In the evolution of Papua and New
Guinea from the status of a United Nations mandated territory
under Australian control (1946) to an independent nation-state
(1975), Melanesians experienced the paternalism of European
missionaries and administrators alike. Although official aims for
social, economic and political development in the post-World War
Two period were annunciated, the real experience of most
Melanesians was of oppression rather than development, of
domination rather than liberation. Potential leaders were among
the most persecuted, since their efforts to achieve autonomy were
invariably perceived as a threat to the existing colonial order -
especially by its major advocates, European missionaries and
In the period before the war,
relations between church and state had been stabilised by two
informal, yet highly significant, conventions. Firstly, several
of the limited number of Christian missions in the Territory had
observed "comity agreements" which defined their
respective territorial "spheres of influence". In
observing "comity agreements", the major Protestant
missions ensured the limitation of sectarian rivalry amongst
them. By a second long-standing convention, the government
entrusted the missions with the education, social development,
and spiritual and moral enrichment of the entire population.
In the post-war period the efforts
of Europeans to retain their hegemonic control over the
population and to retain their pre-war status clashed with the
growing desires of Papuans and New Guineans for greater autonomy
and development. Papuan society had experienced rapid
transformation during the war years, and the sectarian autonomy
which missions had exercised from the time of first European
contact until the evacuation of civilians in 1942 was being
challenged on three fronts: by a growing secularism, by a desire
for modernisation, and by the establishment in the Territory of
numerous new religious movements and missionary organisations.
Thus the comfortable conventions of
the colonial order established in an earlier period swiftly
decayed: the influence of European missionaries in temporal
affairs was being replaced by the authority of colonial
administration; and Melanesians no longer acted as pliant
natives, so much as nascent Papuan and New Guinean nationalists.
The present paper documents the rise and fall of Koivi-Aua,
better known as Tom Kabu (1922?-1969) from the I'ai tribe of the
Papuan Gulf's Purari people. I suggest that Kabu's
"proto-nationalist" initiatives designed to effect
major cultural, social and economic changes among the Purari
occurred in a context of failed patron-client relations, and that
Kabu's experience was indicative of Papuan-European relations in
the period from the late 1940s into the 1960s. Examination of
Kabu's struggle exposes the unwillingness of missionaries, who
had long been the surrogates of the colonial administration, to
support the organisational and economic initiatives of potential
Papuan leaders; demonstrates the refusal of Europeans to
recognize the regional and national aspirations of Papuans;
clarifies the context in which new religious movements were
established in the Territory; and contributes in general to an
understanding of the colonial missionary discourse.
Kabu had attended the LMS' Urika
school "for a short time", but had "run away from
there and from the Delta when still young". His life was
transformed, as were those of so many men of his generation, by
the events of World War Two. In 1937, after leaving the Delta, he
had joined the native constabulary and in 1940 had joined the
Papuan Infantry Battalian. He was stationed at Samarai when the
Japanese invaded, and in 1942 made his way with two Australian
Army officers by small boat to Cooktown, from where he later
travelled to Cairns, Brisbane, and even Sydney and Adelaide.
Kabu was repatriated from
Queensland to Papua late in 1945, and was discharged in June
1946. He immediately commenced activities intended to raise the
living standards of Purari society to those he had witnessed in
Australia: he encouraged village migrations to healthier
locations; sought the betterment of women's social position; the
destruction of the ravi - ceremonial houses which he felt
epitomised the backwardness of Purari culture; advocated the
spread of a new, more European type of architecture in imitation
of that which he had seen in Australian towns and cities; sought
the cessation of injurious initiation ceremonies for young boys;
and encouraged the spread of Police Motu as a lingua franca in
place of the local dialect, Namau.
These activities promoted by Kabu
during 1946-47 caught the administration unawares. Maher suggests
that the colonial administration, had it known of them, may well
have resisted them, but that "once accomplished, they were
accepted". The more "nationalistic" ambitions of
Kabu's "New Men" were, on the other hand,
"directly worked against", and were "rather easily
suppressed without doing much violence to the rest of the
movement's objectives". Kabu's overall objective, toward
which he laboured from the late 1940s into the 1960s, was the
transformation of the traditional Hiri trade between the Gulf
people and Motuans into a monetary exchange:
The Purari tribes would
take over the sago trade, for money not pots, and the
Motu and others would be merely customers. In the
abstract, the plan was well conceived. Sago flour would
be produced from the abundant palms that grew in the
Purari swamp, transported to Port Moresby in a ship
purchased through funds donated by the villagers, and
marketed there by Kompani members at the settlement
christened Rabia ("Sago") Camp. All matters
were considered except for the skills necessary to a
successful conduct of the plan. The Kompani failed.
Why did Kabu's "kompani",
and most later initiatives, fail? Whereas the hostility from some
departments of the Australian colonial administration, the
administrative ineptitude of others, and the limitations of
Kabu's technical expertise, have been identified as key factors
in his economic and political demise, the active participation of
London Missionary Society (LMS) personnel in opposing his
aspirations and obstructing his initiatives has heretofore evaded
In part, this occurred because the
major sources concerning Kabu relied on missionary sources for
information concerning his early life, and his relationship with
the LMS. Robert Maher's New Men of Papua, based on
fieldwork in 1954-55, and published in 1961; and Nigel Oram's
1962-65 study of Rabia Camp, the Port Moresby settlement
established by Kabu 1946; both rely on the published accounts of
the LMS missionaries J.H. Holmes and L.W. Allen, in describing
the missionary presence among the Purari. Of the two, Holmes was
the better ethnographer. He settled on Urika Island in 1907, the
first European to live among the Purari, and eventually published
papers on initiation ceremonies and linguistics. Allen's
contribution, a first-hand account of Kabu's "Kompani"
written for a technical paper produced by the South Pacific
Commission (SPC), is less important for its anthropological
insights than for its ironic description of Kabu, his movement,
and the European response to it. In describing Kabu's relations
with the LMS, both Maher, Oram, and others, rely on the testimony
of Allen. Kabu's major patron while associated with the
Australian navy, Norman S. Pixley, also recalled Kabu's time in
Australia in correspondence with both Maher and Oram, and later
in his own memoirs. Mission records, possibly unavailable at the
time of the enquiries by Maher and Oram provide more candid views
of LMS missionaries concerning the work and influence of Tom
What was Kabu's attitude toward
Christianity, and toward LMS missionaries? The few sources
available are apparently contractory. Both Maher and Oram
describe his campaign for the abolition of pagan ceremonies and
the destruction of the "ravi" (ceremonial houses) and
traditional objects connected with them, often to the
accompaniment of Christian prayers and readings from the Bible.
