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Abstract:
Annotated translation of 'Abdu'l-Bahá's history of the Bábí and early Bahá'í movements, dated 1886; includes many historical appendices by Browne.
Notes:
Note that this is the original E.G. Browne edition of Traveler's Narrative, which includes over 250 pages of Browne's own notes and other translations. Pages 1-172 were republished as an authorized edition. This online version is an exact replica of the original, except underscore is used to indicate subdot. Persian and Arabic are indicated by ~~~ or "[Persian text].
See also the authorized, abridged version and Browne's introduction. See also a scan of the original book [PDF, 32MB]. |
E.G. Browne, trans.
All chapters(MAKÁLA-I-SHAKHSÍ SAYYÁH)COMPOSED A.D. 1886 BY 'ABBÁS EFENDÍ, SON OF
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BRIT. MUS. OR. 2942 | TARIKH
JADID PERSIAN |
Inside the cover is written:-
The blank leaf at the beginning bears the name of the work (~~~) both in Arabic and English characters, the date July 1882, and Mr Sidney Churchill's signature, substituted for that of Hr Henry Churchill through which a pen has been drawn.
At the end of the text is the following colophon:-
(Rajab A.H. 1298 = May 30th - June 28th A.D. 1881).
A final note states that the MS. was bought of [sic] Mr S. Churchill on October 10th, 1885. It consists of 177 fol. (354 pp.). Quotations, headings, and the initial words of sentences are sometimes written in red. The paper is of a bluish colour. The text, so far as I have collated it, offers a good many variants from, and some additions to, my MS., and its readings are generally preferable.
My MS. consists of 374 pp., each of which contains 19 lines numbering on an average 10 words apiece. The whole history may be estimated to contain over 70,000 words.
As regards the authorship of the work, it is concealed for obvious reasons; and indeed the author goes out of his way to describe himself as a traveller who, having visited all parts of Europe and India, undertook a journey to Persia for scientific purposes and especially geographical research. He expresses thankfulness to God that he does not belong to the Persian nation, whose faults he exposes unsparingly. He pourtrays himself as a non-Muhammadan open to conviction on matters of religion and associating freely with all sects. And at the conclusion of his work he apologizes for his lack of literary style, advances as an excuse the statement that Persian is not his native tongue, and alludes to a "treatise written in his own language in French writing" wherein the matter in hand is more eloquently set forth. Now that any European should have been capable or desirous of composing such a work is on the face of it extremely improbable, and there can be little doubt that the author advanced the statements above alluded to merely as a blind. Of the Bábís whom I have questioned on the subject some attribute the authorship of the work to a certain well- known and widely-travelled resident in the Persian capital, whom, as he is still living, I do not feel myself justified in indicating more particularly; others to his mírzá or secretary, now dead. It appears not improbable that it was the joint product of these two. Whoever the author or authors may have been, the information set forth is so detailed and so minute that it must have been derived for the most part from persons who had conversed with actual eye-witnesses of the events described, if not from eye-witnesses themselves. The author, whether
he had really embraced the Bábí faith or not, was, on his showing, a warm admirer of the Báb and his apostles and disciples, and was during the composition of his work in continual communication with certain prominent members of the sect. Yet the work when completed - perhaps because of the violence wherewith it denounces the Musulmán clergy and reproaches the Persian nation, perhaps because of the slight mention which it makes of Behá'u'lláh (of Subh-i-Ezel it makes no mention at all) and the exaggerated veneration paid to the Báb - did not meet with the approval of the Bábí chiefs in Acre, and as early as the spring of 1888 I learned in Shíráz that instructions had been issued for the compilation of a new history more in accordance with the views entertained by those chiefs. Of these instructions the history now offered to the public is the outcome.
Pp. 1-381. Introduction.
" 39-40. Hájí Seyyid Kázim of Resht foretells the approaching 'manifestation' and dies.
Pp. 41-47. Conversion of Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh.
Pp. 48-50. Conversions of Hájí Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh ('Jenáb-i- Kuddús'), Mullá Muhammad Sádik. of Khurásán ('Mukaddas'), and others.
Pp. 51-55. From Mullá Huseyn's journey to Khurásán to his entry into Bárfurúsh with Hájí Muhammad 'Alí and their combined followers.
Pp. 56-114. From the first collision between the Bábís and the Musulmáns in Bárfurúsh to the fall of the Castle of Sheykh Tabarsí.
Pp. 115-132. Biographies of certain eminent Bábís who suffered martyrdom in Mázandarán, with some reflections on the heroism displayed by the besieged.
Pp. 133-155. The struggle at Níríz, and reflections thereon. (See Note H, infra.)
1: The pagination refers to my own MS., not to the British Museum Codex.
Pp. 156-163. The siege of Zanján.
Pp. 164-166. Reflections thereon.
" 167-176. Account of a disputation between a learned Bábí and an assembly of Musulmán divines.
Pp. 177-201. The decadence of the Persian empire and the deterioration of its people traced to the complete ascendancy obtained by the clergy, whose ignorance, wickedness, and arrogance are unsparingly exposed.
Pp. 202-222. Personal history of the Báb from the beginning of his mission until his exile to Mákú.
Pp. 223-236. Sufficiency of the testimony given by a host of martyrs of every class to the truth of Bábíism. Objections answered.
Pp. 237-240. Personal history of the Báb continued until his removal from Mákú to Chihrík.
Pp. 241-243. History of the 'Indian believer' (~~~)
Pp. 244-246. History of Seyyid Basír the Indian.
" 247-249. Eulogy on the devotion and self-sacrifice of the Bábís.
Pp. 250-261. History of the 'Seven Martyrs' (See Note B, infra.)
Pp. 262-264. Reflections thereon.
" 265-277. History of Kurratu'l-'Ayn. (See Note Q, infra.)
Pp. 278-280. First examination of the Báb at Tabríz. (See Note M, infra.)
Pp. 281-286. Reflections on the unfairness of the proceedings.
Pp. 287-300. Personal history of the Báb until his martyrdom.
Pp. 301-305. Review of former prophetic dispensations and comparison of these with the present 'manifestation.'
Pp. 306-322. Discussion of the kind of proof necessary to establish the truth of a new revelation, and reflections on the hard-heartedness, obstinacy, and stiff-neckedness of the Musulmáns in general and their clergy in particular, together with further proofs of their want of
fairness illustrated by additional details concerning the conference at Isfahán. (See Note J, infra.)
Pp. 323-331. The irrational beliefs, absurd traditions, and gross ignorance of the generality of Shi'ite divines.
Pp. 332-369. Account of a discussion which took place in the author's presence between a Bábí and a mujtahid, and discomfiture of the latter.
Pp. 370-372. Refutation of certain charges falsely alleged against the Bábís.
Pp. 373-374. Conclusion.
This is a work of 350 pages containing biographical notices of 153 eminent Shi'ite divines, amongst whom the author, Mírzá Muhammad ibn Suleymán-i-Tanakábuní, includes himself. It was published for the second time at Teherán in A.H. 1304 (A.D. 1886-7), together with two treatises composed by Seyyid Murtazá ''Ilmu'l-Hudá,' which are included in the same volume. The second biography in this volume, extending from p. 12 to p. 43, is devoted to Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí ibn Muhammad al-Burghání al-Kazvíní, called by the Shi'ites Shahíd-i-Thálith ('the Third Martyr'), and treats incidentally at some length of the Bábís, with whom the subject of the memoir in question came into such fatal collision. Of the book under consideration we are here concerned with this section alone, and indeed only with a part of that.
Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí was the eldest of three brothers, of whom the second, Hájí Mullá Muhammad Sálih, was also a divine and jurisconsult, while the third, Hájí Mullá 'Alí, was first a disciple of Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and afterwards a partisan of the Báb. Now Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí detested Sheykh Ahmad and his doctrines, and was indeed the first amongst the Shi'ite clergy to denounce him as a dangerous heretic; but if his detestation of the Sheykhís was great, much bitterer and more violent was his hatred of the Bábís. The fact that not only his youngest brother Hájí Mullá 'Alí, but also his niece and daughter- in-law Zarrín-Táj (or, to give her the title whereby she has become for ever famous, Kurratu'l-
'Ayn), had embraced the doctrines which he so abhorred, must have greatly conduced to an intensification of this hatred, which rose to such a pitch that, as we learn from the present work, he was during the last year of his life chiefly engaged in violent public denunciation of the Báb and his religion. This cost him his life; for at length certain Bábís, stung by his words into uncontrollable anger, fell upon him early one morning as he was praying in the mosque, and with knives and daggers inflicted on him eight wounds, from the effects of which he expired two days later. He was buried at Kazvín in the precincts of Sháhzádé Huseyn.
P. 20. Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí first denounces Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í as a heretic - Account of Sheykh Ahmad.
Pp. 21-30. Account of Sheykh Ahmad and Hájí Seyyid Kázim - Exposition and refutation of their doctrines. (See Note E, infra, and B. ii, pp. 890-892.)
Pp. 30-35. Account of Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán of Kírmán - Further remarks on the Sheykhí doctrines.
P. 36. Account of the assassination of Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí by certain Bábís in A.H. 1264 (A.D. 1848).
P. 37. Account of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb - His diligent attendance at Hájí Seyyid Kázim's lectures. (See B. ii, p. 894.) P. 38. How the attention of the author was first drawn to the Báb (see B. ii, pp. 894, 895) - The Báb returned to Bushire and begins to practise austerities - He composes a 'Kur'án' - The heresy of his doctrines exposed.
P. 39. Imprisonment of the Báb at Chihrík. - His first examination before the clergy of Tabríz. (See Note M, infra.)
Pp. 40, 41. Account of the Báb's examination continued and concluded - He is bastinadoed - Further particulars concerning Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán.
Pp. 42, 43. Disparagement of Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán, and proofs of his lack of scholarship.
Besides the Persian works above noticed which bear directly on the history of the Bábí movement, we may observe that the Persian poet Ká'ání has two kasídas written to celebrate the Sháh's escape from the attempt on his life1. These, however, as one would naturally expect, throw very little new light on the facts of the case. It is said that Ká'ání was at first disposed to regard the Báb with favour, and that the kasída beginning:-
"The ensample of men and jinn hath appeared,
The leader of these and those hath appeared,"
was written in his honour. If this be so, it is by no means the only instance of inconsistency wherewith this talented but fickle poet can be taxed.
In Arabic there is an article on Bábíism in the Encyclopaedia (~~~) of Butrusu'l-Bustání (Beyrout, 1881) which contributes some important facts not previously published, but also contains one or two grave errors. It comprises about 1600 words, and is based on information communicated by Seyyid Jemálu'd-Din al-Afghán. Of a portion of this I published a translation in my second paper on the Bábís (J. R. A. S. for 1889, pp. 942-943).
In Turkish a short article of about 240 words in vol. ii of Sámí Bey's Dictionnaire Universel d'Histoire et de Géographie (~~~, Constantinople, A.H. 1307) contains no new facts, but several new errors.
Numerous accounts of the Báb and his religion have been published in Europe, and these, so far as they are known to me, I shall now enumerate in the order of their publication, noting as far as possible whence each work derives the information which it embodies. A mere casual remark of some traveller often sheds a fresh ray of light on the matter, or helps to decide some doubtful date, and therefore I shall include in my list several works wherein only a few paragraphs are devoted to the Bábís; while on the other hand I do not consider it necessary to refer to all of the numerous articles on the subject which have appeared in various encyclopaedias and magazines, since these for the most part merely repeat more or less fully and eloquently the facts recorded by other writers.
[A.D. 1851.] Bâb und seine Secte in Persien, by A. H. Wright of the American Mission at Urúmiyya, Persia, contributed by J. Perkins, also of the aforesaid Mission, to the German Oriental Society, and published in Vol. v of the Z. D. M. G. (Leipzig, 1851, pp. 384-385). From a note appended by the Editor we learn that the MS. of this article, dated March 31, 1851, was forwarded with a letter from Mr Perkins dated March 29, and that another copy of the same article was sent to the American Oriental Society. From the Journal of the last-named society it appears that this paper was read at one of their meetings, but, so far as I can discover, it was not published, so that we have it only in its German dress. This document is of capital importance, and I have more than once had occasion to refer to it in my notes.
[A.D. 1856.] Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia, by Lady Sheil (London, 1856). The authoress of this work also was resident in Persia during the Bábí troubles, and much valuable information is supplied by her. That this information was derived for the most part, if not entirely, from bitter enemies of the new faith, or in other words from persons attached to the Persian Court, is sufficiently
evident. Some of the statements advanced seem to be traceable to one or other of the Court historians whose works have already been noticed. Others - especially one to the effect that the Báb, while resident at Baghdad or Kerbelá, was arrested by the Turkish authorities, and only saved from execution at their hands by the intervention of the Persian consul (p. 177) - stand alone, and are unsupported by other testimony. What relates to the Bábís in this work is as follows:
P. 176. Origin of the sect.
P. 177. Personal history of the Báb until his death.
P. 178. Confessions of ex- Bábís.
P. 179. Bábí doctrines exposed.
P. 180. Bábís compared to Assassins and Mazdakites - Mázandarán and Yezd insurrections - Execution of the 'Seven Martyrs'
P. 181. Rising at Zanján - Probability that the Bábí faith is spreading.
Pp. 273-282. Accounts of the attempt on the Sháh's life and of the Bábí executions which followed it, the latter translated from the 'Teherán Gazette' in which it appeared.
