to do to you. The Messenger told the red people He will come again. The Messenger told the red people there will be a great peace someday. The Messenger told the red people to obey His laws. The red people obeyed God's Messenger's laws. The red people were happy then.(27) Clearly, but for teaching purposes only, a Bahá'í commitment to the idea of Messengers of God to native peoples has been made in the publication of localised, native-oriented, and authorised teaching material, including Bahá'í-produced films. This missionary approach has been administratively supported by Bahá'í governing councils at local and national levels. This practice appears to have a basis in Bahá'í principle. That there were messengers of God sent to native peoples can easily be extrapolated on the authority of certain prophetological universalisms, such as this pronouncement by 'Abdu'l-Bahá: "There have been many Manifestations of God. One thousand years ago, two hundred thousand years ago, one million years ago, the bounty of God was flowing, the radiance of God was shining, the dominion of God was existing."(28) In most cases, the identities of these ancient Manifestations of God have been lost in the mists of prehistory. Ethnographic records of the American Eskimo tradition, for example, present no eligible culture hero whom Bahá'ís would be tempted to speculatively hypothesise as having possibly been a Messenger of God. Nevertheless, since God alone is the source of revelation, knowledge of God and of the will of God requires the mediation of divine messengers:
At different times, to different Indian tribes and nations, there came Indian Teachers sent by God to teach them these things. When the people obeyed these great Teachers, they found much happiness in their lives. Each person knew how to act towards other people as well as towards animals, plants and the earth itself.(31) D. The problem of "adding names" Universalism has its limits.(33) Bahá'í salvation history accounts for the appearance of the great world religions as each having been founded by a "Manifestation of God." A Bahá'í list of the founders of the major religions was given in the previous section. This list may be marked by incompleteness. In response to a believer who raised this issue, Shoghi Effendi explained: "Regarding your question: the only reason there is not more mention of the Asiatic Prophets is because their names seem to be lost in the mists of ancient history. Buddha is mentioned and Zoroaster in our scriptures—both non-Jewish or non-Semitic Prophets. We are taught that there have always been Manifestations of God, but we do not have any record of their names".(34) This answer satisfies the problem of inclusivity in cases where all historical traces have vanished. But what of living oral traditions, if and when such narrative events preserve and prolong the memory of a culture hero who is likely to have been a real historical figure in pre-Columbian times? A legend might, after all, have a historical kernel, a basis in history. While historicity is a necessary warrant of authenticity, it is not a sufficient warrant for determining prophetic credentials. Shoghi Effendi stated why: "Regarding your questions: we cannot possibly add names of people we (or anyone else) think might be Lesser Prophets to those found in the Qur'án, the Bible and our own Scriptures. For only these can we consider authentic Books."(35) Note that this pronouncement, in principle, does not exclude other religious traditions from recognition. Take the case of Buddhism, for instance. Nowhere in Bahá'u'lláh's writings is Buddhism ever discussed. In explaining Bahá'u'lláh's silence, Shoghi Effendi reasoned: "As there were no followers of the Báb or Bahá'u'lláh derived from the religions of the Far East in Their days, this may be the reason that They did not address any Tablets directly to these people." (36) Nor is there any mention in Bahá'u'lláh's writings of the Buddha by name, for the very same reason. Yet Bahá'u'lláh's designated successor and interpreter, 'Abdu'l-Bahá, assimilated both Krishna(37) and Buddha into Bahá'u'lláh's prophetic scheme, which is referred to as "Progressive Revelation." While 'Abdu'l-Bahá certainly had the authority to add to the number of Manifestations of God attested to in the Writings of Bahá'u'lláh, individual Bahá'ís have neither the authority nor the licence to do so. In this respect, the Bahá'í canon of named Manifestations of God is, for all intents and purposes, closed. How is it possible, therefore, for high-ranking Bahá'í officials to add to this list anyway?(38) In the epigraph at the beginning of this paper, former Universal House of Justice member Dr David S. Ruhe was quoted as saying: "To the warring tribes 700-800 years ago there came an astonishing Prophet of Peace—Deganawidah."(39) This statement was made as the opening remark of the Hasan M. Balyuzi Memorial Lecture, presented at the 18th Annual Conference of the Association for Bahá'í Studies at Harvard on 13 August 1994, and since published in the Journal of Bahá'í Studies. Also cited above is a similar statement made by Counsellor Jacqueline Left Hand Bull Delahunt—herself a Lakota Indian—in 1995, when, in a widely televised interview, she declared her personal belief that: "She [White Buffalo Calf Woman] has returned. Not in the same form that she came in the first time but really in the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh."(40) Although this statement reflects her personal conviction, yet it was made in her official capacity as an appointed dignitary of the Bahá'í Faith. Since more is known about Deganawida than about White Buffalo Calf Woman, it should prove useful at this juncture to examine the Deganawida legacy, to try to see why it presents itself to not a few Bahá'ís as evidence of an authentic native messenger of God—a conviction that illustrates the paradox of official and popular Bahá'í beliefs. II. "The Peacemaker" as a test case A. A personal note In 1993, in my first contact with Native Canadians at an interfaith event held in Mississauga, Ontario, the name of Deganawida was spoken of, with reverence, in the same breath and spirit as the name of Jesus Christ. This spirit of profound reverence made a deep impression on me, and I resolved to find out more about this native Canadian culture hero. In course of my subsequent reading I came across this generous assessment of the legacy of Deganawida and the Iroquois, spoken by Richard Pilant in his address to the Institute of Iroquoian Studies in 1960:
B. The Deganawida cycle Deganawida is a name said to mean, "Two water currents flowing together."(44) If tradition warrants, sometime between AD 1400(45) and AD 1600 (possibly in the year AD 1451 when the Iroquois witnessed an eclipse of the sun), Deganawida,(46) the "Heavenly Messenger,"(47) is said to have established the Great League of Peace among the warring Five Nations of the Iroquois (from east to west, the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca). The League's origins and purposes are explained in the central Iroquois myth, the Deganawida epic.(48) The nature of this warfare was that of a cultural pattern known as the "mourning war," essentially a system of blood feuds. Huron by birth and Mohawk by adoption, Deganawida was a prophet, statesman and law giver who co-founded with Hiawatha the Iroquois "League of People of the Longhouse," also known as the "Great League of Peace." This League, in actual practice, was vested in a council of fifty peace chiefs, or "sachems" (a term used to distinguish these from other chiefs). Each successor to a League chief was chosen by a "clan mother" presiding over the lineage in which the title was held. The governing council required unanimous consent to render each of its decisions.(49) The symbol of the League was the White Tree of Peace, over which hovered an ever-vigilant eagle. The historicity of the League of Five Nations is not in dispute, nor is the existence and role of Deganawida himself in the formation of the original Iroquois confederacy. The traditional legend, which survives in several versions, has variations, that pose no serious challenge to the unity of the narrative. Mythic elements, of course, give the legend its charm and symbolic depth, which in and of themselves are no less valuable. Christian influence, however, cannot be ruled out, and, for this reason, the version known as the Code of Dekanahwideh together with the Tradition of the Origin of the Five Nations' League, "Prepared by the committee of chiefs appointed by the Six Nations' Council of Grand River, Canada, and adopted by Council of Chiefs, July 3, 1900," is prefaced with this concession:
In ancient times, Tarenyawagon ("The Holder of the Heavens") saved the Five Nations from onslaught of the Stone Giants. He conquered monsters and put the world in order. He gave laws for men to follow, taught the art of war, and provided for good fishing. Over time, the five tribes had a disagreement, and went their separate ways. Among the ancestors a child was born to a Huron virgin near the Bay of Quinte near Kingston, Ontario. This child was an incarnation of Tarenyawagon, entrusted with a great mission of peace. His first task was to cure the Iroquois of cannibalism. Deganawida set out on his mission in a canoe carved from white stone. He crossed Lake Ontario. On the far shore he found hunters whose village had been razed. They told of warmongering, slaughter of innocents, and of cannibalism. Deganawida then visited Djigonsasa, the Mother of Nations, who fed warriors travelling through. He told her to cease supporting the war parties, and then imparted to the Mother of Nations his gospel of Righteousness, Peace, and Power, symbolised by the Longhouse and the Great Law:
Righteousness means justice practised between men and between nations; it means also a desire to see justice prevail. Health means soundness of mind and body; it also means peace, for that is what comes when minds are sane and bodies cared for. Power means authority, the authority of law and custom, backed by such force as is necessary to make justice prevail; it also means religion, for justice enforced is the will of the Holder of the Heavens and has His sanction. It will take the form of the Longhouse, in which there are many fires, one for each family, yet all live as one household under one Chief Mother. Hereabouts are Five Nations, each with its own Council Fire, yet they shall live together as one household in peace. They shall be the Kanonsiónni, the Longhouse. They shall have one mind and live under one law. Thinking shall replace killing, and there shall be one Commonwealth.