They report his preference for monogamous Christian marriage over
polygny, the traditional Purari practice. Maher suggests that
Kabu's movement held Christianity to be, "at least in
name", the religion of his new order. Similarly Oram judged
that Kabu "did not equivocate over religion and his attitude
to Christian missions".
The LMS and conversion of the
LMS missionary attitudes toward
Kabu's initiatives are best understood in the context of that
mission's aspirations in the Gulf region. Despite LMS plans for a
"New Advance" in Papua in the period of post-war
reconstruction, missionaries in the Gulf more often reported high
hopes than progress. The history of the LMS in the region,
reported Dewdney, missionary at Urika before Allen, showed a
"sad lack of even representation of what the LMS stands
for": the lay-readers were untrained and inefficient, and
the mission was losing converts to Seventh Day Adventism. In
Urika district, one of approximately ten Papuan LMS districts,
and the one in which Kabu's relations with Christianity were
moulded, church membership in the 1950s remained at less than one
hundred, and illiteracy stood at 99.5%. The Purari, Allen
subsequently wrote, were "going through a time of very great
crisis", and large segments of the population were
"drifting all over the place". The "ravi" had
fallen into a state of disrepair, and its gods, in the eyes of
the young people, had been discredited. Although Allen expressed
dismay at the destruction of traditional culture, his major
concern was that the Purari failed to replace it with Christian
belief, and with a strong indigenous church.
Of further concern to the mission
was the loss of prestige it stood to suffer if it gave the
impression to the colonial administration (as well as to other
Europeans and to loyal followers of the mission) that it had
failed to obtain sufficient hold over its "sphere of
influence'. Thus Allen reported in his SPC publication,
In so far as Tommy
considered his Kompani to be a Christian Crusade, he was
always prepared to accept guidance from the
missionary....All members of the Kompani, including
Tommy, were always well disposed towards the Mission...at
no time did he show unfriendliness to the mission, and
was quite sympathetically disposed to the religious,
medical, and educational work of the missionary.
Since the expectation of Europeans
was that the missionary and the patrol officer, rather than any
native Papuan, were to be accorded the highest levels of respect,
popular support for Kabu implied not merely his moral and perhaps
even political authority, but resistance to European ascendency.
This context assists an understanding of missionary Fenn's
enigmatic remarks concerning Kabu's "enourmous
prestige" and the "extroadinary things" he had
been able to do with the manpower of the district:
At his orders all gods were
thrown out and many Ravis (Dubus) burnt down.
Considerable quantities of native garden produce have
been shipped to Port Moresby and have found a ready
market at high prices. Some thousands of contributors
subscribed funds to finance the purchase of a boat which
subsequently burnt out before it had so much as commenced
its first voyage. We do not desire to go into detail
about the whole situation except to say that our work has
been affected in many ways".
Desperate to report progress, Allen
found Kabu's leadership of the Purari inexplicable, and came to
regard him as the main obstacle to the success of his work.
Although the missionary wished to extend his patronage to Kabu,
potentially an important client, the latter submitted to what was
at best a cool relationship.
The extent to which Kabu
assimilated Christian doctrine is unclear. Pixley described Kabu
during time spent in Sydney as a quiet man who constantly read
his Bible, one who neither drank, smoke, nor associated with
women. According to Maher, the Purari retained belief in
"imunu", described by him as "the all pervading
essential of the world, a force which resided in all things, and
without which they would not be what they were". Oram
suggested that Kabu's adoption of Christian worship had "no
deeper significance than imitation of European custom", a
way of adopting the European's "imunu", and of thus
achieving their desired economic goals. For both Oram and Maher,
however, Kabu's relationship with the LMS and with Christian
belief was a secondary consideration, as both were mainly
interested in cultural change, migration patterns and issues of
social and economic development.
Maher dismisses Worsley's
suggestion that Kabu's followers "misinterpreted his
Christian propaganda for millennarism", and points out that,
whereas both Holmes and Williams wrote of the Purari belief in
the return of spirits of the dead, neither noted evidence of
cargoism. Yet the movement generated some excessive behaviour,
which led to administrative intervention. The establishment by
the "New Men" of a police force and construction of a
jail in 1947 prompted the administration to send a patrol to
"re-establish government control".
Allen's 1951 report sheds some
light on his role in the conflict:
Early in 1947 reports
reached me of the burning of the ravis and of harsh
treatment being meted out to dissentients. I immediately
set out by canoe to send a message to the District
Officer at Kikori. On the way to Port Romilly, I met a
party of Australasian Oil Company personnel who were
having difficulty with recruiting labour. They also had
heard reports of unusual occurrences, and it was arranged
that we should travel to Kikori and inform the District
Officer. En route to Kikori we met a boat which was
conveying a patrol officer to the Purari to conduct an
investigation. Though there was some unpleasantness, the
patrol officer conducted his investigation, finally
taking Tommy Kabu to Kikori for consultation. Since then
there has been a gradual subsidence of interest and
activity and the people settled down to life under new
Kabu's experiences at the hands of
Australian colonial officials appear to have marked a turning
point in his attitudes toward the government, and toward the
mission. Although Allen refers to Kabu's detention for
"consultation", Oram suggests that Kabu was
"arrested with a considerable degree of force" and
taken to Kikori for "consultation", since local
officers were disturbed at the size of a movement which
transcended administrative boundaries and threatened to usurp
their authority. Although the Acting Director of District
Services and Native Affairs (DDSNA) wrote to Kabu and to the
Beara District Officer in December 1946, to say that the movement
should be treated with sympathy and consideration, Maher suggests
that in 1947 some of Kabu's followers had thoughts of taking the
Some individual officers within
DDSNA acted with prejudice, one officer believing that the
movement's "unsettling influence" impeded the task of
the administration. There was also distrust and suspicion between
officers and the movement, and Oram suggests that whereas higher
authorities in the department were consistent in the policy that
the administration should, in general, recognize as leaders men
who were seen that way by their tribes, there was some
disagreement in the lower echelons, which were closer to the
scene, on "just what Tommy was", and that senior
administrators had a more detached view of Kabu than officers in
By different men and at
different times he was regarded as everything from the
"outstanding native in the district" to
something very near a bandit. This would not have
particularly mattered, if it were not for the clear fact
that Tommy was a leader, and the most important leader
the Purari had ever had.