[A.D. 1857.] Journal of Two Years' Travel in Persia, Ceylon, etc., by Robert B. M. Binning, Esq., of the Madras Civil Service (London, 1857, 2 vols). Some few pages of the twentieth chapter of this work (vol. i, pp. 403-408) are devoted to the Bábís. Of all accounts which I have read, not excluding those given by the Musulmán historians, this is the most hostile, the most unfair - I had almost said the most libellous. The writer, not content with likening the Bábís to Mormons and Sadducees and describing their Founder as a kind of oriental Joe Smith, casts aspersions on the Báb's honesty, and almost accuses him of theft in so many words. This should not, perhaps, cause us much surprise in one who considers that the Gospel of Christ would be best commended to the people of Persia by the annexation of their country by some "Christian State," and who thinks that King Núshírván acted "very properly" in ordering the massacre of Mazdak and his adherents. In
point of accuracy, too, this account leaves much to be desired. Thus the author, writing in 1850-1851, describes the Níríz insurrection and the death of Seyyid Yahyá as having occurred "about five years ago," and states that the Báb himself travelled into Mázandarán, evidently confusing him with Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh. Yet, open to criticism as it is, Mr Binning's narrative has its value, and, as I have shown above (p. 187), helps to determine some doubtful points of chronology. Mr Binning appears to have left Persia by way of Bushire on February 7, 1852, having learned, almost at the moment of his departure, the tragic fate of Mírzá Takí Khán Amír-Nizám, which befel in January of that year.
[A.D. 1864,65.] In the Bulletin de l'Académie Impériale de St Pétersbourg, dated December 22, 1864 (vol. viii, pp. 247-248), is a most valuable article by Dorn on certain Bábí MSS. belonging to the St Petersburg collection. One of these - described as "the Koran of the Bábís" - derives special value from the fact that it was written by the Báb's own secretary, and by him placed in European hands. A portion of this text given by Dorn as a specimen was pronounced by Subh-i-Ezel (to whom I submitted it) an extract from the Book of Names (~~~). The other MS. described is a history of the Mázandarán insurrection composed in the Mázandarání dialect, and was obtained by Dorn during his sojourn in that province in 1860. From the abstract given of its contents it would appear to be of the highest interest, even though it be not in all respects worthy of credence. A short postscript referring to the authenticity of these two MSS. is added in the Bulletin for February 8, 1865. Concerning the occurrences in Mázandarán, Dorn also refers to a previous article of his at p. 353 of vol. iv of the Bulletin (Mélanges Asiatiques, vol. iv, p. 442), but this I have not seen.
[A.D. 1865.] Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale, by M. le Comte de Gobineau (Paris, 1865 and 1866). This most brilliant, most graphic, and most charming work is too well known to need any detailed description.
Though largely based on the Lisánu'l-Mulk's account of the Bábí movement, it embodies also many statements derived from Bábí sources; and not only are the facts thus obtained sifted with rare judgment and arranged with consummate skill, but the characters and scenes of this stirring drama are depicted in a manner so fresh, so vivid, and so lifelike that the work in question must ever remain a classic unsurpassed and indeed unapproached in the subject whereof it treats. The account of the Bábí books and doctrines (occupying 50 pages) is of the utmost value, being based on Bábí MSS. (now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris) obtained by the author; and the translation of the Book of Precepts (~~~), which forms an Appendix of 82 pages, is still the only complete translation into any European language of a Bábí sacred book. Of the 543 pages composing this volume, 299 are devoted to the Bábís.
[A.D. 1865.] Persien. Das Land und seine Bewohner, by Dr Jakob Eduard Polak, formerly Physician to the Sháh of Persia and Professor at the Medical College of Teherán (Leipzig, 1865, 2 vols). This work, embodying as it does researches into every phase of Persian life made by one whose position gave him rare opportunities of observing facts which his scientific training enabled him to describe with precision and accuracy, is also of the highest value. What relates to the Bábís occupies only four pages (pp. 350-353) of the first volume. Of these four pages the contents are briefly as follows:-
P. 350. The Báb and his teaching - Its rapid spread, especially amongst Seyyids, men of learning, and women of the most cultured class - Kurratu'l-'Ayn - Alleged use of narcotics such as hashísh by the Bábís - Determination of the Amír-Nizám to put the Báb to death.
P. 351. Execution of the Báb - Insurrections in Mázandarán and Zanján. [Both of these risings are here described as having taken place subsequently to the Báb's death, whereas in fact the former had terminated and the latter was in progress when this event occurred.] - Attempt on the Sháh's life in 1852.
P. 352. Attempt on the Sháh's life - Persons suspected - "Macchiavellian means" adopted for the extirpation of the Bábís - Hájí 'Alí Khán the Farrásh-Báshí - His cruel disposition - Partition of the Bábí prisoners.
P. 353. Horrible cruelties perpetrated on the Bábís - Their extraordinary fortitude - The tortures inflicted on the beautiful Kurratu'l-'Ayn, and the "superhuman courage" wherewith she endured her lingering death. [Of this execution Dr Polak was himself a witness] - Persecutions in the provinces - Activity of the Bábís continued, though concealed.
[A.D. 1865.] Journey from London to Persepolis, by John Ussher, F.R.G.S. (London, 1865). This work contains (pp. 627-629) some mention of the Bábís, and depicts in vivid colours the reign of terror which succeeded the attempt on the Sháh's life. A portion of this description is quoted in a footnote on p. 120, supra.
[A.D. 1866.] Bab et les Babis, an article - or rather a series of five articles - communicated to the Journal Asiatique for 1866 by Mirza Kazem-Beg. The Journal Asiatique for each year being divided into two volumes in the second of which the pagination is recommended, I have, for the sake of brevity, denoted all that portion of Mirza Kazem- Beg's article which occurs in vol. vii (6th series) by the abbreviation 'Kazem-Beg i,' and that which occurs in vol. viii by 'Kazem-Beg ii,' whenever I have had occasion to refer to them. The whole article amounts to 251 pages distributed in the two volumes as follows:-
Vol. vii (sixième série), pp. 329-384. Preface, and biography of the Báb in 16 sections.
Pp. 457-522. The Sheykhí doctrines. History of the Bábís, until the final suppression of the Mázandarán insurrection.
Vol. viii (sixième série), pp. 196-252. History of the Bábís concluded. (Insurrections of Zanján and Níríz, attempt on the Sháh, persecution of A.D. 1852.)
Pp. 357-400. The doctrine of the Bábís, and its antecedents.
Pp. 473-507. Two letters from a Bábí Seyyid -
Changes in the original doctrine of the Báb wrought by his followers - Translations from a Bábí work of a devotional character. [This work, as I have attempted to show on pp. 897-899 of my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S., is none other than the Ziyárat-náma - the so-called "Récit du Pèlerinage" - composed by the Báb.] - Conclusion.
The sources from which Mirza Kazem-Beg drew his information are, as stated by himself in a note on p. 332 (vol. vii), the following:-
(() The Násikhu't-
Tawáríkh.
(() The MS. History in the
Mázandarání dialect described by Dorn (see p. 202,
supra). Its author calls himself Sheykhu'l-'Ajam. Kazem-Beg describes
the work in question as "full of inexactitudes," "of no historic value," and "curious only
because composed in the dialect of Mázandarán."
(() A memoir on the Bábís by M. Sévruguin, who resided for twenty years in Persia.
(() Another memoir by M. Mochenin, who was in Persia at the time of the Bábí troubles, and who (vol. vii, p. 371) was so fortunate as to be at Chihrík. in June 1850, and even, as it would appear, to see the Báb addressing the multitudes who flocked thither.
Some of Kazem-Beg's dates and facts I have already had occasion to criticize (though in almost all such cases it is the Násikhu't- Tawáríkh which is ultimately responsible); neither can I concur in several of the views which he advances (especially his estimate of the characters of Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd and Áká Seyyid Yahyá of Dáráb and his theory of the passive part taken by the Báb in the formation of the new doctrines); but, whatever new light further research may throw on the subject treated of by Mirza Kazem-Beg, there is no doubt that his work will always remain one of the chief authorities thereon.
[A.D. 1866.] History of Persia from the beginning of the Nineteenth Century to the Year 1858, by Robert Grant Watson, formerly attached to Her Majesty's Legation at the Court of Persia (London, 1866). This work is also of the utmost value, since the author, from the position which
he occupied, had at his disposal the best means for arriving at the truth of matters of historical fact (especially of chronology), and was, moreover, by no means disposed unreservedly to follow the Musulmán historians, of whose unreliability he was well aware. What refers to the Bábís in this work is as follows:-
Pp. 347-352. Origin of the movement - Early life of the Báb - The treatment experienced by him at the hands of Huseyn Khán - Edicts against the Bábís.
Pp. 360-362. Rising at Yezd (not described in this passage as Bábí).
P. 385. Yezd rising described as a Bábí movement.
P. 386. Account of the 'Seven Martyrs'
P. 387. Siege of Zanján.
Pp. 388-392. Execution of the Báb - Fall of Zanján.
Pp. 407-410. Attempt on Sháh's life - Executions of Bábís.
[A.D. 1867.] Meine Wanderungen und Erlebnisse in Persien, by Hermann Vámbéry (Pest, 1867). This well-known traveller, à propos of a conversation which he had during his passage through Mázandarán with some of the inhabitants of 'Alí-ábád, in whose minds the recollection of the siege of Sheykh Tabarsí was still fresh, gives a dissertation on the Bábís which extends from p. 286 to p. 303 of this work. This account seems to be based almost entirely on what be [sic] was able to learn from the Persians, though Gobineau's work is occasionally quoted. The details here given concerning Suleymán Khán's martyrdom (which differ somewhat from those embodied in other traditions) will be referred to in Note T, infra.
[A.D. 1868.] Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams, by Baron Alfred von Kremer (Leipzig, 1868). Twenty pages of this work (pp. 202-222) are devoted to Bâb und seine Lehre, which article constitutes sect. vii of Book ii. One of the Bábí MSS. in the British Museum (Or. 3114) was, as appears from a note on the first page, bought from
Baron von Kremer, and contains a short note in pencil in his handwriting, but it does not seem that he made use of this in the compilation of the article in question.
[A.D. 1869.] L'Année Philosophique for this year contains an article by F. Pillon referred to with approbation in the last edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (vol. iii, s. v. Bâbi).
[A.D. 1872.] Essays und Studien, by Dr Hermann Ethé (Berlin, 1872). Of this work 61 pages (pp. 301-362) are occupied by an essay on the Báb and his doctrine entitled Ein moderner Prophet des Morgenlandes and based on the works of Gobineau, Kazem- Beg, Vámbéry, and Perkins. This essay is written in a sympathetic spirit, and the Bábí doctrines are expounded in a very lucid and logical manner.
[A.D. 1873.] The Journal Asiatique for this year (7th series, vol. ii, pp. 393-395) contains an article "Sur les sectes dans le Kurdistan" by M. t. Gilbert wherein is included a short notice of the Bábís. After briefly describing the beliefs attributed to them by their neighbours, M. Gilbert estimates the number of those settled in Kurdistán at about five thousand.
[A.D. 1874.] Persia - Ancient and Modern, by John Piggot, F.SA., F.G.S, F.R.G.S. (London, 1874). The account of the Bábí movement given in this work is full of inaccuracies. Thus, on p. 104, speaking of the Bábís up in arms at Yezd in May 1850, the writer says, "failing in this" (i.e. their attempt to capture the citadel) "they retired to Zinjan"; and he further describes the Báb as having been present in person amongst the besieged in that city, and as having been captured "in one of the assaults of the Sháh's troops" and executed there.
[A.D. 1874.] Gurret- ül-Eyn: Ein Bild aus Persiens Neuzeit, by Marie von Najmájer (Vienna, 1874). This is a poem in six cantos in honour of the Bábí heroine Kurratu'l-'Ayn, which, if not possessing much historic value, is at
least a graceful and pleasing tribute to the memory of a noble woman.
[A.D. 1875.] Journey in the Caucasus, Persia, and Turkey in Asia, by Lieut. Baron Max von Thielmann, translated into English by Charles Henneage, F.R.G.S. (London, 1875, 2 vols). The first volume of this work contains (at p. 262) a brief reference to the Bábís à propos of 'Muridism.' The second volume contains (at p. 52) an allusion to the Báb's execution in the citadel (arg) of Tabríz, which event is wrongly described as having occurred in A.D. 1843; and (at pp. 90-91) an interesting account of a Bábí named Hájí Muhammad Ja'far[footnote 1: Baron von Thielmann's fellow-traveller is very probably identical with the Hájí Muhammad Ja'far mentioned on p. 100, supra, and in note 1 on the same page.] who was the author's fellow-traveller from Tabríz to Mosul.
[A.D. 1877.] Collections Scientifiques de l'Institut des Langues Orientales, vol. i, Manuscrits Arabes, by Baron Victor Rosen (St. Petersburg, 1886). To this most valuable contribution to our knowledge I have had occasion to refer frequently, both in my second paper on the Bábís (pp. 886, 905-909, 954-960, &c.), and in the present work. Of the two Bábí MSS. described, the first is conjectured by Baron Rosen (and there can hardly be a doubt that his conjecture is right) to be the Commentary on the Súra of Joseph (~~~) composed by the Báb at the beginning of his mission; the second, concerning which I was unable to arrive at a definite conclusion in my second paper on the Bábís (p. 954-958), has since been proved beyond all question to be a copy of Behá's Súra-i-Heykal, whereof the Epistles to the Kings (including the Epistle to the Sháh, a complete translation of which is given in the present work[footnote 2: See pp. 108-151, supra, and Note X, infra. The latter contains a translation of that portion of the Arabic exordium which is not cited in the Persian text.]) form a portion. Baron Rosen's convincing arguments (which he has kindly allowed me to see in proof) are prefixed to the text of the MS., which will be published in
extenso in vol. vi of the Collections Scientifiques &c., shortly to appear (p. 145 et seq.).