(52) Deganawida came to one cannibal's lodge. Deganawida climbed to the roof and lay chest-down by the smokehole. After the cannibal's grisly stew was brewed, as the cannibal was about to eat from a bowl made of bark, he suddenly beheld in it the face of Deganawida. The cannibal thought he saw himself looking up from the depths of the pot. Then Deganawida met the cannibal as he threw away the body. They ate venison together, then buried the corpse. To the cannibal Deganawida explained his message, adding that the Ruler had ordained that antlers be worn as a sign of authority. The cannibal accepted. Thereupon Deganawida named the cannibal, Hiawatha. Deganawida went next to the Mohawks to preach his message. To the "Flint Nation" Deganawida proclaimed: "The Great Creator from whom we are all descended sent me to establish the Great Peace among you. No longer shall you kill one another and nations shall cease warring upon each other. Such things are entirely evil and he, your Maker, forbids it."(53) Though persuaded by his message, the Mohawks demanded proof of Deganawida's power to establish such a peace. The prophet obliged, answering: "I am able to demonstrate my power for I am the messenger of the Creator and he truly has given me my choice in the manner of my death."(54) Trial by ordeal was in order, one of his own choosing. He scaled a tree, and, after it was felled over a precipice, emerged unscathed. He then wed the chief's favourite daughter and became a chief himself. The chief accepted Deganawida's message. Hiawatha tried to convert the cannibal despot, Atotarho, his half-brother. Atotarho was a wizard, chief of the Onondagas, with snakes for hair, twisted in body and mind. The wizard frustrated all of Hiawatha's attempts to establish peace. Then, according to one version, Osinoh the Witch transformed herself into an owl and killed each one of Hiawatha's daughters. Hiawatha was distraught, with no one who could comfort him in his grief. Mourning, Hiawatha forsook the Onondagas. As he wandered, Hiawatha came upon a lake or cluster of lakes, filled with ducks. He startled them, and as they took flight, they took all the lake water with them. Gathering the shells from the lake bottom and stringing them into beads, Hiawatha invented wampum and spoke of its use for consoling those who mourn.(55) In a cornfield outside a Mohawk village, Hiawatha found a hut, where he made a fire and proceeded to make wampum. To messengers from the village Hiawatha taught protocol in the ritualised use of wampum. The village chief promised Hiawatha a seat of honour at council where they could consult over food, but the promises were broken. Hiawatha again went wandering. Hiawatha then chanced upon Deganawida, who went about consoling Hiawatha with eight of the thirteen strings of wampum fashioned by Hiawatha. Wampum proved an effective medicine for those who mourn, as Hiawatha's grief was dispelled. Deganawida then sent scouts in the form of crows, bear, or deer, to find Atotarho's column of smoke. In the meantime, Deganawida and Hiawatha successively won the allegiance of the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Senecas. With the two having the power of unity, Deganawida led the Nations to Atotarho, in order to transform him, singing the Peace Hymn along the way. As the procession reached Onandaga, Deganawida exorcised Atotarho of his evil spirits. The two Iroquois prophets got Atotarho to agree to be the firekeeper, the principal chief, with veto power and Onandoga as the capital of the Five Nation's territory. After enlisting the Onondaga chief's support, Deganawida planted the Great Tree of Peace in what is now Syracuse, New York. Tradition relates that Deganawida uttered these words as he established the confederacy:
I name the tree the Tree of the Great Long Leaves. Under the shade of this Tree of the Great Peace we spread the soft white feathery down of the globe thistle as seats for you, Adodarhoh, and your cousin Lords.... Roots have spread out from the Tree of the Great Peace, one to the north, one to the east, one to the south and one to the west. The name of these roots is The Great White Roots and their nature is Peace and Strength.... We place at the top of the Tree of the Long Leaves an Eagle who is able to see afar. If he sees in the distance any evil approaching or any danger threatening he will at once warn the people of the Confederacy.(56) The League then established its foreign policy, with laws regulating admission into the League. Delegations were sent out to the Ojibways, Cherokees, and other tribes to offer them the Great Peace. The League reserved the right to wage just war against any opposing nation that refused to accept the "Great Peace." The final symbol of the League was the Condolence ceremony, a re-enactment of the rite as performed by Deganawida for Hiawatha, and by both for the exorcism of Atotarho. The Condolence ceremony, with its thirteen wampum strings of Requickening, would serve to swerve the mourner from vengeful grief resulting in never-ending blood feuds. Having fulfilled his mission, Deganawida departed, promising to come again in a time of crisis. Deganawida's very name was considered sacred, and for this reason, he is often simply referred to as "the Peacemaker."(57) Typical of myths narrating the exploits of other culture heroes, Deganawida "travels magically, overcomes a whole series of trials, and battles monsters.... The myth of origin, like the legend, tells that the hero's task is to structure the world and society. It is in this sense that myths are the reflection of society."