Government officials, like the
missionaries, resented Kabu's widespread popularity. He was
spoken of as "our taubada" and "our biaguna",
and houses more prestigous than the government rest houses used
by patrol officers, were erected for him in numerous villages.
The people supplied him with more food than they offered to
Economic patronage: missionary
clients and colonial obstruction
Kabu's successful establishment of
the Purari Sago Trading Company, early in 1946, his initial
success in transporting sago for sale in the colonial capital,
and his success in gaining subscribers for the purchase of the
"Ena" from the Australian navy for two thousand and
three pounds, exhibited to the mission and to the administration
an influence in the Gulf region that both coveted.
The unfortunate destruction of the
"Ena" by fire before its first voyage gave them the
opportunity to obstruct future initiatives. Although the original
decision, made after acting District Officer Healy's consultation
with Kabu and his shareholders at Urika in 1947, was to recover
the money and purchase a smaller, more suitable vessel, the
Purari were not only prevented by the administration from
purchasing a new boat but, according to Maher, commercial
shipping "often could not and sometimes probably would not
handle the amounts of sago which had piled up for shipment from
the delta" so that much of it spoiled. Whereas Maher offers
no reason for this reluctance by European-operated vessels to
enter into commercial transactions with Kabu, Oram suggests that
damp sago threatened to corrode the ships' hulls, and that it
occupied too much space on the top deck.
Maher believed that no-one in the
tribe had the knowledge or experience to operate such a vessel in
the difficult Purari Delta, (and that no-one possessed the
book-keeping abilities to manage the kompani's finances), and
Oram points out that the administration did not encourage the
purchasing of another boat because it believed that the river
people did not have the ability to handle a large vessel. He
furthermore points out that the "unco-ordinated policies of
different government departments", and the lack of
transport, were among the most important causes of failure. But
Snowden notes that the Toaripi Association along the coast to the
south-east, unlike the Purari Sago Trading Company, was aided in
its purchase a vessel in 1948 because its founder, Posu
Semesevita, enjoyed the patronage of a nearby mission. The
involvement of a mission in economic work, some administrators
reasoned at that time, prevented those involved from becoming
"too materialistic...(and thus) regarding their society as a
purely moneymaking concern". This attitude and concern was
shared by the Co-operative Section of the Australian
administration, which lent support to individuals and groups in
areas of strong mission influence - such as Anglican areas of
Northern District, and the Kwato-influenced region of Milne Bay -
in the belief that they played an important role in "curbing
materialism" in Papuan and New Guinean societies.
This was precisely the case Allen
made against Kabu's economic
From the missionary's point
of view, the whole thing was a tragedy. In most native
communities, the change-over from the old to the new has
been attributed to the coming of the 'light'. In the case
of the Purari people, the changes took place without the
church being founded, and the people, while attributing
some benefits to the message of the missionary, prefer to
think that they have made these new adjustments quite
independently and on economic rather than religious
Kabu, clearly, was not beholden to
mission advice. Allen reported that, although the leaders of the
movement quite frequently visited the mission station, and they
freely discussed their plans, they refused to take advice
regarding some aspects of the movement. Consequently, despite
Allen's publicly charitable statements concerning Kabu, annual
reports to the LMS' Papua District Committee presented more
clearly missionary attitudes toward the man and his movement.
Fenn, writing from Aird Hill in 1947, referred to the threat to
the peace of the mission from "King Tom, a Papuan with
brawn, boldness but little brain", who was "Gifted with
a certain shrewd cunning and backed by the influence and teaching
of what are to us the undesirable elements of European
civilization". Fenn hoped for more lay-readers or teachers
to counteract Kabu's influence, while Allen referred to the
"utterly yet impossible company" (sic).
Allen could not understand why Kabu
banned his men from contracting as labourers for the Australasian
Petroleum Company, and wrote:
Considering the large
number of men employed by this company, one would have
thought it would have been considered of important
assistance to the Kompani. This was not the case. Tommy
gave orders that as soon as men completed their contracts
they were to leave the A.P.C. and never to renew their
contracts. The opinion was held that it was beneath the
new dignity of the emerging Puraris to be the slaves of
the white man for such a pittance. There was a genuine
desire to be independent of such sources of income. The
A.P.C. recruiters, who seemed always to have the
advantage over other recruiters, were now unable to
secure a single man from the Purari.
Allen did not see that the Papuans'
refusal to work for the company was an obvious gesture of
resistance to the growing number of European-owned enterprises in
the district. The Territory's largest saw-mill operated at Port
Romilly, and a second mill operated at Ogamobu, where also the
British New Guinea Development Company had developed a rubber
plantation. The LMS itself established a third saw-mill at Veiru.
Missionaries and administrators alike expected Gulf labourers to
work at these sites, or produce copra at village level.
At one time Allen joined with the
Patrol Officer at Kikori in attempting to dissuade Kabu and his
followers from his economic plans:
We advised them to form
smaller companies, within their own tribes, and to
develop co-operative enterprises which would be sure of
yielding returns. We put before the men a scheme whereby
the villages could buy such utility improvements as
roofing iron to secure drinking water. However they were
disinclined to turn from the plan put forward by their
leader Tommy Kabu, and refused the advice offered.