[A.D. 1879.] The Deutsche Rundschau (vol. xviii, pp. 284-291) contains an article entitled Orientalischer Socialismus by Professor t. N˘ldeke, in which the tenets of the Bábís are briefly discussed, and compared with those of the Mazdakites.
[A.D. 1886.] Collections Scientifiques &c., vol. iii, Manuscrits Persans, by Baron Rosen (St Petersburg, 1886). This volume, equally valuable with the other, contains descriptions of MSS. of the Persian Beyán (pp. 1-32) and the Íkán (pp. 33-51).
[A.D. 1887.] The Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Littérature for April 18th of this year contains (pp. 297-298) a review of Baron Rosen's Manuscrits Persans by M. E. Fagnan. Special notice is taken of the Bábí MSS. described by Baron Rosen, and some valuable information is given concerning the five Bábí MSS. brought by Gobineau from Persia, which, on the death of their owner, were bought by the Bibliothèque Nationale.
[A.D. 1887.] Haifa, or Life in Modern Palestine, by Laurence Oliphant (Edinburgh and London, 1887). This work consists of a series of letters or essays on different subjects connected with the Holy Land, of which the twenty-first, entitled "the Babs and their Prophet" (pp. 103-107), gives an account of a visit paid by the writer to one of Behá's gardens in the vicinity of Acre, together with such information as to the history of the Báb and the Bábís and the personal character and claims of Behá as he was able to collect. This account is very noteworthy, since it is, so far as I know, the first published notice of Behá and the Bábí colony at Acre. Several erroneous statements are made, especially one to the effect that Behá "is visible only to women or men of the poorest class," and that "his own disciples who visit him are only allowed a glimpse of his august back." I myself, during the week which I spent at Acre (April 13th-20th, 1890), was
admitted to the august presence four times, each interview lasting about 20 minutes; besides which on one occasion I saw Behá walking in his garden of Janayn surrounded by a dozen or so of his chief disciples. Not a day passes but numerous Bábís of all classes are permitted to wait upon him.
[A.D. 1887.] Note sur trois ouvrages Bâbis communicated by M. Clément Huart to the Journal Asiatique for 1887 (eighth series, vol. x, pp. 133-144). Of the first of the three MSS. described I submitted an extract to Subh-i-Ezel, who pronounced it to be (as M. Huart had conjectured) from his own work the Kitáb-i-Núr ('Book of Light'), or rather from one of the two works which go by that name. The translation of Subh-i-Ezel's words (contained in a letter written at the end of September 1889) will be found in Note U infra. The other two MSS. described by M. Huart appear to be from the same source. Baron Rosen alludes to another article about these MSS. by M. Huart in the Revue de l'Histoire des Religions (vol. xviii, p. 279-296), which I have not seen.
[A.D. 1889.] La Religion de Bab, a little volume of 64 pages, also by M. Huart, forming one of the series known as the Bibliothèque Orientale Elzévirienne (Paris, 1889). This contains some translations from the above MSS. The historical portion supplies us with no new facts.
[A.D. 1889.] The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society [New Series] vol. XXI contains my two papers on the Bábís, whereof the first (throughout this work referred to as B. i) is entitled The Bábís of Persia. I. Sketch of their History and Personal Experiences amongst them, and the second (referred to as B. ii) The Bábís of Persia. II. Their Literature and Doctrines. These two papers embody the results of my investigations on this subject during the year which I spent in Persia (1887-1888).
[A.D. 1889.] Baron Rosen's Zapiski (vol. iv, parts 1 and 2, pp. 112-114) contains a short account of four Bábí works recently brought to St Petersburg. These four
works are:- (1) A MS. of the ~~~; (2) A copy of the Bombay lithographed edition of the ~~~; (3) A MS. of the ~~~ (which work I wrongly named ~~~ in my papers on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S.); (4) A MS. of the ~~~ (or ~~~). A much fuller description of all these will be found in vol. vi of the Collections Scientifiques when it appears. See immediately below.
[To appear shortly.] Collections Scientifiques, vol. vi, by Baron Rosen. Although this volume is not yet published, the kindness of the learned author in sending me the proof-sheets as they were printed off has enabled me to make reference to it when occasion required. It will contain, amongst much other valuable matter, the complete text of the Súra-i- Heykal.
See also articles in the Encyclopaedia Britannica sv. Bâbi (vol. iii, 1875, pp. 180-181), Persia, Modern History (vol. xviii, 1885, pp. 650-651), and Sunnites and Shí'ites (vol. xxii, 1887, p. 665); and articles in the following periodicals:- Contemporary Review (vol. xi, p. 581; vol. xii, p. 245), Chambers' Journal (vol. xxix, p. 45), All the Year Round (vol. xxii, p. 149), Hours at Home (vol. viii, p. 210), and (vol. ii, p. 793). [+CHAPTER3]
THE MARTYRDOM OF MÍRZÁ SEYYID 'ALÍ THE
BÁB'S
MATERNAL UNCLE AMONGST THE 'SEVEN
MARTYRS.'
"This year," says Lady Sheil writing in September 1850, "seven Ba[macron over the a]bees were executed at Tehran for an alleged conspiracy against the life of the Prime Minister. Their fate excited general sympathy, for every one knew that no criminal act had been committed, and suspected the accusation to be a pretence. Besides this Bábeeism
had spread in Tehran too. They died with the utmost firmness. Previously to decapitation they received an offer of pardon, on the condition of reciting the Kelema, or creed, that Mahommed is the Prophet of God. It was rejected, and these visionaries died steadfast in their faith. The Persian minister was ignorant of the maxim that persecution was proselytism1". Amongst these seven - 'the Seven Martyrs' as they are called by the Bábís - was the Báb's uncle Hájí Mírzá Seyyid 'Alí. The other sufferers were Hájí Mullá Isma'íl of Kum, Mírzá Kurbán 'Alí the dervish, Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Turshíz the mujtahid, Hájí Mullá Nakí of Kirmán, Mírzá Muhammad Huseyn of Tabríz, and Mullá Sádik. of Marágha. Of their martyrdom the Táríkh-i-Jadíd gives a long and touching account, on which I here append an abridgement.
What led to this tragic event was, as stated by Lady Sheil, a report conveyed to Mírzá Takí Khán the Prime Minister that the Bábís in Teherán meditated a rising. Thirty-eight persons suspected of belonging to the obnoxious sect were therefore arrested and cast into prison. After a few days it was decided that all of these who would consent to renounce or repudiate their connection with the Báb and his doctrines should be released, but that those who refused to do so should suffer death.
When this news was brought to the prisoners, Hájí Mullá Isma'íl of Kum, who was one of the earliest believers and who had been present at the conference at Badasht [see Gobineau, pp. 180-184], arose and addressed his fellow-captives, announcing his own intention of standing firm in the faith even unto death, and exhorting others like-minded with himself and not hindered by any impediment to follow his example, "for," said he, "if we do not show forth the religion of His Highness the Ká'im, who then will show it forth?" At the same time he declared that those whose faith was weak, or who were prevented by domestic ties from freely laying down their lives, must judge for themselves as to the duty incumbent upon them, and decide whether they were justified in making a formal renunciation of the Báb's doctrine.
1 Lady Sheil's Life and Manners in Persia, pp. 180-181.
Accordingly of the thirty-eight prisoners seven (including Hájí Mullá Isma'íl) determined to adopt the more courageous course, while the others for various reasons were not prepared to forfeit their lives, and decided to recant. The latter were therefore released: the former were led out to die.
In spite of the wide-spread sympathy felt for the sufferers there were not lacking wretches to deride and mock them as they were led forth to the place of execution1. Some of these threw stones at them; others confined themselves to abuse and raillery, crying out, "These are Bábís and madmen." Thereupon Hájí Mullá Isma'íl turned towards them and said, "Yes, we are Bábís; but mad we are not. By God, O people, it is for your awakening and your enlightenment that we have foregone life, wealth, wife, and child, and have shut our eyes to the world and its citizens, that perchance ye may be warned and may escape from uncertainty and error, that ye may fall to making enquiry, that ye may recognize the Truth as is meet, and that ye may no longer be veiled therefrom."
Now when they were come to the place of execution, one
came to Hájí Mullá Isma'íl and said, "Such an one of your
friends will, on condition of your recanting, give a sum of money in order that they may
not kill you. To save your life what harm is there in saying merely 'I am not a
Bábí'?" To this, however, Hájí Mullá
Isma'íl would by no means consent; and, when greatly importuned, he drew
himself up and said,
"O zephyr! Say from me to Isma'íl2 destined for
sacrifice,
'To return alive from the street of the Friend is not the condition of love.'"
Then he took off his turban and said to the executioner, "Go on with thy work;" and the latter, filled with amazement, struck the fatal blow.
The next victim was Mírzá
Kurbán-'Alí the dervish, an old man highly respected and beloved
of all, who had spent the last night in prison in exhorting and encouraging his comrades
and reciting verses appropriate to their condition. So high was the consideration in
which he was held that the Sháh's mother exerted her influence with her son to
have him pardoned, declaring that it was impossible that he could be a
Bábí. So, as he stood there awaiting death, messengers came from the
palace to give him another chance of saving his life. "Thou art a dervish," said they, "and
art a man of excellence and virtue: they have thrown suspicion upon thee, but thou art
not of this misguided people." "I consider myself as one of the disciples and servants of
His Highness [the Báb]," answered the old dervish, "though
whether He hath accepted me into His service or not I know not." And when they
continued to press him and urge him to save his life he cried, "This drop of blood - this
poor life - is nought: were I possessed of the lordship of the world, and had I a thousand
lives, I would freely cast them before the feet of His friends." So, when they
perceived that their efforts were of no avail, they desisted therefrom, and signified to
the executioner that he should proceed with his work. The first blow struck only
wounded the old man's neck and cast his turban to the ground. He raised his head and
exclaimed,
"O happy that intoxicated lover who at the feet of the Friend
Knoweth not whether it be his head or his turban which he casteth!"
After him was slain Áká Seyyid Huseyn the mujtahid of Turshíz, who, returning homewards from Kerbelá to visit his friends and family, had been arrested in Teherán. He too died with the utmost firmness and alacrity.
Then came the turn of the Báb's uncle
Hájí Mírzá Seyyid 'Alí. A merchant of his
acquaintance wished to ransom him for the sum of three hundred
túmáns, but he declared that to suffer martyrdom was his greatest
desire. Then he took off his turban, and, raising his face towards heaven, exclaimed, "O
God, Thou art witness of how they are slaying the son of Thy Most Honourable Prophet
without fault on his part." Then he turned to the executioner and recited this
verse:-
"How long shall grief of separation from him slay me?
Cut off my head, that Love may bestow on me a
head1."
After this the other three victims, each in his turn, met their death with like heroism. Of the martyrdom of one of these not specified by name but described as "a young Seyyid of pleasing countenance and attractive aspect"; of the attempt to save him made by Hájí 'Alí Khán the Hájibu'd-Dawla (see p. 52, note 1), who was superintending the execution and was moved to a compassion rare in him at the sight of so youthful and comely a sufferer; and of the refusal of the youthful Bábí to escape death and secure wealth, luxury, and a fair bride as the price of a simple recantation, the Táríkh-i-Jadíd gives a detailed account, which, notwithstanding its pathetic interest, lack of space compels me to omit in this place.
When the executioners had completed their bloody work, the rabble onlookers, awed for a while by the patient courage of the martyrs, again allowed their ferocious fanati-
cism to break out in insults to the mortal remains of those whose spirits had now passed beyond the power of their malice. They cast stones and filth at the motionless corpses, abusing them, and crying out, "This is the recompense of the people of affection and of such as pursue the Path of Wisdom and Truth!" Nor would they suffer their bodies to be interred in a burial-ground, but cast them into a pit outside the Gate of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, which they then filled up.
After detailing the occurrences briefly set forth above, the Bábí historian proceeds to point out the special value and unique character of the testimony given by the "Seven Martyrs." They were men representing all the more important classes in Persia - divines, dervishes, merchants, shop-keepers, and government officials; they were men who had enjoyed the respect and consideration of all; they died fearlessly, willingly, almost eagerly, declining to purchase life by that mere lip-denial, which, under the name of ketmán or takiya, is recognized by the Shi'ites as a perfectly justifiable subterfuge in case of peril; they were not driven to despair of mercy as were those who died at Sheykh Tabarsí and Zanján; and they sealed their faith with their blood in the public square of the Persian capital wherein is the abode of the foreign ambassadors accredited to the court of the Sháh. And herein the Bábí historian is right: even those who speak severely of the Bábí movement generally, characterizing it as a communism destructive of all order and all morality, express commiseration for these guiltless victims. To the day of their martyrdom we may well apply Gobineau's eloquent reflection on a similar tragedy enacted two years later:- "Cette journée donna au Bâb plus de partisans secrets que bien des prédications n'auraient pu faire. Je l'ai dit tout ˆ l'heure, l'impression produite sur le peuple par l'effroyable impassibilité des martyrs fut profonde et durable. J'ai souvent entendu raconter les scènes de cette journée par des témoins oculaires, par des hommes tenant de près au gouvernement, quelques-uns occupant des fonctions éminentes. A les entendre, on eut pu croire aisément que tous étaient bâbys, tant ils se montraient pénétrés d'admiration pour des souvenirs o l'Islam ne jouait pas le plus beau rôle, et par
la haute idée qu'ils avouaient des ressources, des espérances, et des moyens de succès de la secte1."