(58) The historicity of Deganawida, though never in doubt, presents all the problems of the so-called quest for the historical Jesus. Overlooked by Vecsey in his critical treatment of the Deganawida cycle—but in complete accord with his findings—is S. Seldon's dissertation on Deganawida. After examining differing published versions, along with versions collected by the author himself (documented in English during visits to several Iroquois reserves and reservations including Tyendinaga, Six Nations, and St. Regis), Seldon found that the legend of Deganawida was transformed over time into myth. Furthermore, the roles of Deganawida and Hiawatha altered through time as a function of various social and psychological pressures on the Iroquois.(59) Of the extant versions of the Deganawida cycle, Gibson's narrative is, according to Vecsey, "perhaps definitive."(60) C. Mad Bear's prophecy of Deganawida's return Since there is at least one tradition of Deganawida's return, it is probably only a matter of time before Bahá'í pioneers to Iroquois peoples proclaim Bahá'u'lláh to be the return of Deganawida. Are not the prophecies surrounding the return of Deganawida, beyond the amelioration of the Iroquois themselves, simply an extension of his vision of the Great Peace? If so, is there affinity with Bahá'í teachings and does acceptance of such teachings really conduce to Iroquois aspirations and needs? These questions of faith are not value neutral and so fall outside of the scope of this study. Phenomenologically, the process of Bahá'í teaching typically makes use of such traditions, as in the case of Quechua Bahá'ís proclaiming Bahá'u'lláh to be the return of Viracocha. Let us then examine one tradition foretelling the return of Deganawida. Mad Bear (Wallace Anderson), was an Iroquois nationalist, a Tuscarora by birth. In August, 1959, author Edmund Wilson had an interview with Mad Bear. In the course of that exchange, Mad Bear expressed his occasional despondency over the plight of his people and the seeming futility of his struggle for their rights. In such moments, Mad Bear related: "Sometimes I feel that the struggle is completely hopeless. Then again I don't know. I think that maybe some day the Iroquois will come into their own again."(61) Then Mad Bear proceeded to relate a prophecy ascribed to Deganawida, which was presumably a source of encouragement whenever his collective hopes for his people flagged. He had heard this prophecy from the head clan mother of the Senecas, who resided on the Tuscarora reserve, and "from a number of other sources," which Mad Bear did not disclose.(62) Mad Bear's version of the prophecy of Deganawida's return begins with a lament typical of apocalyptic literature in general:
This serpent would in time become so powerful that it would attempt to destroy the Indian, and the serpent is described as choking the life's blood out of the Indian people.(63)
So ends the Deganawida cycle, but not its enduring legacy. We now take up the Iroquois influence hypothesis, as this informs popular appreciation of Deganawida. C. The Iroquois influence hypothesis Former Universal House of Justice member Dr. David S. Ruhe was quoted in the epigraph above as saying:
Until recently, Hollywood has tended to focus on American Indian war societies. But, according to native peoples, an ancient peacemaking tradition has existed among the First Nations since the dawn of North American aboriginal history. One recent study argues that one of the most compelling bodies of evidence for the existence of a peace movement among indigenous societies during the American Revolution is preserved in the Morgan Papers, a collection of largely unpublished documents relating to the first American Indian peace treaty in 1776.(69) Historical arguments have also been advanced which hypothesise Iroquois influence on Benjamin Franklin, one of the founding fathers of American democracy.(70) Documentary evidence for this latter position has not been lacking. In 1751, Archibald Kennedy, collector of customs and receiver general for the province of New York, wrote a pamphlet entitled, The Importance of Gaining and Preserving the Friendship of the Indians to the British Interest, Considered, in which he proposed a union of the colonies, reasoning:
We thank the Great God that we are all united; that we have a strong confederacy, composed of twelve provinces, New Hampshire, etc. These provinces have lighted a great council-fire at Philadelphia, and have sent sixty-five counsellors to speak and act in the name of the whole, and consult for the common good of the people, and of you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your allies.(73)