Similarly, in Kerema, to the
southeast of the Purari Delta, Dewdney and an official from the
administration's post at Kerema urged the representatives of
three tribes, who had collected a total of £1,320 for a scheme
similar to Kabu's "Ena" shipping venture, "not to
be hasty in the purchase of a vessel and to concentrate on
getting smoke houses ready for copra production" and to
"continue to work as separate bodies". As in Kabu's
case, the administration withheld support because mission
patronage was absent: Dewdney was going on overseas leave, and
Kerama station was "too understaffed to supply the necessary
Kabu's co-operative ventures were
too "communal" in nature, and potentially communistic,
and colonial officials reacted by assisting other Delta men in
the transportation and marketing of their sago and copra
production in competition with Kabu's efforts. In 1948 village
constables Kiri-Morea of Maipua and Ove-Mairau of Oravi were
selected to receive all possible help "to make their
ventures a success", and in May 1949 Patrol Officer Francis
Dobb suggested a scheme to support Kiri, in order to reduce
Could arrangements be made
as regards shipment, a sound idea would be to receive
sago at Beara Police Camp, for shipment and sale in Port
Moresby (possibly some of it for government labour). In
the latter case, scales could be installed here, and the
sago bought on the spot; with an allowance for freight
deducted. Could this be done, then I feel sure that the
activities of the Ina Coy. could be much reduced...It is
my opinion that the only way in which to check the
activities of the Ina Coy. is to give every possible
assistance to those who wish to trade outside its
Shortly after, in 1951, Patrol
Officer Herbert Clark identified Kaipu-Varupi of Koiravi village,
Mariki Island, as a "rival" of Tom Kabu, whom Clark saw
as a leader, not a "driver". Clark, who was new to the
area, refused to accede to Kabu's request to accompany him on a
patrol to find out what the villagers wished to do with a
government refund of the money earlier invested in the ill-fated
Ena, and stated that it was not possible to unite the Purari
One further reason that Kabu's
initiatives were obstructed concerned the administration's
regional economic strategy. Whereas the Gulf District
Commissioner believed that sago production and mangrove bark
preparation were the two industries with the potential to assist
the Purari area, the Co-operatives section judged that Sago
production had, at best, a limited market in Port Moresby, and
that its limited-scale production did not warrant the diversion
of trading vessels from other commitments. Roberts, furthermore,
as acting director of DDSNA in 1953, opposed the harvesting of
sago for starch production because it threatened the mango bark
industry that he preferred, and suggested that the potential for
sago production in the Sepik be investigated. For whatever
reasons, without transport, Kabu's sago project failed.
When Cooperatives Officers found
that Kabu consistently operated at a loss, they forbade him, in
1953, from further engaging in the purchase of sago. Even so,
when he left Rabia Camp and returned to the Delta to live, sago
was shipped to Port Moresby for sale at Koki market throughout
the early 1960s. Efforts to destablize Kabu's authority
continued: in 1956 the Deputy Registrar of Co-operative Societies
reported that the Tommy Kabu movement had been "broken
up", and that the administration had been "built
up". In letters to the administration Kabu indicated that he
had been "argued against, attacked and misled" and in
letters to the Australian Navy he complained about, and named,
officials who were opposing him.
Bureaucratic control over
village and urban Migration
With the eclipse of Kabu's
co-operative ventures, his influence declined among the Kaimare
group of Mariki and among the Baroi villages, but remained among
the Koriki, particularly in the villages of Akima and Kairu'u.
Evidence suggests that Kabu aspired to uniting the Delta peoples
politically, and to "secure a sovereignty for the Purari
tribes as a unit separate from the Australian
As part of his effort to improve
living conditions, Kabu moved villages from unhealthy, low-level
sites, to new locations on drier ground - in some cases bringing
people onto land owned by other tribes. Ukiaravi was entirely
abandoned, the village split into four. Kabu's group, the I'ai,
resettled mainly at Mapaio, on the Ivo river, but some helped
Kabu establish a new village, Hevesea, near the sawmill wharf. It
was sometimes known as "Tommy's village", and was
intended to serve as a collection point from which products were
shipped to Port Moresby. But Hevesea was declared a
"forbidden settlement" by the administration in 1950.
Officially, the government declared that it wished to avoid
trouble errupting because Hevesea was established on the land of
others; co-incidentally, the ruling demolished the strategic
depot Kabu had established near the wharf at Port Romilly.
Hevesea's population subsequently rejoined the members of Kabu's
original village at Maipenairu, on Urika Island near the coast.
Once the Kompani declined, a host
of smaller economic ventures emerged. The most promising,
according to Maher, was the Pai-iri Mailu Trading Company, known
as the I'ai Society, organized in 1952 in the I'ai village of
Mapaio, in cooperation with the Beara patrol officer, and Tommy
Kabu. By April 1955, when Kabu returned to the Delta and
established headquarters at Akoma village with the intention of
promoting copra production, the organization was still alive, but
In the mean time, the
administration and the mission supported the Purari Community
Development Project Department initiated in 1951 by the
Department of Education and the South Pacific Commission. The
program intended to address economic development, village
improvement, local government, nutrition, and education, but was
only successful in the latter, mainly because the teacher F.
Daveson was posted to the area in 1951. His school established at
the Kinipo group was relocated to the Beara Patrol post by 1955.
Once more, however, the "development" of Papuans
entailed European initiative and control.
In Port Moresby, Rabia camp had
evolved by 1955 into a full-sized village occupied by Purari and
some Goaribari. Officers with the administration's Cooperatives
section had given guidance to the Tommy Kabu Camp Society which
had been established in 1948 and which operated a tea shop,
bakery, laundry and a store, until closed by the administration
in 1953. Kabu had made several return trips to the delta to
collect cash for another boat, but had not raised sufficient
capital. He became involved in seeking improved wages for Purari
men in Moresby working at the wharves. In a letter to Pixley, in
May 1962, he indicated his desire to establish a "Christian
native co-operative association for the whole of Papua New
Guinea". While settled for a time at Akoma, Kabu was engaged
by Urika mission to oversee a small workforce in the production
of copra, and in 1963 he revived a plan to relocate the inland
Pawaia peoples to the Purari river. Although the Pawaia responded
to Kabu, the administration once more intervened and convinced
the people to return home.
In the 1950 and 1960s the London
Missionary Society in Papua experienced change, as many European
missionaries retired from the field, Papuan adherents were
allowed increasing measures of authority, and negotiations
proceeded first for the mission's independence as the Papua
Ekalesia, (1962) then for its incorporation in the United Church
of Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands (1968).
By October 1951, the missionary
Allen had left Urika and had been replaced by a Samoan pastor.
Samoans continued to man the LMS stations at Urika (Beara) and
Petoi (Kerema) throughout the 1960s, and by 1962 Urika station
was one of nine LMS establishments in the Gulf District, three of
which were manned by Samoan pastors. LMS missionaries Dewdney and
Bert Brown were stationed at Orokolo and Moru. The Seventh Day
Adventist missionary Pascoe was established at Belepa, and the
Catholic priest, Blanc, was at Terapo. The LMS and Catholic
missions were represented by either missionaries or educated
Papuan members, on newly established Local Government Councils,
and on the Gulf District Advisory Council. Other missions had
entered the region, and the sectarian autonomy once enjoyed by
the LMS had given way to sectarian rivalry, in which the LMS
competed with the promoters of at least four other religious
beliefs. Whereas the Seventh Day Adventist and Catholic Missions
established schools and medical posts as part of their
evangelistic efforts, Jehovah's Witness and Bahá'í supporters
offered spiritual and social laws and practices, without
providing welfare services.