With regard to Hájí Mírzá Seyyid 'Alí the Báb's uncle, with whom we are more particularly concerned, the Táríkh-i-Jádid gives the following additional particulars. Before leaving Shíráz (where, as it would appear, he had remained after the Báb departed to Isfahán) he set all his affairs in order and paid all his creditors in person, as though in anticipation of a speedy death. Then he took a tender farewell of all his friends and relatives, besought them to pardon any fault which he might have committed in regard to them, and set out for Teherán, apparently with the intention of proceeding thence to Chihrík. to visit the Báb. Perhaps on his arrival at the capital he was met with the news of his nephew's martyrdom at Tabríz on July 9th 1850: at all events it would appear that he continued there till, not two months later, he himself met with a similar fate.
As the Bábí historian does not omit to point out, no stronger evidence of the marvellous personal influence of the Báb over all with whom he came in contact can be found than the devoted attachment to him manifested by his aged uncle, who, knowing him from his childhood upwards, and being fully conversant with his daily life, was one of the first to embrace the faith for which he died. Of the extraordinary purity and piety of the Báb's life, indeed, we have ample evidence. His bitterest enemies cannot asperse his personal character. Hence those who knew him best loved and revered him most. I was fortunate enough to meet at Acre one who was the Báb's cousin, comrade, play-fellow, and brother-in-law. He was a gentle old man with light blue eyes and white beard. I begged him to give me some account of the Báb's personal character. "He was very dignified and gentle in his manner," replied he, "yet at times, when any attempt to treat him unfairly or discourteously was made, he could be very stern. Once I remember while we were engaged in business at Bushire a custom-house officer attempted to
1 Gobineau, Religions et Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale, 2nd ed. p. 303.
extort money from him wrongfully and treated him with disrespect. Thereupon the
Báb, finding remonstrance unavailing, struck his assailant with his slipper
once, accompanying the blow with a look of such majestic anger that the latter instantly
became silent and took his departure."
[+CHAPTER4]
TEXTS FROM THE PERSIAN BEYÁN GIVING THE BÁB'S AGE AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF HIS MISSION, AND THE DATE THEREOF.
The Báb mentions his age in two passages in the Persian Beyán. The first of these occurs in Váhid II, ch. 1 and runs as follows in my MS. The variants of the British Museum codex marked Or. 2819 are here and hereafter given at the foot of each page. This codex is denoted by the letter B.
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text, including seven footnotes]
[eight lines of Persian/Arabic text, including eleven footnotes]
"And if anyone should reflect on the appearance of this Tree12, he will without doubt admit the loftiness of God's religion. For in one from whose life [only] twenty-four years had passed, who was devoid of those sciences wherein all are learned, who now recites verses after such fashion without thought or hesitation, who in the course of five hours writes a thousand verses of supplications without pause of the pen, who produces commentaries and learned treatises of so high a degree of wisdom and understanding of the Divine Unity that doctors and philosophers confess their inability to comprehend those passages, there is no doubt that all this is from God. What pains do these doctors
12 i.e. the Báb, who repeatedly calls himself "the Tree of Truth."
take who study diligently from the beginning to the end of their lives when writing a single line of Arabic! Yet after all [the result] is but words which are unworthy of mention. All these things are for a proof unto the people; else is the religion of God too mighty and glorious for one to be able to understand it by aught other than itself; rather by it is all else understood"
The second passage occurs in Váhid vi, ch. 11, which prohibits the cruel beating of children and defines the penalties incurred by schoolmasters and teachers who infringe this injunction. After stating these in full it continues as follows:-
[five lines of Persian/Arabic text, including five footnotes]
"The fruit of these ordinances is this, that perchance no sorrow may befal that Soul from the ocean of whose bounty all are endowed with existence. For the teacher doth not recognize the Teacher of himself and of all, even as in the manifestation of the Furkán [i.e. the Kur'án] none recognized that Sun of Truth till forty years had passed, and in the [case of the ] Point of Revelation [i.e. the Báb] for twenty-five years."
In my first paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. (B. i, pp. 509-511), I was disposed to believe that in each of these two passages the Báb referred to his actual age at
the time of writing, and that this was why he described himself in one passage as being twenty-four years of age and in the other as twenty-five. Starting with this hypothesis, I attempted to fix as nearly as possible the date when the first of these passages was written, and decided that it must have been about the end of A.D. 1847 or the beginning of A.D. 1848. From this I concluded that the Báb must have been born not earlier than A.D. 1824, and that he was consequently only nineteen years old at the commencement of his mission, as alleged by Gobineau (pp. 142-143) and by some of the Bábís whom I saw in Kirmán. Further information as to the date of the Báb's birth, which reached me after the publication of my first paper, compelled me to abandon this view1. Indeed, had I not been unduly influenced by the idea that the Báb was nineteen years of age at the commencement of his mission, and had I more carefully considered the second of the two passages above quoted, I should have perceived that the Báb speaks of his own age and that of Muhammad at the beginning of their respective missions when their prophetic office was first disclosed to mankind. In ~~~ (Seven Proofs) the Báb also describes himself as ~~~ "of an age which did not exceed five and twenty." When in Cyprus I one day enquired of Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezel how old the Báb was at the time of the 'manifestation.' He replied without hesitation "twenty-four, and entering on his twenty-fifth year." Now the date of the 'manifestation' is given in the Persian Beyán (the passages will be quoted immediately) as Jamádí-ul-Úlá 5th A.H. 1260 (May 23rd A.D. 1844). It therefore follows that the Báb, being at that date, according to his own statement, over twenty-four and under twenty-five years of age, must have been born on Muharram 1st A.H. 1236 (October 9th, A.D. 1820) rather than on Muharram 1st A.H. 1235 (October 20th, A.D. 1819) as stated at p. 2 of the present work. The
1 This information will be found at p. 993 of my second paper on the Bábís.
correctness of the former date is further corroborated by the enquiries kindly undertaken by a friend of mine at Shíráz who is himself connected with the Báb's family (see B. ii, p. 993), and I think there can be little doubt that it is the true one.
The first passage in the Persian Beyán where the date of the 'manifestation' is given occurs in Váhid II, ch. 7, which treats of the real meaning of the Resurrection. It commences as follows:-
[nine lines of Persian/Arabic text, including 12 footnotes]
[11 lines of Persian/Arabic text, including 14 footnotes]
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text, including 7 footnotes]
"The seventh chapter of the second Váhid. In explanation of the Day of Resurrection. The quintessence of this chapter is this, that what is intended by the Day of Resurrection is the day of the appearance of the Tree of Truth: but it is not seen that any one of the Shi'ites hath understood the Day of Resurrection; rather have they fancifully imagined a thing which with God hath no reality. [And that which hath no reality with God hath no reality.] But what is meant by God and by those who are wise amongst the people of truth by the Day of Resurrection is this, that from the time of the appearance of the Tree of Truth, at whatever period, and under whatever name [or form] (it be), until the moment of its disappearance is the Day of Resurrection. For example, from the (first) day of the mission of Jesus till the day of His ascension was the Resurrection of Moses, for during that period the manifestation of God [appeared in the form of that Truth, who rewarded by His word everyone who believed in Moses, and punished by His word everyone who did not believe. For what God regarded at that time] was what God beheld in the Gospel. And after the (first) day of the mission of the Prophet of God
till the day of his ascension was the Resurrection of Jesus, wherein the Tree of Truth appeared in the form of Muhammad, rewarding by his word every one who was a believer in Jesus, and tormenting by his word every one who was not a believer in Him. And from the moment when the Tree of the Beyán appeared until it disappeareth is the Resurrection of the Prophet of God which God hath promised in the Kur'án; of which appearance the beginning was when two hours and fifteen minutes (had passed) from the eve of [Friday the fifth of] Jamádí-ul-Úlá (A.H.) 1260, which is the year 1270 of the mission (of Muhammad). (This) was the beginning of the Day of Resurrection of the Kur'án. And until the disappearance of the Tree of Truth1 is the Resurrection of the Kur'án. For of no thing doth the Resurrection occur till it reacheth the stage of perfection. The perfection of the religion of Islám was consummated ere the beginning of this Manifestation, and from the beginning of this Manifestation till the moment of disappearance the fruits of the Tree of Islám, whatever they are, will become apparent. And the Resurrection of the Beyán is from the (first) appearance of Him whom God shall manifest; for to day the Beyán is in the stage of seed, but at the beginning of the manifestation of Him whom God shall manifest the ultimate perfection of the Beyán will become apparent, when He shall gather the fruits of the trees which have been planted."
The second passage giving the date of the 'manifestation' occurs on Váhid vi, ch. 13 and runs as follows:-
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text, with seven footnotes]
1 See note 12 at the foot of p. 219.
"And after the planting of the Tree of the Kur'án the perfection thereof was attained in one thousand two hundred and seventy years. Had the maturity thereof been (attained) at two o'clock on the night of [Thursday] the fifth of Jamádí-ul-Úlá, it (i.e. the new manifestation) would not have appeared five minutes later."
The above quotations also illustrate what I have had
occasion to notice in my first Paper on the Bábís (B. i, p. 507), viz.
that the Báb prefers to date not from the flight of Muhammad
but from the beginning of his mission, which he places ten years earlier. Hence
he usually states the beginning of his own mission as having occurred not in the year
1260 A.H., but "1270 years after the mission of Muhammad." Cf.
Persian Beyán, Váhid ii, ch. 7; iv, 14; iv. 16; iv,
18; vi, 7; vi, 8; vi, 13 (bis).
[+CHAPTER5]
THE MEANING OF THE TITLE 'BÁB.'
Every writer who has made mention of the Báb has pointed out that this title assumed by him at the beginning of his mission signifies in Arabic 'Gate' or 'Door,' but in specifying that whereunto he professed to be the 'Gate' they are no longer in accord. Kazem-Beg says (i, p. 343) that one day, falling into ecstasy, Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad "discovered that he was the Báb, the Gate of Truth," and a few lines lower he says, "Je ne sais si les paroles du Christ: 'Je suis la porte' lui étaient connues; mais il n'ignorait sans doute pas que Mahomet avait dit: 'Je suis la ville du savoir et Ali (son gendre) est la porte de cette ville'." Gobineau (pp. 149-150) says, "Il annonca qu'il était le Bâb, la Porte par laquelle seule on pouvait parvenir à la connaissance de Dieu." Lady Sheil says (p. 176), "this amiable sect is styled Ba[macron]bee, from Ba[macron]b, a gate, in
Arabic, the name assumed by its founder, meaning, I suppose, the gate to heaven." Watson (p. 348) gives the clearest and most correct statement of the meaning of the title in question. He says, "He (Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad) now gave out that as Ali had been the gate by which men had entered the city of the prophet's knowledge, even so he was the gate through which men might attain to the knowledge of the twelfth Imam. It was in accordance with this doctrine that he received the distinguishing appellation of Ba[macron]b, or gate; from which his followers were styled Ba[macron]bis."
As regards the Muhammadan historians, the Násikhu 't-Tawáríkh of Sipihr, which gives the fullest account of the Bábí movement, and which has served as a basis of information to most European writers, says in speaking of the beginning of what it calls "the mischief (fitna) of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb":-
[nine lines of Persian/Arabic text]
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"When Hájí Seyyid Kázim departed from this world to the Eternal Abode, he [Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad] carried off several of his disciples and retired for vigils and worship to the mosque of Kúfa, where he abode forty days. All at once his disposition swerved aside from rectitude. Then he secretly seduced men to his own austerities and doctrine, inviting them to devote themselves to him. And in whomsoever he felt confidence, to him he would say, 'I am the Gate of God: enter, then, houses by their gates: one cannot enter any house otherwise than by the gate thereof. Whosoever desireth to come to God and to know the religion of God cannot do so until he seeth me and receiveth permission from me.' Therefore he became known as 'Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb'; and when a few days had passed he was named 'the Báb,' and his own name rarely crossed men's tongues."
During the latter part of the reign of Muhammad Sháh when the Báb, then in captivity at Chihrík, was brought to Tabríz, and examined concerning his doctrine by a council of divines and doctors presided over by the present Sháh of Persia, then Crown-Prince, he was required to explain the title which he had assumed and to state what meaning he attached to it. The account given of this examination in the present history (pp. 19-21, supra) is brief compared to the accounts contained in the supplement of the Rawzatu's-Safá, the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, and the Kisasu'l-'Ulamá (concerning which works see above, Note A). Of the proceedings of this council a fuller account compiled from the above sources will be found in Note M. For our present purpose it is sufficient to observe that when the Báb was asked by his inquisitors, "What is the meaning of [the name] Báb?" he answered, "The same as in the holy tradition, 'I am the City of Knowledge and 'Alí is the Gate thereof'."
Von Kremer, in the account of the Báb which he gives in his Herrschenden Ideen des Islams, quotes this same tradition as the probable source whence Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad derived his title, and further points out (p. 209) that he was not the first to adopt it, one Abú Ja'far Muhammad ibn 'Alí ash- Shalmaghání, generally known as Ibn Abí Azákir, having suffered death under the Caliph Ar-Rádhí for assuming this same title of Báb and teaching new and heretical doctrines which included the tenet of metempsychosis. In his case also the title was explained by Ibn Abdús, one of his followers, as signifying "the door which led to the expected Imám." So likewise Abu'l-Kásim al-Huseyn ibn Rúh1, a contemporary of ash- Shalmaghání who died A.H. 326 (A.D. 937-938), was regarded by his disciples as one of the "doors leading to the Lord of the Age" (Sáhibu'z-Zamán). Lack of space forbids further discussion on the history of this title and its employment. Those who desire fuller information may consult the authorities referred to by von Kremer, viz. Ibn Khallikán, ed. Wüst, p. 129, Vita 186; Baron MacGuckin de Slane's translation of Ibn Khallikán, vol. i, pp. 436-437, and notes on p. 439; Hammer-Purgstall, Litt. Geschichte der Araber, vol. v, p. 283; and Ibnu'l- Athír, vol. viii, p. 217.