Whereas the Confederation of the original thirteen colonies into one Republic was explicitly modelled upon the Iroquois Confederacy as were many of the democratic principles which were incorporated into the Constitution itself.... Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), That: (1) The Congress, on the occasion of the 200th Anniversary of the signing of the United States Constitution, acknowledges the historical debt which this Republic of the United States of America owes to the Iroquois Confederacy and other Indian Nations for their demonstration of enlightened, democratic principles of government and their example of a free association of independent Indian nations (United States Congress 1987). The proceedings of the conference on "The Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution" held at Cornell University in September 1987 have been published under the title Indian Roots of American Democracy.(74) Scholarship can be relied upon to provide correctives. But, as in the case of Tooker's critique, debunking myth is not always the same as demythologising myth. Debunking totally discredits the myth, whereas demythologising salvages from the myth its historical kernel and, if that is lacking, whatever truth might still be gleaned from the myth. Resolving this controversy exceeds the scope of this paper. No amount of scepticism, however, is likely to dissuade native views on such matters.(76) Independence has always been a fact of Iroquois self-consciousness.(77) During the American War of Independence, the Iroquois had sided with the British against the Americans and so lost most of their original homelands in northern New York. As "His Majesty's Allies," the Iroquois received the Six Nations Reserve in southern Ontario, which they were to "enjoy forever" under the King's "protection." Though today the Six Nations Reserve remains their principal reserve, the autonomy which the Iroquois were to have enjoyed by natural right and by treaty turned out to be a deceit. The Iroquois quest for self-rule in 1923 took on an international dimension as a delegation lead by Deskaheh took their case before the League of Nations. Canada at that time was in an awkward position, as it was still not free of colonial status (Canada did not become a full-fledged member of the League of Nations until 1925). The appeal met with defeat on jurisdictional grounds, further heightening the irony of independence both granted and denied by the forces of colonialism. Fuelled by a sense of betrayal of an historic alliance, the Iroquois independence movement struggled after Deskaheh's untimely death in 1925. In 1928, hereditary chiefs declared independence, renouncing allegiance to Canada and to the British Crown. Frustration peaked in 1988 as the "Warriors"—self-arrogated protectors of the Longhouse but not universally accepted as such—blocked the south entrance to the Mercier bridge, situated on reserve land and connecting Island of Montreal with the south shore. The standoff, which lasted twenty-seven hours, erupted again in 1990 when a similar standoff at Oka, Québec, would last for seventy-eight days. The Iroquois continue to assert their independence from Canada through using their own passports when travelling abroad.(78) Constitutional reform brought about a proposed acknowledgement by the Government of Canada of the inviolate perpetuity of native sovereignty established as an inherent right, a proposal defeated in the nationwide referendum on the Charlottetown Accord in 1991. Religion has been a both a revitalising and a divisive force in the recent history of the Iroquois. In 1799, the Seneca Chief Handsome Lake (d. 1815) began to experience a series of visions as to how the Iroquois should adapt to altered circumstances. The strict code of ethics that Handsome Lake formulated incorporated Christian belief in heaven and hell and traditional Iroquois elements such as belief in witchcraft, resulting in a nativistic religious revival with Christian overtones. Handsome Lake's movement became known as the Longhouse religion, which acted as a powerful force in restoring Iroquois cultural self-confidence. Yet Handsome Lake's vision of Iroquois unity is unfulfilled. The Iroquois, on both Canadian and American sides of the border remain divided, now further divided by religion—Christian and Longhouse.(79) Various native Bahá'ís and their non-native Bahá'í friends have appealed to Indian prophecies to demonstrate what Bahá'ís perceive to be a shared vision of unity. Now that Deganawida has been introduced, and his prophetic credentials—on their own merits—presented, it remains to take up again an analysis of various approaches Bahá'ís may take in forming an opinion of Deganawida's place in the world's spiritual history. III. Paradigm bias and assimilation A. Semiticentrism as a paradigm bias The notion of what I shall term Semiticentrism is crucial here. As formulated and as currently understood, Bahá'í prophetology—in its essential features—differs little from standard Islamic prophetology. It is universal in respect of literate, but not oral, cultures. In other words, religions that lack either a Semitic or Indo-Aryan ethnic endowment are unlikely achieve parity with those religions that are already accepted within the Bahá'í tradition. B. The Islamic legacy: Sabianism as a Procrustean category Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl tried to adumbrate forms of indigenous religions (especially African) under the rubric "Sabian"—although Abu'l-Fadl's writings appear to be devoid of reference to New World traditions. Problems of category become apparent in his definition of the Sabians, given in the course of his commentary on the so-called "sign-refusal saying" of Jesus (Matt. 12:39, 16:1-4; and parallels): "After the spread of the religion of Jesus and the establishment of his Word, the learned among the Christians changed the term 'sign' to 'wonder.' Perhaps this latter word is taken from the terminology of the 'Sabian' religion, which was the religion of the peoples of Europe, Africa, and Asia (excluding the Indians and Chinese) before the appearance of Moses, Jesus, and Muammad."