In 1965 Tom Kabu became the first
Papuan Bahá'í. Doctrinally, the Bahá'í religion centred on
the claims of the Persian prophet Bahá'u'lláh (1814-1892) to
have revealed God's laws for the rehabilitation of the peoples of
the world: in their simplest terms, the prophet taught the
existence of a single, unknowable God; the unity of his prophets;
and the unity of the human race. Two Bahá'ís had entered the
Territory of Papua New Guinea in 1954, and some New Ireland
villages had adopted the Bahá'í religion by 1956. Response in
Papua quickened with the settlement of Australian Bahá'ís David
and Sue Podger in Port Moresby in 1965. Although Kabu was living
at Rabia camp, originally established to help his Purari kin, he
had, he told Podger, by 1965 become disillusioned with the tribe
because of their seeming inability to progress and unwillingness
to work, and had shifted his attention to the Pawaia, an inland
tribe that the LMS and other missions had tried to evangelise
with little success, but which held promise of being diligent
Approximately twenty Papuans became
Bahá'ís in Port Moresby immediately after Kabu. The Podgers
Tommy Kabu, the Chairman of
the Local Assembly, has been on a teaching trip to his
home area for six weeks. He is a well known leader of his
people in the Baimuru area in the Gulf District. He has
the distinction of having had anthropological monograms
written about his efforts to advance the social
conditions and beliefs of his people.
It is not clear to what extent Kabu
understood Bahá'í belief. No doubt its emphasis on racial and
sexual equality appealed to him, and he may have noted that the
religion had no clergy: even its "missionaries" were
merely expatriates working in secular professions, in business,
or with the colonial administration. In 1966 David Podger and two
New Guinea highland converts accompanied Kabu to the Gulf, where
he spoke in numerous villages about his new religion. Response
came among the Koriki tribe at Mapaio village, and among the
Pawaia in the remote inland village of Poroi, provoking efforts
by LMS teachers to make them reconsider their decision. In April
1967 the Bahá'ís in Poroi established a nine-member "Local
Assembly" to take responsibility for the group's activities.
Although such assemblies may have resembled the meetings of
deacons or elders, they differed in that women were as involved
as men in the election of assemblies, and in the holding of
offices. The European Bahá'ís were involved in guiding and
encouraging new assemblies, but were not interested in
establishing mission stations, or sponsoring welfare services.
Sue Podger reported Poroi Assembly's activities to the annual
convention of the Australian Bahá'í convention:
Tommy Kabu assisted in the
formation of the Poroi Assembly. We have written
to them and Vi. Hoehnke...paid them a visit last
September. We have encouraged believers from Pawaia to go
back, and find ways of earning money in their own area,
as it is very poor, and most young men have left to work
in Port Moresby. Tommy Kabu has been establishing a
saksak (native housing material) weaving business in
Ara'ava, on the Purari River, and this is going fairly
well. Another believer, Se'i Seneai, went back with a gun
to shoot crocodiles. Some have followed to join him.
Amongst these people it is the custom for old men to
marry all the young women. The young men have been
encouraged through the teachings to return and marry, and
some have done this.
Rather than becoming more dependent
on a pastor, priest, or missionary, the tendency was for the
Bahá'ís in Purari and Porio villages to assert their autonomy,
and to dispense with the services of LMS pastor/teachers. In
1968, for example, meetings between LMS teachers and the
Bahá'ís of Ara'ave had not reversed the conversions, and the
teachers left the village in April. By May 1968 Kabu had
established Bahá'í communities in Ara'ava, Mapaio, and Akoma.
The Assembly established at Poroi, however, disappeared the
following year with the temporary dispersal of its inhabitants.
Kabu indicated in correspondence
with Podger during 1967-68 his continuing concern with economic
development, (he had initiated the loom-production of selo
sheets) and the need for government assistance. This does not
preclude the possibility that Kabu was a true believer in
Bahá'í beliefs, but he simultaneously viewed Podger, a lecturer
at the Administrative College, as a sympathetic patron. Also, Sue
Podger's acquisition of Motu, which allowed her to converse and
correspond with Kabu in his preferred tongue, eased communication
between the Australian Bahá'ís and Kabu. Whereas Podger
assisted in the acquisition of looms for the production of selo,
he wrote to Kabu in 1967 "You are a good Bahá'í Tommy, but
I think you try too much to get the people money." He hoped
that Kabu's followers, whom Kabu believed were unhappy, and no
longer interested in working, would revive their economic
fortunes by first reviving their spiritual lives.
If Kabu had aspired to uniting all
Papuans, with himself as head (as Oram believed, from
correspondence with Kabu as late as 1962), his conversion to
Bahá'í belief brought both advantages and disadvantages -
although time was running out for him to experience either. If
Kabu had intended achieving unity through political means,
Bahá'í membership included prohibition on involvement in party
politics - although this had not prevented Kabu from contesting a
seat in the second House of Assembly in 1968 when he was
secretary of Ara'ava village's Bahá'í Assembly. Kabu ran as a
People's Progress Party candidate against Albert Maori Kiki, Tom
Koraea and Keith Tetley. Although the seat was won by Koraea,
Kiki's view was that it would have gone to Kabu had he not lain
seriously ill in hospital throughout the campaign period. The
following year Tom Kabu contracted tuberculosis, and died in
It would seem that some individuals
in both the mission and the administration attributed the failure
of Kabu's initiatives to the inferiority of his race, rather than
to inferior levels of education achieved in the Gulf district.
Until the 1970s virtually all Australian administrators and
European missionaries shared the belief that Papuans were
incapable of establishing successful regional economic ventures.