It must be borne in mind that, as is clearly explained by Gobineau (pp. 150 and 156) and Watson (p. 348), the title of Báb was only provisionally and temporarily adopted by Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad, nor is he now generally so styled by his followers, who call him ~~~ ('l'Altesse Sublime' of Gobineau), ~~~ ('His Highness the Point of Revelation'), ~~~ ('His Highness the First Point'), or even ~~~ ('His Highness my Lord the Supreme'). In the Persian Beyán he applies to himself other titles in addition to the
1 For further particulars concerning this personage, see Note O, infra.
second and third of those above enumerated, such as ~~~ (the 'Tree of Truth'), ~~~ (the 'Person' or 'Essence of the Seven Letters,' because his name, ~~~, contains seven letters), and the like. But amongst the Behá'ís there is a tendency (very evident in the present work, where the term Báb is used throughout, and no mention is made of the fuller development of doctrine and exaltation of rank which marked the later period of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad's mission) to suppress the higher titles implying a supremacy which they would reserve for Behá, and to speak of the Báb as ~~~ ('His Highness the Evangelist'). In reading the present history, the fact that it represents throughout the view of the Behá'ís, not of the original Bábís or the Ezelís of to-day, must never be lost sight of. When, in the words of Gobineau (p. 156), Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad "déclara qu'il n'était pas le Bâb, comme on l'avait cru jusqu'alors, comme il l'avait pensé lui-même, c'est-ˆ-dire la Porte de la connaissance des vérités, mais qu'il était le Point, c'est-ˆ-dire le générateur même de la vérité, une apparition divine, une manifestation toute-puissante," then, to continue the quotation, "le titre de Bâb, ainsi devenu libre, pouvait désormais récompenser le pieux dévouement de l'un des néophytes," and it was on Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh that it was bestowed. Accordingly by Subh-i-Ezel this illustrious champion of the new faith is always spoken of as ~~~, while in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd he is called ~~~ 'His Excellency the Gate of the Gate.'
In his earlier writings (e.g. the Commentary on the Súra-i-Yúsuf, for specimens of which see Rosen's MSS. Arabes, pp. 179-191) Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad repeatedly uses the term Báb and apparently applies it to himself. In the Persian Beyán, which was composed during his imprisonment at Mákú and embodies his fully developed doctrine, he continues to use the term, but no longer limits
it to himself, though still occasionally employing it as his own title, as, for instance, in the following passage in Váhid ii, ch. 1:-
[seven lines of Persian/Arabic text, with six footnotes]
"God demandeth in His own speech, 'Whose book is the Kur'án?' All the believers said to Him, 'It is the Book of God' Afterwards it was asked, 'Is any difference seen between the Furkán [i.e. the Kur'án] and the Beyán?' The spiritually-minded answered, 'No, by God, all is from our Lord': and none are mentioned but those endowed with discernment. Then the Lord of the World [thus] revealed:- 'That Word is by the tongue of Muhammad the Apostle of God, and this is my Word by the tongue of the Person of the Seven Letters, the Gate of God'."
In other passages, however, the term is employed (often in the plural) in a more general sense. Thus the last four
chapters of the first Váhid, consisting, as it would appear, of mere titles uncommentated and undeveloped, stand as follows:-
[nine lines of Persian/Arabic text, with six footnotes]
"The sixteenth chapter of the first Váhid. Concerning this, that the First Gate (Báb) hath returned to the world with everyone who believed in him truly or otherwise."
"The seventeenth chapter...&c. Concerning this, that the Second Gate..." &c.
"The eighteenth chapter...&c. Concerning this, that the Third Gate..." &c.
"The nineteenth chapter...&c. Concerning this, that the Fourth Gate..." &c.
In one of my interviews with Subh-i- Ezel I asked him
who were intended by these 'Bábs' or 'Gates,' and he answered that Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Hájí Seyyid Kázim of Resht [see Note E, infra, and also B. ii, pp. 884-885 and 888-892] were two of them. But this would only signify that in them reappeared, or 'returned to the world,' two of the four original 'Gates' And by these can only be meant those four persons who, during the period of seclusion of the twelfth Imám known as the "Lesser Occultation" (~~~), acted as intermediaries between him and his followers. These four were, according to the ~~~, (1) Abú 'Umar 'Othmán ibn Sa'íd; (2) Abú Ja'far Muhammad ibn 'Othmán, son of the above; (3) Huseyn ibn Rúh. [see Note O, infra, and the beginning of this note, p. 229]; (4) Abú'l- Hasan 'Alí ibn Muhammad Símarí.
So also in Váhid ii, ch. iv, this sentence occurs:-
[five lines of Persian/Arabic text, with five footnotes]
"For God hath assimilated refuge in Himself to refuge in His Apostle, and refuge in His Apostle to refuge in His executors (i.e. the Imáms), and refuge [in His executors to refuge] in the Gates (Abwáb or Bábs) of His executors..... For refuge in the Apostle is identical with refuge in God,
and refuge in the Imáms is identical with refuge in the Apostle, and refuge in the Gates is identical with refuge in the Imáms."
So likewise in other passages "Gates of the Fire"
(~~~) are spoken of as identical with
"Letters of Denial" (~~~), both terms
signifying such as vehemently oppose the Truth and lead men to hell.
[+CHAPTER6]
THE SHEYKHÍS, AND THEIR DOCTRINE CONCERNING THE
'FOURTH
SUPPORT.'
The founder of the Sheykhí school, with which in its origin the Bábí movement is so closely connected, was Sheykh Ahmad of Ahsá (often, but apparently erroneously, written Lahsá) in the province of Bahreyn. The following is a brief account of his life, for which I am indebted to the kindness of one of my Persian friends in Teherán. The genealogy therein contained purports to be based on an account written by the Sheykh himself for his son Sheykh Muhammad Takí.
Sheykh Ahmad was the son of Sheykh Zeynu'd- Dín Ahsá'í, son of Sheykh Ibrahím, son of Sheykh Sakr, son of Sheykh Ibrahím, son of Sheykh Dághir, son of Sheykh Ramadhán, son of Sheykh Ráshid, son of Sheykh Dihím, son of Sheykh Shamrúkh of the tribe of Sakr, one of the most important tribes of the Arabs. From Sheykh Shamrúkh to Sheykh Ramadhán the family were ostensibly not of the Imámite (Shi'ite) faith, but conformed outwardly to the practices of the Sunnites.
According to my correspondent's statement, the year of Sheykh Ahmad's birth is represented by the chronogram
~~~ (A.H. 1166 = A.D. 1752-53). I think, however, that it should be ~~~, "the water- courses overflowed." This sentence yields the date 1157 A.H., which agrees with the other particulars given, and also conveys an intelligible meaning, neither of which conditions, so far as I can see, are fulfilled by the first chronogram. The year of his death (A.H. 1242 = A.D. 1826-27) is contained in the following chronogram:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]
"Thou hast victoriously attained unto Paradise, O Ahmad son of Zeynu'd- Dín!" Sheykh Ahmad was eighty-five years old at the time of his death.
From his youth upwards Sheykh Ahmad was pious, devout, and ascetic in his life. At the direction of his spiritual guides he quitted his native country and went to 'Irák. (Kerbelá and Nejef), where he took up his abode and occupied himself in teaching and diffusing religious knowledge. He soon acquired great fame, and many students gathered around him. His fame continuing to increase, he was invited by Fath-'Alí Sháh, Prince Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá Ruknu'd-Dawla, and other eminent personages, to visit Persia. He accordingly came to Teherán; thence he proceeded to Kirmánsháhán, and thence to Yezd, where he abode of twelve years. He performed the pilgrimage to Mecca several times, and on the last occasion for doing so died two stages from Medína, where he was buried in the cemetery called Bakí' [-ul-Gharkad. See Lane's Arabic- English-Lexicon, Book I. Part i, p. 235].
The account of Sheykh Ahmad
Ahsá'í contained in the Kisasu'l-
'Ulamá1 differs somewhat from that above
given. Thus it is asserted that he came direct from Bahreyn to Yezd where he
abode some time; that from Yezd he went to Kirmánsháhán, where
he received yearly the sum of 700 túmáns from Fath-
'Alí Sháh's son Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá
Ruknu'd-Dawla; and that thence he went to Kerbelá where he finally took up his abode. It would appear, however, that he again visited Persia towards the end of his life, and that on this occasion he passed through Kazvín, where he paid a visit to Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí1 . The latter questioned him concerning his views on the resurrection, and, after a violent altercation, declared them to be heretical. In consequence of this many other divines, who had hitherto regarded Sheykh Ahmad almost as a saint, began to look askance at him or even to display open hostility, so that he was compelled to leave Kazvín. He intended to proceed to Mecca, but died on his way thither at Basra.
The chief points wherein Sheykh Ahamd's doctrine is regarded as heterodox are stated as follows. He believed that the body of man was compounded of parts derived from each of the nine heavens and the four elements; that the grosser elemental part perished irrevocably at death; and that only the more subtle celestial portion would appear at the resurrection. This subtle body he named ~~~ (the word Huwarkilyá being supposed to be of Greek origin) and believed to be similar in substance to the forms in the "World of Similitudes' (~~~). Similarly he denied that the Prophet's material body had, on the occasion of his night-journey to heaven (~~~), moved from the spot where it lay in a trance or sleep. He was much given to fasts, vigils, and austerities, and believed himself to be under the special guidance of the Imáms, especially, as it would appear, the Imám Ja'far-i-Sádik. He regarded the Imáms as creative forces, quoting in support of this view the expression ~~~ "God, the Best of Creators," occurring in Kur'án xxiii, 14; "for," said he, "if God be the Best of Creators He cannot be the sole Creator." He also adduced in support of this
1 The maternal uncle and father-in-law of Kurratu'l- 'Ayn, see Note Q, infra, and pp. 197-198, supra.
view the tradition wherein the following words are attributed to 'Alí:-
~~~ "I am the Creator of the heavens and the earth" He even went so far as to assert that in reciting the opening chapter of the Kur'án (~~~) the worshipper should fix his thoughts on 'Alí as he repeats the words ~~~ "Thee do we worship."
Sheykh Ahmad composed a number of works, amongst which the following are enumerated by the author of the Kisasu'l-'Ulamá:-
~~~ Commentary on the Ziyárat-i-Jámi'a, in four vols. According to Subh-i-Ezel's statement it is in this work that the doctrine of the subtle body (~~~ or ~~~) which survives the dissolution of the material frame is elaborated.
~~~
Answers to questions.
~~~
Commentary on the 'Arshiyya of Mullá
Sadrá1 .
~~~ Commentary on the Mashá'ir of Mullá Sadrá.
~~~ Commentary on the Tabsira-i- 'Alláma2 .
1 Concerning Mullá Sadrá and his
doctrines see Note K, infra.
2 Concerning 'Alláma ('the Sage'), i.e.
Jemálu'd-Dín Hasan ibn Yúsuf ibn 'Alí of
Hilla, see a footnote on Note M, infra. The full title of the work here
mentioned appears to be ~~~ ("The
Enlightenment of students on the ordinances of Religion.")
~~~ The Fawá'id and Commentary thereupon.
Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í was succeeded at his death by his disciple Hájí Seyyid Kázim of Resht, of whose life the following brief account was supplied to me by the same friend to whom I am indebted for the biography of Sheykh Ahmad given at the beginning of this note. His family were merchants of repute. His father was named Áká Seyyid Kásim. When twelve years old he was living at Ardabíl near the tomb of Sheykh Safí'ud-Dín Is- hák, the descendant of the seventh Imám Músá Kázim and the ancestor of the Safaví kings. One night in a dream it was signified to him by one of the illustrious progenitors of the buried saint that he should put himself under the spiritual guidance of Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í, who was at this time residing at Yezd. He accordingly proceeded thither and enrolled himself amongst the disciples of Sheykh Ahmad, in whose doctrine he attained such eminence that on the Sheykh's death he was unanimously recognized as the leader of the Sheykhí school. He died at Baghdad ere he had attained his fiftieth year A.H. 1259 (A.D. 1843-1844). The date of his death is contained in the following chronogram: ~~~, "The moon of guidance hath disappeared" His works are said to exceed 300 volumes.
Up to this point the Sheykhís were a united body, for the succession of Hájí Seyyid Kázim would seem to have been approved and accepted by all. This unanimity was no longer to continue. Seyyid Kázim had not explicitly nominated a successor; indeed according to the Bábí historian he had hinted that the transitional state of things under which he and his master Sheykh Ahmad had assumed the guidance of the faithful was with his declining life drawing to a close, and that a brighter light was about to shine forth from the horizons of the spiritual world. Let the Bábí historian, the author of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, take up the tale, and describe in the words of his informant the closing scenes of the life of Seyyid Kázim.
"When Hájí Seyyid Kázim had but recently departed
this life, I arrived at the Supreme Shrines [Kerbelá and Nejef] and heard from his disciples that the late Seyyid (may God exalt his station) had, during the last two or three years of his life, wholly restricted his discourse, both in lecture- room and pulpit, to discussing the promised Proof, the signs of his appearance, and their explanation, and enumerating the qualities of the Master of the Dispensation, repeatedly declaring that he would be a youth, that he would not be versed in the learning of men, and that he would, moreover, be of the race of Háshim. Sometimes, too, he would say, 'I see him as the rising sun.' At length during the last journey which he made with the intention of visiting Kázimeyn and Surra-man-ra'a, while he was returning from the latter place to Kázimeyn and Baghdad, he was entertained by one of his friends and disciples, some dozen of his [other] disciples and pupils being [also] present in that garden. Suddenly an Arab entered, and, still standing, made representation thus:- 'I have seen a vision touching your Reverence.' On receiving permission, he repeated the dream; whereupon Seyyid Kázim appeared somewhat troubled, and said, 'The interpretation of this dream is this, that my departure from this world is nigh at hand and I must go hence.' His companions who were present were much distressed and grieved at this intelligence, but he turned his face towards them and said, 'The time of my sojourn in the world has come to an end, and this is my last journey. Why are ye grieved and troubled because of my death? Do ye not then desire that I should go and the True One should appear?'