(80) There are certain problems with this explanation from a Bahá'í perspective, since, in the Book of Certitude, Bahá'u'lláh counters the stock Islamic charge of corruption (tahríf) by Christians of their own Gospels. Abu'l-Fadl's speculative etymology complicates matters further, but what is of particular interest here is his definition of the term "Sabian." Translator Juan Cole remarks that, "Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl has therefore, used the word generally to refer to all non-Judaic and non-Indic religions of antiquity."(81) This may be true insofar as the learned apologist was concerned, but his own explanation fails to include, at least in categorical terms, the religious traditions of the indigenous, pre-Columbian New World. Furthermore, Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl's usage of the term was broader than that which Shoghi Effendi was to adopt a few decades later:
Given the inadequacy of the term "Sabian" from both an historical perspective and an Islamic perspective, it is fortunate that Shoghi Effendi anticipated the formidable intellectual objections that could be raised against a dogmatic usage of it. C. Nine is not enough Bahá'ís have traditionally spoken of nine existing world religions. Nine Faiths epitomise the Bahá'í scheme of salvation history: (1) Sabianism; (2) Hinduism; (3) Zoroastrianism; (4) Buddhism; (5) Judaism; (6) Christianity; (7) Islam; (8) the Bábí religion; and (9) the Bahá'í Faith.(85) Shoghi Effendi was quick to recognise the intellectual objections that could be raised to such a fixed and closed canon. Therefore he counselled Bahá'ís not to lay too much stress on this list.(86) On the evidence of current publications, this foresighted doctrinal flexibility was destined to avoid the pitfalls of a nine-religion exclusivism.(87) The question remains as to how Bahá'í doctrine will adapt to the sociological fact of religious traditions not specified, yet anticipated in principle and accommodated in practice as the result of conversions from increasingly diverse populations. Bahá'í universalism is circumscribed by the limited attestation of prophets by name. In principle, Bahá'í doctrine acknowledges that messengers of God were sent to all peoples at one time or other, and that the names of more than a few of them are lost. Analytically, the Bahá'í list of nine explicitly recognised prophets represents two families of religions: the Irano-Semitic (Sabianism, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Babism, and the Bahá'í religion) and Sino-Indic traditions (Hindu tradition, Buddhism, and, to a lesser degree in Bahá'í texts, Confucianism). Native spirituality belongs to neither of the two families of religions. D. Authority and attestation: the constraints of science on religion The learned Bahá'í apologist, Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl, formulated what might be considered an enlightened position on historical statements to be found in the Qur'án:
Finally, it is well known that neither the Prophet Muammad nor the rest of the prophets ever engaged in disputes with the people about their historical beliefs, but addressed them according to their local traditions. It is therefore necessary to conclude that interpreters and investigators may not come to a final opinion on these matters on the basis of sure knowledge. If the way be barred to individual judgment, then only the religious point of view would remain, and this would consist of worshipful submission to the literal meaning of whatever has issued from the prophets and messengers.(88) It is clear that prophets and Manifestations of the Cause of God were sent to guide the nations, to improve their characters, and to bring the people nearer to their Source and ultimate Goal. They were not sent as historians, astronomers, philosophers, or natural scientists.(89) As a general rule, Shoghi Effendi left questions of history open to historians. Various records by pilgrims who visited Shoghi Effendi in the Holy Land present a man who had cultivated a love of scholarship, and who kept a keen interest in it as time and resources permitted. In a letter written on his behalf to an individual believer on 14 April 1941, the Guardian, commenting on the problem of assigning specific dates to prophets of old, stated that "such matters, as no reference occurs to them in the Teachings, are left for students of history and religion to resolve and clarify." Another statement may be cited as corroborative: "There are no dates in our teachings regarding the actual dates of the Prophets of the Adamic Cycle; so we cannot give any. Tentatively we can accept what historians may consider accurate" (25 November 1950). On the basis of these statements, the Research Department in a memorandum to the Universal House of Justice concludes: "Because the Writings of the Faith contain no exact information regarding dates of Dispensations prior to that of Muammad, Bahá'ís can accept the conclusions of scholars, bearing in mind that there is often disagreement among the scholars themselves on such matters."(91) Sacred history is admittedly a grey area, because it is difficult to sort out history from hagiography.