Their inability to believe that Kabu was capable of establishing
a successful regional economic venture and the disappointments
that Kabu experienced in his relations with officials of both
church and state, are indicative of post-war Papuan-European
Kabu observed, and felt keenly,
race discrimination. Whereas Europeans operated vessels freely,
he was obstructed in raising sufficient capital to purchase
similar transport. Whereas the LMS freely established mission
districts, which grouped tribes together, and made possible the
formation of the Papua Ekalesia, and later the United Church,
Kabu's attempts to establish supra-clan economic ventures were
obstructed and denigrated. He knew that higher living standards
required monetary wealth, and pinned his hopes for success on his
commercial scheme for the production of sago in the delta, its
transportation for sale in Port Moresby, and the re-distribution
of proceeds to workers, and into new economic ventures. This
trading pattern, which government anthropologist Charles Julius
pointed out in 1947 merely revived the traditional export trade
of the Purari, Oram described as "remarkable for its
consistency and thoroughness. Breaking with tradition, Kabu had
been able to override the traditional divisions between Purari
tribes, and had established contact with the Ipiko, Goaribari,
and the inland Pawaia peoples.
There is no doubt that colonial
officials would have been more responsive to Kabu's economic
program if the LMS had been more firmly established in the Gulf
District. Furthermore, they would have been more sympathetic to
Kabu if his relations with the mission had been more congenial.
Although it has been widely assumed that missionary attitudes
toward Papuan social, economic and political development fostered
nationalism and Territorial independence, a strong case can be
made - by comparing mission rhetoric with a close assessment of
candid missionary attitudes toward the colonial, later the
national, secular state - that rather, they favoured continued
patronage and dependence.
Finally, the proliferation of new
religious movements (NRM's) in Papua New Guinea - and this
argument can be extended to other South Pacific colonial
environments - was related to a significant extent to the
inability of the major missions to accommodate the rising
expectations of colonial societies, and of emergent and potential
national leaders. It is worth noting, with regard to religious
change in Melanesia, the tendency for novel religious forms and
ideas to disperse from urban areas to remote communities, via
literate, or at least semi-literate Melanesian converts - whose
relations with existing missions had invariably been discordant.
By failing to conform to missionary
expectations Tom Kabu alienated himself from the modes of
missionary and colonial patronage that existed in the first
post-war years. Lacking power over the printed word, and
possessed of insufficient facility with the English language to
convey his ideas, his position in both colonial and missionary
discourse has been constructed by the very forces which conspired
to subdue him. As a proto-nationalist, Kabu experienced slightly
more than two decades of disappointment with the colonial
administration, and its missionary adjunct. His struggle was not
merely with the Purari Delta's grinding poverty, swamps and
disease, but with agents of colonialism with whom he never lost
composure, and to whom he never entrusted his spirit of
(Note: Endnote numbers have been lost in this online version.)
. I wish to thank the anonymous
referees for their valuable comments on my paper, "Tom Kabu
and the London Missionary Society: a case study in missionary
hegemony", presented at the bi-annual conference of the
Pacific History Association in Brisbane, June-July 1989 - of
which this paper is a revised version.
. Concerning missionary activity in
Papua and New Guinea see Georges Delbos, The Mustard Seed: From a
French Mission to a Papuan Church, (Port Moresby, 1985), and Ian
Downs, The Australian Trusteeship: Papua New Guinea 1945-75
(Camberra, 1980). A recent important contribution to the field of
missionary discourse is Mary Huber, The Bishop's Progress:
A Historical Ethnography of Catholic Missionary Experience on the
Sepik Frontier, (Washington, 1988).
. Koivi Aua received the name
"Tommy" while with the Australian Navy. This was later
changed to "Tom" when and his followers "became
aware that the diminutive might be lacking in dignity and
respect": Robert F. Maher, "The Purari River Delta
Societies, Papua New Guinea, after the Tom Kabu movement", Ethnology,
23:3, July 1984, 226 n.3. Early administration reports
incorrectly recorded Kabu's name as "Tomu".
"Kabua" meant "the man who owns things, and was
coined by Tom's followers.
. Robert F. Maher, New Men of
Papua: A Study in Culture Change, The University of Wisconsin
Press, Madison, 1961, 55.
. "Some idea of the prestige
which Police Motu had acquired during the war is to be gained
from the life story of one Papuan who made a name for himself
after the war trying to improve the lot of his people. He was
Tommy Kabu...", Tom Dutton, Police Motu: Iena Sivarai
(Its Story), UPNG, 1985.
. Maher, New Men, 69. Oram
disputes Mahers account, suggesting that Tommy Kabu outlined his
plans for development to Aua Akia, who returned to the Delta and
commenced the I'ai company in 1946. N.D. Oram, "Rabia Camp
and the Tommy Kabu Movement", in Nancy E. Hitchcock &
N.D. Oram, Rabia Camp: A Port Moresby Migrant Settlement,
New Guinea Research Bulletin, No.14, Canberra and Port Moresby,
January 1967. 10-11.
. Maher, New Men, 69-70. In
1948 Jones, acting Director, DDSNA, was concerned lest Kabu's
activities "develop along similar lines to that of the Wedau
Welfare Club": Jones to DO, Delta, 2 June 1948. TPNG, Patrol
Reports, Beara. National Archives of Papua New Guinea (hereafter
. In the traditional Hiri trade,
Motuans from around Port Moresby sailed to the Gulf of Papua to
exchange earthen Motuan pots for Sago and canoe logs. On the
utilization of Sago see Vanda Moraes-Gorecki, "Notes on the
Ownership and Utilization of Sago, and on Social Change, among
the Moveave-Toaripi of the Papuan Gulf", Oceania,
53:3, March 1983.
. Robert Maher, "The Purari
River Delta Societies, Papua New Guinea, after the Tom Kabu
Movement", Ethnology, 23:3, July 1984, 218.
. Robert F. Maher, New Men of
Papua: A Study in Culture Change, The University of Wisconsin
Press, Madison, 1961.
. N.D. Oram, "Rabia Camp and
the Tommy Kabu Movement", in Nancy E. Hitchcock & N.D.
Oram, Rabia Camp: A Port Moresby Migrant Settlement, New
Guinea Research Bulletin, No.14, Canberra and Port Moresby,
. J.H. Holmes, "Initiation
Ceremonies of Natives in the Papuan Gulf", Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, 32:1902; also, "A
preliminary Study of the Namanau Language, Purari Delta,
Papua", ibid., 43:1913; and In Primitive New Guinea,
George Putnam's Son's, New York, 1924; L.W. Allen, "The
Purari Kompani", The Purari Delta: Background and
Progress of Community Development, South Pacific Commission
Technical Paper 35, Noumea, New Caledonia, November 1952.