"This is as I have heard it from Hájí 'Abdu'l-Muttalib of Isfahán, and Suleymán Khán Afshár1 of Sá'ín Kal'a, who were present in that assembly. Indeed from the noble personage alluded to [apparently Suleymán Khán] I further
1 This must be a mistake. Suleymán Khán Afshár was conspicuous as a persecutor of the Bábís, for he was not only chiefly instrumental in putting down the Mázandarán insurrection, but was also the bearer of the Báb's death-warrant from Teherán to Tabríz. Hájí Suleymán Khán the son of Yahyá Khán of Tabríz, one of the most ardent adherents and steadfast martyrs of the Bábí faith [see Note T, infra], is no doubt intended.
heard as follows:- 'The late Seyyid specially promised me that I should myself apprehend the Manifestation, saying, "Thou shalt be there and shalt apprehend" Now the utterance of these words and good tidings by him [Seyyid Kázim] as here described is a matter of notoriety and a thing universally admitted amongst his intimates, being authenticated by several letters from well-known persons to others who accepted the new Manifestation also1 . Indeed some of those [who were] present in that assembly are still alive, and confess to having heard that announcement from the late Seyyid. Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh, one of the most distinguished of divines, who was moreover intimately acquainted with the late Seyyid, made urgent enquiry as to the manner in which the Manifestation should come to pass. The latter, however, only replied, '"Permission is not accorded unto me to say more than this2 ." But from whatever quarter the Sun of Truth shall arise it will irradiate all horizons and render the mirrors of believers' hearts capable of receiving the effulgences of the lights of wisdom.' At all events after his return from Surra-man-ra'a the revered Seyyid departed this life as he had foretold"
Whatever credence we may be disposed to attach to this narrative, there is no doubt that the Sheykhís were, in general, anxiously expecting the appearance of someone who should assume the leadership of their party. A number of the late Seyyid Kázim's immediate disciples repaired directly after his death to the mosque at Kúfa, and there, with fasting, vigils and prayers, sought for God's guidance in the choice of a spiritual director. Having completed their religious exercises they dispersed each in his own way. Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh proceeded to Shíráz, and on his arrival there paid a visit to Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad, with whom he had become acquainted at Kerbelá. To him first of all did the young prophet announce his
1 "The new Manifestation" (~~~) may mean only the dispensation inaugurated by the Báb, but
the force of the "also" (~~~) which follows
leads me rather to conjecture that the dispensation of Behá is intended.
2 This quotation is from the beginning of the first book of the
Masnaví.
divine mission, adducing in proof thereof his Commentary on the Súra of Joseph, and showing other signs whereby Mullá Huseyn, after a mental struggle which lasted several days, became firmly convinced that the Master so eagerly sought for and so earnestly desired had at length been found. No sooner was he himself convinced than, with that fiery energy which so pre-eminently distinguished him even amongst the eager active spirits who were soon to carry the new doctrine throughout the length and breadth of the Persian land, and cause the echo of its fame to reverberate through the civilized world, he hastened to apprise his friends and comrades of his discovery. Thus did he become the "Gate of the Gate" (~~~), the "First Letter" (~~~), the "First to believe" (~~~). The rapidity with which the new doctrine spread was wonderful, representatives of all classes hastening to tender their allegiance to the young Seer of Shíráz, but it was from the old Sheykhí party that the most eminent supporters of the new faith were for the most part derived.
It must not be supposed, however, that all the followers of the late Seyyid Kázim accepted the new doctrine. A considerable number, headed by Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán of Kirmán, utterly declined to admit the Báb's pretensions (for so they regarded his claims), and these became the bitterest and most violent of his persecutors. Of those doctors who heaped insult on the Báb during his first examination at Tabríz, and those who two years later ratified his death-warrant in the name of religion, several were Sheykhís. Hence it is necessary to recognize clearly the difference between the relations of Bábíism to the old and the new Sheykhí school. From the bosom of the former it arose, and, in great measure, derived its strength; with the latter it was ever in fiercest conflict. Of Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Seyyid Kázim of Resht both Bábís and Sheykhís speak with reverence and affection; but Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán and his followers are as odious in the eyes of the Bábís as Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb
and his adherents are execrable in the opinion of the modern Sheykhís. The Báb stigmatized Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán as "the Quintessence of Hell-fire" (~~~) and "the [infernal] Tree of Zakkum" (see B. ii, pp. 910-911), while Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán wrote at least two treatises (one called "the crushing of Falsehood," ~~~) in refutation and denunciation of the Bábí doctrines. Of the bitter enmity which subsists between these two sects I had ample evidence during the two months which I spent at Kirmán in the summer of 1888, and on more than one occasion when representatives of both parties happened to visit me simultaneously their scarcely disguised animosity, which seemed ready at the slightest opportunity to burst forth into open conflict, caused me the liveliest disquietude.
I trust that I have succeeded in making clear the relations which exist between the Bábís on the one hand, and the old and new Sheykhís on the other; for a proper appreciation of these is essential to a clear understanding of the history of Bábíism. Indeed we cannot consider that we have thoroughly fathomed the drift and purport of the Bábí movement until the writings of Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Hájí Seyyid Kázim of Resht shall have been submitted to careful and minute examination and study. This, however, is a labour still unaccomplished, and, with the exception of one point to be noticed immediately, I shall say no more about the Sheykhí doctrines in this place. Some further information concerning them will be found in Kazem-Beg's articles on the Bábís (Journal Asiatique, 1866, 6me série, tome vii, pp. 457-464); in von Kremer's Herrschenden Ideen des Islams (pp. 206-208); and in my second article on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889 (pp. 884- 885 and 888-892).
The point of doctrine above mentioned as demanding some explanation (for it is alluded to in the present text) is that of the "Fourth Support" (~~~). What I shall say concerning it is derived from notes of a conversa-
tion which I had in June 1888 with a Sheykhí doctor of Kirmán named Mullá Ghulám Huseyn. I asked him to explain to me wherein the doctrine of the Sheykhís chiefly differed from that of other Shi'ites. His answer was in substance as follows:- "The Bálásarís [i.e. non- Sheykhí Shi'ites] hold that the 'Supports,' or essential principles of religion (~~~), are five, to wit (1) Belief in the Unity of God (~~~); (2) Belief in the Justice of God (~~~); (3) Belief in Prophethood (~~~); (4) Belief in the Imámate (~~~); (5) Belief in the Resurrection (~~~). Now two of these (Nos. 2 and 5) we refuse to admit as separate principles, for why should we specify belief in the Justice of God as one of the essentials of faith and omit belief in the Mercifulness of God, the Wisdom of God, the Power of God, and all the other Attributes? These, moreover, as well as belief in the Resurrection, are really included in the third principle, for belief in Prophethood involves belief in the Prophet, and this again involves belief in his book, wherein these two so-called principles are set forth and whence only they are known. Of the five 'principles' of the Bálásarís, therefore, we only accept three, viz. (1) Belief in the Unity of God; (2) Belief in Prophethood; (3) Belief in the Imámate; but to these we add another, which we call the 'Fourth Support' (~~~), viz. (4) that there must always be amongst the Shi'ites some one perfect man (whom we call ~~~ 'the perfect Shi'ite') capable of serving as a channel of grace (~~~) between the Absent Imám and his church. Such is our doctrine of the 'Fourth Support,' and it is evident that, whereas four supports are under all circumstances necessary for stability, a greater number than this is unnecessary."
As so explained, the 'Fourth Support' is a term applicable rather to that article of faith which declares that there must always exist in the Church of the Imáms some visible
head who enjoys their special spiritual guidance and serves to convey their wishes and their wisdom to all true Shi'ites, than to the actual personage who fulfils this function. Yet outside the Sheykhí circle, both amongst the Bálásarís and the Bábís, it certainly bears the second meaning as well; and it is commonly asserted that Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán regarded himself, and was regarded by his followers, as being this 'Fourth Support' or Channel of Grace from the Spiritual World. It is evidently this second meaning which the term bears in the present text, and if it bore it from the first it is evident that there was originally very little difference between the pretensions of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb and those of Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán, since both, in the first instance, claimed to be neither more nor less than intermediaries between the absent Imám and his Church, exactly in the same sense as were the four original 'Gates' (Abwáb, or Bábs) who served as a connection between the Twelfth Imám and his followers during the period of the 'Lesser Occultation.' [See end of Note D, supra.]
As regards the actual condition of the Sheykhís at
the present day, their head-quarters are still at Kirmán, near which city, in a
little village called Langar, situated two or three miles from Máhán (the
burial-place of the great dervish Sháh Ni'matu'lláh), several of the sons
of Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán still reside. During
my stay at Kirmán I visited Langar and was permitted to sit for half an hour at the
feet of 'the Masters' (Ákáyán) as they are called by
their followers. The elder brothers were at Kerbelá at that time (where, I
believe, they were very coldly received, being, indeed, prevented from preaching in the
mosque as they desired to do), but two younger brothers were engaged in expounding the
doctrines of Sheykh Ahmad to an appreciative audience of heavy-turbaned
votaries. At the conclusion of the lecture I had some conversation with them, but, though I
had no reason to complain of lack of courtesy on their part, I cannot say that I was greatly
impressed with their wisdom. After Kirmán I believe that Tabríz contains
more Sheykhís than any other city in Persia, but they are to be found in most of
the large towns. They are generally regarded by orthodox Shi'ites with considerable
dislike and suspicion.
[+CHAPTER7]
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION CONCERNING SOME OF THE
PERSONS MENTIONED ON P.
5.
Concerning several of the persons mentioned in the passage to which this note refers, the information at present at my disposal is deplorably scanty. Such as it is, however, I set it down, hoping that others may be able in the future to supplement these meagre notes with further details.
Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh ('The Gate of the Gate,' ~~~). Concerning this illustrious personage we have the fullest information. The Násikhu't- Tawáríkh devotes some 10 pages (each containing about 600 words) to his history, and the Rawzatu's-Safá gives an almost equally detailed account of his career. Gobineau and Kazem-Beg both treat of his life, work, and gallant death at Sheykh Tabarsí very fully, and in the present work a sufficient summary thereof is contained. Some account of his conversion will be found in Note E above. Nothing further need be added here except that, so far as I can learn, his mortal remains still repose in the little inner room of the shrine of Sheykh Tabarsí where, at the direction of Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí, they were reverently laid by the hands of his sorrowing comrades in the beginning of the year A.D. 1849.
Mírzá Ahmad of Azghand is mentioned in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd in the following passage:-
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text]
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"In short, after a while His Excellency 'the Gate of the Gate' [i.e. Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh above mentioned] set out for Khurásán. And after that there emanated from the Source of Command [i.e. the Báb] an epistle to confer honour on the faithful, wherein it was made incumbent upon them to proceed to Khurásán in the case of this being possible and their being able. And in the epistle addressed to Áká Mírzá Ahmad Azkandí, who was one of the chief disciples of the late Seyyid [Kázim of Resht], he [the Báb] foreshadowed the catastrophe of Mázandarán." In only one other passage in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd can I find any reference to Mírzá Ahmad of Azghand, and this, consisting of a mere list of the names of learned and pious persons who believed in the Báb and "most of whom attained the lofty rank of martyrdom," throws no further light on the matter. I cannot find any other mention of this Mírzá Ahmad in any of the documents at my disposal.
Mullá [Muhammad] Sádik, entitled "the Holy" (~~~), or "the Holy one of Khurásán (~~~), was, according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, one of the first converts gained by Mullá Huseyn to the new faith. He was, previously to his conversion, a mudarris, or professor, at one of the colleges of Isfahán. On the arrival of Mullá Huseyn in that city (the first visited by him on the missionary journey which at the command of his master he undertook) Mullá Sádik. sought and obtained an interview with him, listened to his arguments, examined the sacred books of the new creed, and, after a brief but severe mental struggle, wherein love of truth finally triumphed over fear and prudence, embraced the doctrines of
the Báb. We next find him some months later (Sept. 23rd or 24th, A.D. 1845) at Shíráz, suffering the penalty of his zeal as described in the text. Expelled from Shíráz, he seems to have made his way to Mázandarán; at all events we find him amongst the number of the besieged at Sheykh Tabarsí, and after the capitulation he was one of those reserved from the general massacre to grace the triumphal entry of Prince Mahdí-Kulí Mírzá into Bárfurúsh. Here again fortune so far favoured him that he was saved by being sold into slavery1 from the direr fate which overtook almost all of his companions. What befel him after this I know not, but from the manner in which he is referred to in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd it would appear that he was no longer alive at the time when that work was composed.
Sheykh Abú Turáb of Ashtahárd is only twice alluded to in the Táríkh-i- Jadíd, and I can find no further account of him elsewhere. In the second of these passages his name is merely mentioned in the list of eminent men converted to the new faith of which I have already spoken. In the first it is stated that he was married to the sister of Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh, a woman of extraordinary virtue and piety, who, from association with the celebrated Kurratu'l-'Ayn [see Note Q, infra], had attained to the highest degree of excellence and learning. Although the Sheykh Abú Turáb here mentioned is described as Kazvíní, not as Ashtahárdí, I think that the same person is intended in both passages.