(92) Shoghi Effendi was categorically opposed to doctrine hardening into creeds.(93) IV. Universals and particulars A. The last frontier of universalism? Typologically, is it possible for Bahá'í doctrine to give qualified recognition to such figures as Quetzalcoátl and Deganawida as "traditional Manifestations of God" without an ontological commitment to the dual criteria of historicity and spiritual authenticity? I think that this is precisely what has already happened in the case of Bahá'í homefront pioneers who have interacted closely with native cultures. The Bahá'í warrant of authenticity has been accorded to Krishna. On the same grounds, can Bahá'í universalism accept the "facts" of oral tradition to reflect a more profound sensitivity to the spiritual history of the New World? Bahá'ís need not go so far as to claim Quetzalcoátl as a New World Christ (but not Jesus Christ as Latter Day Saints suggest), nor Deganawida as a prophet and statesman like a New World Muammad. The questions being raised here cannot be resolved in this study. But, for all evangelising religions in North America, native spirituality is an issue, one that is very much alive in mission fields today. The authenticity of Deganawida does not rise or fall in relation to Bahá'í acceptance or rejection. What is at issue is Bahá'í universalism. The implications of official Bahá'í recognition of native Messengers of God do not entail syncretism or doctrinal compromise. Inclusion of native Messengers of God in Bahá'í salvation history represents the logical conclusion of the presence of aboriginal Bahá'ís and their native sacred ceremonies that is a distinctive feature of many large Bahá'í gatherings in Canada. The Canadian Bahá'í community, it may be said, is becoming increasingly sensitised to indigenous peoples. Sooner or later, this may need to be reflected in Bahá'í doctrine. Just as doctrine does not provide an absolute warrant for historicity, historicity is by no means the sole criterion for authenticity. However, it is one of the criteria. B. Synchronic and diachronic models of progressive revelation If Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl had acknowledged the existence of two separate and unrelated streams of religious tradition, two relative solitudes, what Cole has termed the "Judaic" and the "Indic," religions of the New World represent neither stream. To suggest that native Amerindian religions are somehow lost tribes of Sabians is reductionist in the extreme. The Research Department of the Universal House of Justice broached this problem when in 1988 it drew attention to the following statement from one of the well-known tablets of 'Abdu'l-Bahá: "In cycles gone by, though harmony was established, yet, owing to the absence of means, the unity of all mankind could not have been achieved. Continents remained widely divided, nay even among the peoples of one and the same continent association and interchange of thought were well-nigh impossible. Consequently, intercourse, understanding and unity amongst all the peoples and kindreds of the earth were unattainable...."(94) This idea trades on the observation that societies on separate continents functioned as distinct social worlds with independent religious traditions. While there are recorded utterances of 'Abdu'l-Bahá to the effect that all Manifestations of God came from the East, such a diffusionist theory does not logically exclude the appearance of great spiritual teachers subsequent to any migration that may have taken place over an ancient Asiatic land bridge. This, in turn, invites formal consideration of non-Irano/Semitic and non-Sino/Indic religious traditions along with their respective founders in those traditions which ascribe their origins to such founders. On the basis of other texts in addition to the one just cited, the Research Department, on behalf of the Universal House of Justice, concluded: "In light of everything above, it would appear possible that Manifestations of God have lived simultaneously in different areas of the globe...".(95) This statement is remarkable in that it theoretically allows for formal recognition, at least in principle, of religious traditions outside the Irano-Semitic family. A more enlightened doctrinal modification might be possible on the basis of a history of civilizations, in which human societies might be seen as undergoing asymmetrical developments. In their respective courses of social evolution, spiritual traditions may be seen as endemic, distinct, and independent of each other, except perhaps for certain universal features (phenomenological, not essentialist). Being virtually cut off from the East prior to Columbus (subsequent to any prehistoric migrations), religious history in the Americas evolved independently of Jesus and Muammad, such that revelations from God to the Americas were not mediated through Asia. Too narrow a Bahá'í conception of Progressive Revelation would require that, in theory and assuming a prior date for Zoroaster, a Zoroastrian would be obliged to believe in the Buddha as next in the succession of prophets. A corollary of such a view would imply that the New World was bereft of its own prophets during the Dispensations of Christ and Muammad. C. 