. Nigel Oram, "Tommy Kabu - A
remarkable Papuan leader", Post Courier, 13 October
1969; Robert F. Maher, "The Purari River Delta Societies,
Papua New Guinea, after the Tom Kabu movement", Ethnology,
23:3, July 1984; Sam Tua Kaima, "King Tommy's ideal dream is
shattered", Times of Papua New Guinea, 5-12
September, 1986, 10. An important, unpublished analysis, is
Catherine Snowden, "Co-operative Societies in Papua New
Guinea", MA, (UPNG, 1983). Maher's 1984 article is incorrect
in stating that Kabu died in 1968 following a heart attack. He
died in October 1969 from tuberculosis.
. Norman S. Pixley, "Tommy
Kabu of Papua", Journal of the Royal Historical Society
of Queensland, XI:3, 1981-82, 1-13.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 11. This
follows Allen, "Kompani", 5: "Tommy Kabu, with a
few of his lieutenants, when visiting a village, gathered the
people into the ravi and pointed out to them that all the old
ceremonial was bad and without reality. He proposed that in order
to begin the new ways of life, a good start would be to destroy
the old ways and practices. After painting a picture of the
greatly improved standard of living which they were going to
achieve, Tommy would then refer to an English New Testament and a
few loose papers of Communistic origin. He would point out that
the people would learn the Christian way of life, and then, after
a brief prayer, would apply a fire to the building."
. Maher, New Men, 59.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 39.
. S.H. Dewdney, "Urika".
Papua District Committee (PDC) Annual Reports 1946. Station
Reports. 3/7. Methodist Papers, New Guinea Collection, University
of Papua New Guinea (hereafter UPNG).
. Allen, "Kompani", 2.
Maher noted in 1961 that the "mission's main concern, of
bringing Christianity to a Pagan area, made little headway, and
even after the second world war, Urika's congregation did not
number above two figures", New Men, 44; Oram noted in
1969 that "Very few people had had any schooling and the
London Missionary Society had failed to establish a church in the
area.", "Tommy Kabu - A remarkable Papuan leader",
op. cit., 4.
. Allan, "Urika Report",
PDC Annual Reports 1946. Station Reports. 3/7. UPNG.
. Allen reported his own dismay at
the destruction of the "ravi" and "so much that
was beautiful and essential to the cultural life of the
people" (Allen, "The Kompani", 8, quoted in Oram, Rabia
Camp, 17.) and suggested that the LMS missionaries
appreciated Purari culture and had not attempted to intefere with
it. "Up to the time of my appointment to the Purari Delta,
in 1946, there had been no significant changes in the culture of
the people. ...The agents of the London Missionary Society had
been active since 1911, but had not caused any radical changes in
the traditional patterns of the culture", Allen,
. Allen, "Kompani", 5, 8.
Oram noted in 1969 that Kabu adopted Christianity as the official
religion of the movement "in name only": "Tommy
Kabu - a remarkable Papuan leader", op. cit., 4.
. Allan, "Urika Report",
PDC Annual Reports 1946. Station Reports. 3/7. UPNG..
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 8.
. Maher, New Men, 26.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 40.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 40.
. Allen states that Kabu claimed
descent from the King of England, and that he once promised a
visit by the King: "Kompani", 5; Oram, however,
suggests that whatever rumours circulated about Kabu's royal
bloodline, they were never voiced by Kabu himself. Allen makes
clear that the movement had no cargo overtones, and that it at no
time produced religious hysteria. Although Maher reported a
wireless cult in one of the Maipuan villages in 1955, (New Men,
77), Freidrich Steinbauer stretches the definition of cargoism to
include Kabu's movement as cult no.42: Melanesian Cargo Cults,
(transl. Max Wohlwill), University of Queensland Press, 1971,
29-32, especially since government officers in contact with Kabu
at no time suggested that his movement had cargoist tendencies:
"Gulf Division Quarterly Report, 1/4/51-30/6/51". TPNG
- DS 29/3/38.
. Allen, "Kompani", 3.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 18.
Belshaw, however, noted in 1950 that the administration, for the
first time, was encouraging Kabu's movement and aiding it in its
development program - an indication that contradictory attitudes
toward Kabu were being expressed: C. Belshaw, "The
significance of modern cults in Melanesian development", Australian
Outlook, 4:2, 1950, 121.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 17-18.
. Maher, New Men, 70. The
Co-operatives Section's 1952-53 Annual Report suggested that in
the Beara District there had been repeatedly demonstrated
a"desire to participate in some form of business
enterprise" and that there had been "considerable
frustration caused by the misguided efforts of native
leaders". TPNG, 247 - 35/8/47. In 1961 District Services and
Native Affairs continued to refer to the "notorious"
Tommy Kabu: Maher, "Purari River Delta Societies...",
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 17.
. Maher, New Men, 70.
. R.T. Galloway, Patrol Report
Beara 3-47/48. TPNG, Patrol Reports Beara.
. Neither Maher nor Oram point out
that original purchase of the "Ena" was opposed by the
Chief Collector of Customs, Grahamslaw, and W.R. Humphries,
Native Affairs Department, because the transaction did not comply
with the Territory's relevant ordinances, while Kabu believed the
obstruction was due to racial discrimination: John Black to
D.A.H. Lea, 24 September 1969. UPNG. New Guinea Collection. AL64.
. "Monthly Report, Delta
Division, March 1947", TPNG - DS 29/3/15. The intention of
higher administrators to refund the money outlasted that of
local-level officials to prevent it: M.C.W. Rich, acting Director
of DDSNA in 1949, assured Kabu personally that the amount paid
for the "Ena" was to be refunded to the contributors
personally, at an early date, and secured Kabu's agreement to
work thereafter with the administration. M.C.W. Rich to Govt.
Sect. 1 December 1949. TPNG - CA35/8/44.
. Maher, New Men, 67.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 20.
European vessels in the Delta included the M.V. Elevala, the M.V.
Doma, the M.V. Kamonai (Australasian Petroleum Company),
administration vessels Bareto, TNG, Ogamobu, and Haraga; the LMS
vessel Tamate; and others representing Steamships Trading
Company: "Monthly Report, Delta Division, April 1947",
TPNG - DS 29/3/16.