Mullá Yúsuf of Ardabíl. See Kazem-Beg (Journal Asiatique, sixi≤me série, tome vii, pp. 357, 358, 467, 468, 473, 477, 486, and 522). Mullá Yúsuf was one of the Báb's most energetic missionaries, and was deputed to preach the doctrine in Ázarbaiján. Through his instrumentality the majority of the inhabitants of Mílán were converted. He afterwards attempted to join the Bábís at Sheykh Tabarsí, but on his way thither fell into the hands of Mahdí-Kulí Mírzá, who detained him as a prisoner till the conclusion of the siege, when, in company with several of the Bábí chiefs reserved from the general massacre to grace the Prince's triumph, he was led captive into Bár-
furúsh. There, according to M. Sévruguin's account quoted by Kazem-Beg (loc. cit, p. 522), he was blown from the mouth of a cannon. The remainder of Kazem-Beg's account differs from that given in the Táríkh-i- Jadíd, in that it represents him not only as reaching the Castle of Sheykh Tabarsí, but as taking a prominent part in the defence thereof.
Mullá Jalíl of Urúmiyya and
Mullá Mahdí of Kand are merely mentioned in the list of illustrious
martyrs contained in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd.
Of Sheykh Sa'íd the Indian I can find no other
mention.
Mullá 'Alí of Bistám, according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, was one of those who, on the death of Hájí Seyyid Kázim of Resht, assembled in the mosque at Kúfa to fast and pray for guidance. Subh-i-Ezel in December 1889 wrote for me a short account of the history of the Bábí movement, which at some future date I hope to publish. In this occurs the following message:-
([five lines of Persian/Arabic text])
"His Excellency Mullá 'Alí Bistámí, who was noted for his sanctity (for he is 'the Holy One of Khurásán'), set out towards Turkey, but in Baghdad they took him and imprisoned him. Then, at the decision of the Muftí, they sent him off towards Constantinople, but martyred him by poison at a place near Baghdad called Bad- rá'í." In one of the interviews which I had with Subh-i-Ezel during my stay at Famagusta in March 1890 he communicated to me the
following additional particulars:- "Mullá 'Alí of Bistám was the first martyr, and the only one who died by the hands of the Osmánlí Turks. His martyrdom occurred in the second or third year of the 'Manifestation' [A.H. 1262-3, A.D. 1846-7]. He was arrested at Baghdad and cast into prison. All the muftís of Baghdad, headed by Mahmud Efendí and Sheykh Muhammad Hasan1, signed his death-warrant, save one, Muhsin or Hasan by name, who refused, saying that he was doubtful as to the rightfulness of so doing. Subsequently the Báb addressed these words to the above-mentioned Muhsin or Hasan in the Book of Names (~~~):- 'Because you doubted and declined to take part in this murder, therefore hath God decreed that in the Day of Resurrection the fire shall not touch you.'"
1 Probably the same Sheykh Muhammad Hasan who is censured in the Kitáb-i-Akdas (see B. ii, p. 980).[+CHAPTER8]
THE BÁB'S PILGRIMAGE TO MECCA AND RETURN TO SHÍRÁZ.
As the accounts hitherto published of the Báb's movements during the earlier period of his mission are somewhat contradictory, it has seemed to me advisable to embody in the present note all that I have been able to learn on this matter, together with the conclusions which may be fairly deduced from the facts at present available.
First of all let us enumerate briefly the facts which seem to be sufficiently established by good evidence.
(1) Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad, afterwards the Báb, was born at Shíráz either on Muharram 1st A.H. 1236 (Oct. 9th, A.D. 1820), or on Muharram 1st 1235 (Oct. 20th, A.D. 1819), most probably (for the reasons advanced in Note C, p. 221, supra) the former.
(2) Whilst he was still of tender age he lost his father, Seyyid Muhammad Rizá, and was placed under the care of his maternal uncle, Mírzá Seyyid 'Alí (supra, p. 2).
(3) On attaining years of discretion (probably, as Kazem- Beg states at p. 335 of his first article, when about fourteen or fifteen years old) he was sent to Bushire to help in his uncle's business (supra, p. 2).
(4) Disinclined by nature to the calling for which he was destined, he proceeded at some time antecedent to the year A.H. 1259 (in which year Seyyid Kázim died, see p. 238, supra) to Kerbelá, where he resided for some time (two months, according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd), occasionally attending the lectures of Hájí Seyyid Kázim of Resht.
(5) In A.H. 1258 (A.D. 1842) when in his twenty-third year he married (B. ii, p. 993). There is no positive evidence to show whether this marriage took place at Shíráz or Kerbelá, but the former hypothesis appears more probable. By this marriage he had (according to a statement made by Subh-i-Ezel) one son named (if my memory serves me aright) Ahmad, who died in infancy. The loss of this child is said to be alluded to in the Commentary on the Súra of Joseph.
(6) On Jamádí-ul-Úlá 5th, A.H. 1260 (May 23rd, A.D. 1844) Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad - then "twenty-four years of age and entering on his twenty-fifth year" as Subh-i-Ezel states, or, in his own words, "at an age which did not exceed five and twenty" (see p. 221, supra) - first became clearly conscious of the divine mission laid upon him, and (apparently without much delay) began to announce himself as the Báb. If by the 'manifestation' (~~~) we are to understand that period at which the views of the young Seer first became definitely formulated rather than that at which they were first made known to others, it is of course possible that some little while elapsed between the 'manifestation' and its disclosure. This hypothesis is supported by the narrative of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, according to which Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh (who was, as is unanimously admitted, and as his titles 'the first Letter' and the 'First who believed' imply, the earliest convert) came to Shíráz shortly after the death of Seyyid Kázim, visited Mírzá 'Alí
Muhammad (with whom he had been previously acquainted at Kerbelá), and, during this first visit, was surprised by his former fellow-student demanding of him 'whether he saw in him the signs which must characterize Seyyid Kázim's successor?' (see B. ii, pp. 902-903). On the other hand it is clear that not more than a month or two can have elapsed between the time of the 'manifestation' and its disclosure, firstly, because the beginning of the Bábí propaganda is placed by both of the Musulmán historians in this same year of A.H. 1260; secondly, because seven months after the 'manifestation' (as will be shown immediately) the Báb, having laid the foundations of his religion at Shíráz, was away performing the pilgrimage to Mecca.
We have now reached the point to which this note specially refers - the Báb's pilgrimage to Mecca. Concerning this Gobineau says simply (pp. 144-145), "Il fit très-jeune le pèlerinage de la Mecque...Il est bien probable que ce fut dans la ville sainte elle-même qu'il se détacha absolument et définitivement de la foi du Prophète, et qu'il concut la pensée de ruiner cette foi pour mettre à sa place tout autre chose." Kazem-Beg says (i, p. 344), "Après avoir semé bon gré mal gré quelques mauvais grains dans cette terre de Chiraz si fertile en préjugés et en superstitions, le Kerbèlaï Seïd Ali-Mohammed se rendit en pèlerinage à la Mecque." In this instance Kazem-Beg is undoubtedly right; it was after, not before, the manifestation that the Báb went to Mecca. The Násikhu't-Tawáríkh is clear on this point. "To proceed with the narrative," it says, "when the Báb had laid the foundations of such an edifice, he, according to his promise, set out for Mecca the venerable." The promise alluded to in this passage is thus noticed on the preceding page: "Since tradition affirms that His Highness the Ká'im (i.e. the Imám Mahdí) shall come forth from Mecca the venerable, he (the Báb) used to tell his disciples that next year he would announce his claim in Mecca and come forth with the sword" A statement of Subh-i-Ezel's to the effect that the manifestation was in Shíráz (not in Kerbelá, as stated in the Násikhu't- Tawáríkh), that Mullá Huseyn first believed, and that soon after this the Báb set out on the pilgrimage to Mecca, taken in conjunction with the above testimony, seems to prove conclusively that the
pilgrimage-journey took place shortly after the 'manifestation.'
Now since, as we have seen, the 'manifestation' was on Jamádí-ul-Úlá 5th A.H. 1260, and since the pilgrimage must be performed in the month of Zi'l-Hijjé (the last month of the Muhammadan year), it follows that Kazem-Beg's statement (i, p. 346) that "at the end of the year 1260 (1844) he (i.e. the Báb) returned from Mecca to Bandar-Bushire, where he was arrested in the month of October, by order of the Nizámu'd- Dawla Huseyn Khán, governor of Shíráz," is erroneous. For, according to the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh, the horsemen sent to Bushire to arrest the Báb set out from Shíráz on Sha'bán 16th, and returned, bringing with them their prisoner, on Ramazán 19th. The latter of these dates is confirmed by the Rawzatu's- Safá; while the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, after mentioning that the Báb's return to Bushire occurred in A.H. 1261, says that he was brought before Huseyn Khán on the eve of Ramazán 21st. Though neither of the Musulmán historians mentions the year1, it is evident that A.H. 1261 is intended, for in Ramazán A.H. 1260 the Báb had not yet started for Mecca. We may therefore add to the facts previously stated about the Báb's earlier movements-
(7) That towards the end of the year A.H. 1260, and presumably in the month Zi'l-Ka'da of that year (November, A.D. 1844), he set out from Shíráz for Mecca.
(8) That he remained at Mecca at any rate till Zi'l- Hijjé 13th A.H. 1260 (December 24th, A.D. 1844) for the completion of the rites incumbent on pilgrims.
(9) That he returned by sea some time during the first half of the year A.H. 1261 (A.D. 1845) to Bushire, whence he sent missionaries to Shíráz, he himself remaining at the former place. (See supra, p. 5.)
(10) That on Sha'bán 2nd A.H. 1261 (August 6th, A.D. 1845) strong measures were adopted by Huseyn Khán against these missionaries. (See supra, pp. 5-6.)
(11) That on Sha'bán 16th A.H. 1261 (August 20th, 1845) horsemen were sent from Shíráz to arrest the Báb at Bushire.
(12) That these horsemen re-entered Shíráz with their prisoner on Ramazán 19th A.H. 1261 (September 21st, A.D. 1845), and that on that same day (according to the Rawzatu's- Safá), or on the evening of the following day (according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd), the Báb was brought before Huseyn Khán.
There is not at present sufficient evidence to determine definitely the following points:-
(1) At what age the Báb lost his father.
(2) At what age he first left Shíráz and went to Bushire.
(3) How long he remained at Bushire engaged in commerce.
(4) When he went to Kerbelá, how long he remained there, and whether he married before, during, or after his sojourn there.
(5) Whether he returned directly to Bushire after performing the rites of the pilgrimage at Mecca and visiting Medína, or whether he remained some few months in Arabia.
The Báb was accompanied on the pilgrimage by
Hájí Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí
(Kazem-Beg, i, p. 344, note; confirmed by Subh-i-Ezel), and was
(according to Subh-i-Ezel) joined later by Hájí
Suleymán Khán.
[+CHAPTER9]
ÁKÁ SEYYID YAHYÁ OF DÁRÁB AND THE
NÍRÍZ
INSURRECTION.
Gobineau makes no mention of the Níríz insurrection. Kazem-Beg gives a long account of it, occupying fifteen pages (ii, pp. 224- 239), which contains neither much more nor much less than the Násikhu't- Tawáríkh. His error as to the date of the Zanján siege (see supra, p. 187) has led him to give a wrong date for this event likewise. Áká Seyyid Yahyá's death - the closing catastrophe of the Níríz insurrection - occurred, not, as he implies, early in A.D. 1850, but on Sha'bán 28th A.H. 1266 (July 9th, A.d.
1850, see supra, p. 45, note 1). The Rawzatu's-Safá contains a much briefer account of the matter, which agrees in the main with those above alluded to. The Táríkh-i-Jadíd, on the other hand, differs considerably from the Musulmán histories, and supplies us with much new matter. As the versions embodied in the latter are rendered sufficiently accessible to the European reader by Kazem-Beg's narrative, I shall confine myself here to giving a brief presentation of the account according to the Bábí tradition.
Seyyid Yahyá's father Seyyid Ja'far, surnamed Kashfí or Kashsháf ('the Discloser') because of his skill in the exegesis of the Kur'án and the visions which he claimed to have, seems, according to all accounts, to have been universally respected and revered. Before the events with which we are concerned took place he left his native town of Dáráb and settled in Burújird. His son Seyyid Yahyá would seem to have resided at Teherán for some time previously to the Báb's appearance, but for how long does not appear. At all events, shortly after this took place he (at the command of Muhammad Sháh as stated at p. 7 of the present work, at the request of his disciples and followers according to the Táríkh-i- Jadíd) proceeded to Shíráz with the express object of enquiring into the Báb's claims; and was present, according to the Násikhu't- Tawáríkh, at the Báb's examination before Huseyn Khán on Ramazán 21st A.H. 1261 (Sept. 23rd, A.D. 1845). Although, if we are to give credence to the Musulmán historian's assertions, the Báb scarcely emerged from this ordeal with flying colours, Seyyid Yahyá was sufficiently impressed by what he saw of the young reformer to desire fuller opportunities of conversing with him. The usual result followed. After a brief period of hesitation and doubt, Seyyid Yahyá eagerly embraced the new faith. A long account of his conversion is given in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, which, interesting as it is, lack of space compels me to omit.