'Abdu'l-Bahá on native messengers of God The text presented below has the potential for validating what has already been intuited by Bahá'í pioneers all along, that native spirituality ought to take its place alongside the great world religions as part of the world's spiritual heritage. Bahá'í doctrine is not, in principle, diminished were it to recognise a rose in a different soil, in this case, the New World. While it is not my purpose to argue the merits or demerits of such a position, I can call attention to a text which has not heretofore been brought to bear on the Bahá'í doctrine of Progressive Revelation as it relates to a continent which, Mormon claims notwithstanding, has had no historical interaction with Irano-Semitic religions or with Sino-Indic traditions in its pre-Columbian history.(96) To wit, in his compendium of Bahá'í teachings, 'Amr va Khalq ("Command and Creation), Fáil Mázandarání refers to refers to a Tablet of 'Abdu'l-Bahá addressed to a certain Amir Khan of Tehran. The gist of this Tablet is this: in times past, the Call of God (nidá-yi iláhí), referring to ancient Messengers of God, had assuredly been raised among the people of North America (ahl-i amrík), though most of the teachings have been forgotten. As to translation, the Universal House of Justice has provided the following authorised translation of the central portion of the Tablet:
As to places whose people were not informed of the appearance of Prophets, such people are excused. In the Qur'án it hath been revealed: "We will not chastise them if they had not been sent a Messenger" (Q. 17:15). Undoubtedly in those regions the Call of God must have been raised in ancient times, but it hath been forgotten now(97) (al-battih dar án afahát níz dar azmanih-yi-qadímih(98) vaqtí nidá-yi-iláhí buland gashtih va-lákin hál farámúsh shudih ast(99)). However, at the present time, the language of this tablet is not specific enough to warrant a positive ruling from the House of Justice, which writes:
D. Universalising universalism What is the status of this particular pronouncement, which, admittedly, exists in splendid isolation? Its implications are clear, and, in relation to the paradigm bias of Semiticentrism, the statement is quite profound. This Bahá'í validation of native Messengers of God suggests a separate and distinct spiritual history in a world far removed from Abrahamic tradition. Thus, a Bahá'í pamphlet incorporating such a position might look like this:
Progressive Revelation
At issue here is not the question of the existence of other Messengers of God not attested in the Bahá'í writings, but to the problem of attestation itself. In principle, a Bahá'í can certainly affirm that Messengers of God have indeed been sent to all peoples, according to Bahá'í belief, but that there is simply no conclusive way to attest legendary culture heroes individually. Under no circumstances does this prevent a real appreciation of such legends, and of the spiritual and cultural values enshrined in them. Thus, Bahá'í authorities may consider adding the category of (rather than names of) Messengers of God to First Nations, or Messengers of God to Indigenous Peoples. The problem now is no longer the principle, but rather the question of names. Deganawida presents a unique case for Bahá'ís because there is evidence for his historicity, as reflected in a scholarly consensus. This is not to say that the "historical Deganawida" is possible to recover. The fact that Deganawida came after Muammad need not pose an insurmountable difficulty, since native spirituality has had no historical connection with the Abrahamic stream of revelation. Diffusionist theories may explain the transmission of some vestiges of ancient native spirituality, but such diffusion does not predetermine subsequent developments. Though Islam is a universal religion and was always so potentially, its presence in the New World is relatively late and Bahá'ís cannot expect Amerindians to have accepted Islam when they had no knowledge of it. While having appeared long after Muammad, yet Deganawida came prior to the advent of Islam in North America. The Qur'án is not universal in its particulars. And despite the universal features of its salvation history, the quranic universe did not include the New World at the time of its revelation. Bahá'í theophanology might one day come to terms with the historical fact of non-Irano/Semitic and non-Sino/Indic streams of religion—religions that may have their own claims to authenticity. Phenomenologically, Deganawida ranks alongside Muammad as a prophet and a statesman. Moreover, Bahá'u'lláh and Deganawida are comparable in that both figures strove to bring about a "Great Peace" among nations. This phenomenological observation is not a faith statement. The Bahá'í Faith cannot claim Deganawida as its own. It can, however, elect to recognise the place of this Iroquois spiritual genius within the world's sacred history, without romanticisation. Once native spirituality, in its noblest forms, is reconciled with and assimilated to the Bahá'í doctrine of Progressive Revelation, the Bahá'í worldview may achieve a more universal universalism . End Notes
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| Views | 55002 views since posted 2000; last edit 2025-03-09 14:53 UTC; previous at archive.org.../buck_native_messengers; URLs changed in 2010, see archive.org.../bahai-library.org |
| Language | English |
| Permission | author and publisher |
| History | Formatted 2000 by Chris Manvell. |
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