. Maher, "The Purari River
Delta Societies...", 218.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 18.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 20.
. 21/7/15 c.1950, reported in
Snowden, op. cit., 18. But in the early 1950s, some co-operatives
established by Australian Anglicans in the Northern District
proved equally cumbersome: of one Anglican co-operative movement
an official wrote: "Men, women and children donated a flood
of money under the most unsupervised conditions. Committees,
officials, communal gardens, meeting houses, and
pseudo-societies, sprang up everywhere. The activities to which
most of this organization was applied had no hope of success,
even had the natives worked sanely and consistently, which they
did not." A.A. Roberts, "Co-operative Movement,
Northern District. New Guinea Anglican Mission
Representations", 18 March 1954. TPNG, 247 -320.
. Snowden, op. cit., 59.
. Allen, "Kompani", 10.
. "Kompani", 8. Oram
followed Allen in suggesting that members of the movement, while
wary of the government, were on friendly terms with the
missionary and frequently visited him, "although they did
not always heed his advice".
. Fenn, Aird Hill, Annual Report
1947. 3/7. UPNG
. "...we would feel more happy
if we had one or two more lay-readers or teachers out there
helping Tesimale". Fenn, Aird Hill, Annual Report 1947. 3/7.
. Allan, "Urika Report",
Annual Reports 1948-49. 3/8. UPNG.
. Allen, 8. Kukukuku men, who were
being courted by both the SDA and LMS, were working for the
company in 1946-7: S. H. Dewdney, "Orokolo", PDC Annual
Reports. Station Reports. 3/7. UPNG.
. Allen, "Kompani", 2.
. District Office Kerema,
"Monthly Report, April 1946", TPNG - DS 29/2/6.
. G.D. Collins, Patrol Report Gulf
(Beara) 4 of 47/48. Villages of Purari Area, 13-22 June 1948, 5.
. Francis Dobb, Patrol Reports
Beara. Patrol Report 6 of 48/49, 6-7.
. Herbert E. Clark, Patrol Reports
Beara, Patrol Report 1 of 1951/52, 4-5.
. H.E. Clark, Patrol Report 4 of
1951-52, October 1951, 8. Kabu had accompanied P.O. Robb on a
patrol in July 1947 and had been "of considerable
assistance, although he naturally requires very close
watching", C.F. Healy, "District Monthly Report for
July 1947, Delta Division", 11 August 1947. TPNG - DS
. A.A. Roberts to Govt.Sect. 18
August 1953. TPNG, CA35/8/44.
. D.M. Cleland (Administrator) to
Sec. Dept of Territories, 24 July 1953. TPNG, CA 35/8/44.
. Dep.Reg. of Co-op.Soc. to DO
Kikori, 26 April 1956, in Oram, Rabia Camp, 18.
. 10/5/1 Purari Sago Trading
Company, Letters 18 April 1949 - 1954, quoted in Catherine
Snowden, "Co-operative Societies in Papua New Guinea",
MA (UPNG, 1983), 16. Kabu's letters dated 14 March, 4 April, 18
April, 7 May 1949; 17 February, 23 November 1953; and 4 April
1954, name Ivan Champion, and H.H. Jackman, as administrative
officials from whom no reply had been received. TPNG - CA
35/7/40. Champion had arrived to take the post of District
Officer, Kerema, in April 1946.
. Maher, New Men, 59.
. Maher, New Men, 62.
. Maher, New Men, 72.
. Pixley, op. cit., 13.
. Maher, "Purari River Delta
. TPNG, "Annual Report Gulf
District", 13 June 1962, 24. TPNG, 5516, 48/2/2.
. Here Brown worked among the
. This is noted by Charles Forman, Island
Churches of the South Pacific, 200; and is discussed in J.K.
Parratt, "Religious Change in Port Moresby", Oceania,
XLI:2, December 1970. The fact of Kabu's conversion three years
prior to his death is little known. Maher noted during a 1973
field trip the presence of Bahá'ís and Jehovah's Witnesses
among the Kinipo, but was not aware, evidently, that it was Kabu
who had taken Bahá'í beliefs to the Delta. Maher, "Purari
River Delta Societies...", 225. Kabu's conversion was
reported in Bahá'í Bulletin 141, May 1966, 17.
. These were Vi Hoehnke, an
Australian nurse employed on Manus, and Rodney Hancock, a New
Zealander who first worked in Rabaul and later established
businesses on New Britain.
. "New Guinea, Papua", Bahá'í
Bulletin 146, October 1966, 17.
. David Podger, "Nineteen
Declarations from Papua Teaching Trip", Bahá'í Bulletin
150, February 1967, 7. In March 1967 Tom Kabu, writing from
Akoma, described to Podger attempts by LMS teachers to remove the
Puroi villagers from the Bahá'í Faith. Kabu to David Podger, 11
March 1967. There were some 14 Bahá'ís in Puroi, and the LMS
had sent a teacher and two medics to reside in the village. Tom
Kabu to David Podger 9 March 1967 (Documents made available by
David and Sue Podger).
. Sue Podger, "Report on
Teaching Activities in Papua for the Past Year 1967-1968",
in Annual Bahá'í Convention for Australia BE 125 - 1968,
50. Photos of Tom Kabu and the Bahá'ís of Porio are included in
Bahá'í Bulletin 150, February 1967, 6.
. Kabu to Podger, 12 August 1968.
. "New Assemblies formed in
Papua", Bahá'í Bulletin, 166, June 1968, 11.
. David Podger to Tom Kabu, 23 July
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 17.
. In 1968 there were 19 Bahá'ís
in the village: Ara'ava Bahá'ís to Violet Hoehnke, (1968).
. Kabu ran against Albert Maori
Kiki, Tom Koraea, and a European, Keith Tetley. The seat was won
by Koraea, secretary of the Local Government Council at Kikori.
By Kiki's account, Kabu "became seriously ill, did next to
no campaigning and spent most of the pre-election period in
hospital", Albert Maori Kiki, Kiki:Ten Thousand Years in
a Lifetime, Melbourne, 1971, 171.
. Some years after Kabu's death
Prime Minister Michael Somare dedicated a monument to Tom Kabu at
Rabia Camp. By 1987 the monument, and Rabia camp itself, gave an
appearance of considerable neglect and disillusion.
. Maher, New Men, 58.
. Oram, Rabia Camp, 10.