Seyyid Yahyá does not seem to have remained in Shíráz long after his conversion. The present history (p. 8) states that he "hastened to Burújird to his father Seyyid Ja'far"; the Táríkh-i- Jadíd describes him as "setting out for Yezd";
while the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh asserts that after the Báb's flight to Isfahán he was informed by Huseyn Khán that "his further sojourn in Fárs was undesirable," and that accordingly he betook himself to Yezd. Whatever his immediate movements on quitting Shíráz may have been (and it is not improbable that he may have visited many towns besides those mentioned to preach the new faith, being, as would appear, commissioned by the Báb so to do) he would seem to have again visited Teherán, and there to have remained for some considerable time. Subh-i-Ezel, in reply to a question which I addressed to him as to the character of Áká Seyyid Yahyá and the truth or falsity of the charge of perfidy brought against him by a certain writer (Kazem-Beg, ii, p. 239), wrote thus:- "The virtue and perfections of His Excellency Áká Seyyid Yahyá were beyond all limits and bounds. He was not such as that historian has described. I bear witness by God and His Spirit that this [historian] has written downright falsehood. Most of the people of Persia admitted his virtue and perfections. I myself in the days of my youth met him several times at night in my own house and elsewhere, and witnessed the perfection of his virtues and endowments"
The information at our disposal is insufficient to enable us to trace Seyyid Yahyá's movements from the period of his conversion in the autumn of A.D. 1845 till we find him involved in the troubles at Yezd in May 1850. If the reiterated assertions of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd to the effect that he proceeded directly from Shíráz to Yezd, returned directly from Yezd to Shíráz and Níríz, and also visited Teherán, are to be credited, we must suppose that he visited Yezd twice at least during this period. At all events in May 1850 we find him in that city, busily engaged in preaching the Bábí doctrines, and surrounded by a considerable number of followers. The governor of Yezd, Áká Khán, at length considered it advisable to interfere, and sent men to arrest Seyyid Yahyá, who retired with some of his followers to the citadel and prepared to defend himself. An unsuccessful attack on the insurgents' position resulted in a loss of thirty lives to the besiegers and seven to the Bábís.
Seyyid Yahyá, however, does not seem to have been altogether satisfied with his position. One night he said, "If anyone could lead out my horse so that I could go forth to put an end to this matter and convey myself to some other place, it would not be a bad thing." A youth named Hasan, distinguished by a singular devotion to Seyyid Yahyá, at once volunteered to make the attempt, and persisted in his purpose in spite of his master's warning that he would be taken and slain. This actually befel. Hasan was captured by the enemy and brought before the governor, who ordered him to be blown from the mouth of gun. So little did this terrible sentence affect the brave youth that he requested that he might be bound with his face towards the cannon so that he might see the match applied. In spite of this untoward event Seyyid Yahyá succeeded in effecting his escape from Yezd in company with one of his disciples. He first made his way to Shíráz, whence he proceeded to Níríz. After his departure, the Bábís at Yezd were soon subdued by the governor, who punished some with death, some with imprisonment, and some with fines.
No sooner had Seyyid Yahyá reached Níríz than he again began his propaganda, undeterred by the remonstrances and threats of the governor Zeynu'l-'Ábidín Khán. The latter finally called upon the people of Níríz to assist him in forcibly expelling the disturber. Seyyid Yahyá, being apprised of this, repaired to the mosque where his father had been wont to preach, and addressed to the people there assembled an affecting discourse, wherein he reminded them of their former love for himself, declared that his only object was to make him partakers in that faith which had been to him a source of such great happiness, and concluded by conjuring them by the veneration in which they held his father's memory not to suffer themselves to be made the instruments of the governor's malice. Having finished his discourse he left the town accompanied by seventeen of his followers, and took up his abode at an old ruined castle in the neighbourhood.
Seyyid Yahyá was not suffered to remain long undisturbed. His foes soon discovered his retreat and proceeded to lay siege to it. At first they were unsuccessful, Seyyid
Yahyá having apparently been joined by a large number of supporters (three hundred according to the Musulmán historian); and indeed the Bábís gained at least one decided victory over their foes. But in a short while the besiegers were re-inforced by troops sent from Shíráz at the command of Fírúz Mírzá, the new governor of Fárs, and commanded by Mihr 'Alí Khán Shujá'u'l-Mulk of Núr and Mustafá-Kulí Khán Kára- gúzlú. The arrival of these troops greatly dispirited the besieged; many of the less ardent deserted, and in a short time the occupants of the castle were reduced to seventy.
In spite of the defections from their ranks, the Bábís (according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd) continued to defend themselves with such vigour that the besiegers were fain to have recourse to treachery similar in character to that whereby Sheykh Tabarsí and Zanján were finally subdued. They sent a message to Seyyid Yahyá asking him to come to their camp and hold a peaceful consultation with the royalist leaders, and assuring him with oaths registered on the Kur'án that no harm should befal him at their hands. Seyyid Yahyá, in spite of the remonstrances and warnings of his followers, acquiesced in the proposed arrangement, and forthwith betook himself to the besiegers' camp. He was at first received with courtesy and treated with all respect, but when, on the following morning, he attempted to leave the tent which had been assigned to him, he was prevented by the sentinels from so doing. The Bábís, becoming aware in some way of the insult offered to their chief, made a sudden sortie and succeeded in greatly discomfiting their foes. Thereupon the officers of the besieging army hastened to Seyyid Yahyá's tent and remonstrated with him on the action of his followers, reminding him that he had agreed to co-operate with them in striving to bring about a peaceful settlement. Seyyid Yahyá in turn reproached them with wanton violation of good faith in confining him to his tent, which conduct on their part, he assured them, was the sole cause of what had now occurred. The royalist officers apologised for the insult offered, which, they declared, they had in no wise sanctioned, and finally prevailed on Seyyid Yahyá to write to his followers instructing them to lay down their arms, evacuate their
fortress, and return to their homes. The Bábís faithfully obeyed the commands of their chief, but no sooner were they disbanded and scattered than they were seized by the soldiers and brought in chains to the camp, while their houses were given over to plunderers.
The besiegers, having now gained their object, readily forgot their oaths and plighted troth. Seyyid Yahyá was strangled with this own girdle by one of whose two brothers had been killed during the siege, and the other Bábís likewise died by the hands of the executioner. The heads of the victims were stuffed with straw1, and, bearing with them these grim trophies of their prowess, together with some forty or fifty Bábí women and one child of tender age as captives, the victorious army returned to Shíráz. Their entry into that city was made the occasion of general rejoicings; the captives were paraded through the streets and bazaars and finally brought before Prince Fírúz Mírzá, who was feasting in a summer-house called Kuláh-i-Firangí. In his presence Mihr 'Alí Khán, Mírzá Na'ím, and the other officers recounted the details of their victory, and received congratulations and marks of favour. The captive women were finally imprisoned in an old caravansaray outside the Isfahán gate. What treatment they experienced at the hands of their captors is left to our conjecture. Twelve Bábís who had escaped from Níríz to Isfahán were there captured and sent to Shíráz where they were executed. Thus ended the first Níríz insurrection.
The second insurrection occurred about two years later. A number of Bábís took refuge with their wives and children in the mountains about Níríz, and for a long while offered a vigorous and successful resistance to those who strove to dislodge them. They even attacked the town and killed the governor Zeynu'l-'Ábidín Khán - the chief author of their sufferings - while he was at the bath. Finally troops were sent from Shíráz by the governor Tahmásp Mírzá, and these, aided by the tribesmen of Dáráb and Sábúnát, succeeded at length in stamping out the insurrec-
1 Concerning this disgusting practice compare Eastwick's Diplomate's Residence in Persia, vol. ii, pp. 55-56.
tion. The fate of the captives was in every respect similar to that which had befallen their predecessors.
The author of the Táríkh-i- Jadíd in concluding this narrative takes occasion to point out how literally was fulfilled in these events the prophecy contained in a tradition referring to the signs which shall mark the appearance of Imám Mahdí:-
[five lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"In him [shall be] the perfection of Moses, the preciousness of Jesus, and the patience of Job; his saints shall be abased in his time, and their heads shall be exchanged as presents, even as the heads of the Turk and the Deylamite are exchanged as presents; they shall be slain and burned, and shall be afraid, fearful, and dismayed; the earth shall be dyed with their blood, and lamentation and wailing shall prevail amongst their women; these are my saints indeed"1
When I was at Yezd in the early summer of 1888, I became acquainted with a Bábí holding a position of some importance under government, two of whose ancestors had taken a prominent part in the suppression of the Níríz insurrection. Of what he told me concerning this the following is a summary taken from my diary for May 18th, 1888:-
"My maternal grandfather Mihr 'Alí Khán Shujá'u'l-Mulk and my great-uncle Mírzá Na'ím both took an active
1 This tradition, called [~~~] is also quoted from the Káfí (one of the principal compilations of Shi'ite traditions) in the Ikán.
part in the Níríz war - but on the wrong side. When orders came to Shíráz to quell the insurrection, my grandfather was instructed to take command of the expedition sent for that purpose. He did not like the task committed to him and communicated his reluctance to two of the 'Ulamá, who, however, re- assured him, declaring that the war on which he was about to engage was a holy enterprise sanctioned by Religion, and that he would receive reward therefor in Paradise. So he went, and what happened happened. After they had killed 750 men, they took the women and children, stripped them almost naked, mounted them on donkeys, mules, and camels, and led them through rows of heads hewn from the lifeless bodies of their fathers, brothers, sons, and husbands towards Shíráz. On their arrival there, they were placed in a ruined caravansaray just outside the Isfahán gate and opposite to an Imám- zádé, their captors taking up their quarters under some trees hard by. Here they remained for a long while, subjected to many insults and hardships, and many of them died.
"Now see the judgement of God on the oppressors; for of those chiefly responsible for these cruelties not one but came to a bad end and died overwhelmed with calamity.
"My grandfather Mihr 'Alí Khán presently fell ill and was dumb till the day of his death. Just as he was about to expire, those who stood round him saw from the movement of his lips that he was whispering something. They leant down to catch his last words and heard him murmur faintly 'Bábí! Bábí! Bábí!' three times. Then he fell back dead.
"My great-uncle Mírzá Na'ím fell into disgrace with the government and was twice fined, 10,000 túmáns the first time, 15,000 the second. But his punishment did not cease here, for he was made to suffer diverse tortures. His hands were put in the el- chek1 and his feet in the tang-i- Kájár2; he was made to stand bare-headed in the sun
1 The torture called el-chek consists in placing pieces of
wood between the victim's fingers, binding them round tightly with cord. Cold water is then
thrown over the cord to cause its further contraction.
2 The tang-i-
Kájár or 'Kájár squeeze' is an instrument
of torture resembling the 'boot' once used
in England, for the introduction of which (as its name implies) Persia is indebted to the
dynasty which at present occupies the throne.
with treacle smeared over his head to attract the flies; and, after suffering these and other torments yet more painful and humiliating, he was dismissed a disgraced and ruined man."1
Áká Seyyid Yahyá was, as Subh-i-Ezel informed me, not more than forty years old at the time of his death. A certain Bábí named Biyúk Áká used to say jestingly, "I like a handsome 'Commander of the Faithful' like Seyyid Yahyá, not an ugly old man bent double with age like Mullá Sheykh 'Alí."
Major-General Sir Frederick Goldsmith was kind enough to call my attention to the following passage in Lovett's Surveys on the road from Shíráz to Bam (Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1872):-
"It (i.e. Níríz) is divided into three parishes or mahallas; that to the South, termed the 'Mahalla-i- Bábí' is well known to be peopled almost entirely by Bábís, who, though they do not openly profess their faith in the teachings of Seyyid 'Alí Muhammad the Báb, still practise the principles of communism he inculcated. It is certain, moreover, that the tolerance which was one of the precepts inculcated by the Báb is here shewed, for not only was I invited to make use of the public hammám, if I required it, but quarters were assigned to me in a madrasa."
Is it in the least degree probable that, if Seyyid Yahyá's conduct had been such as Kazem-Beg describes it, Níríz should have continued so long one of the strongholds of that faith whereof he was the apostle?
1 Another yet more striking instance of Divine vengeance was related
to me in the same connection, but I omit it as not bearing on the present subject. The belief
prevalent amongst the Bábís, that signal punishment befalls those who are
most active in persecuting them, is strangely supported not only by the above instances but
by the fates of the Amír-Nizám (Gobineau, pp. 253-254), of
Mahmúd Khán the Kalántar (Gobineau, p. 295), of
Sheykh Bákir, and others (B. i, pp. 491-492).
[+CHAPTER10]
THE BÁB'S ESCAPE FROM SHÍRÁZ TO ISFAHÁN.
According to the Táríkh-i- Jadíd the Báb, after his examination before Huseyn Khán on Ramazán 21st, A.H. 1261 (Sept. 23rd, A.D. 1845), was confined, not, as stated in this history (p. 6), in the house of his uncle Hájí Seyyid 'Alí, nor, as asserted by the Musulmán historians, in prison, but in the house of 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán the Dárúghá or chief constable of Shíráz. That for some portion of the six months which elapsed between his arrest and his escape to Isfahán the Báb was an inmate of the house of this official would appear certain, for Subh-i-Ezel, whom I questioned on the subject, affirmed this to have been the case, adding, in answer to further questions as to how strict was the custody in which he was kept, that the rawza- khwáns or religious recitations, of which the constable's house was frequently the scene, afforded opportunities to the Bábís of seeing and conversing with their Master.
That some attack on the Báb's house such as that described at p.10 of the present work did take place appears to be proved by the following passage from one of the Báb's works, for which I am also indebted to Subh-i-Ezel:-
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"His party entered in unto my house on the 'Night of Worth'1 and took what they could of that which my Lord hath caused me to possess, at the command of the ruler of Fárs, upon whom be the curse of God!"
1 The Leylatu'l-kadr ("Night of Worth" or "Decrees") is generally supposed to be the night between the 23rd and 24th of Ramazán. (See Sale's translation of the Kur'án, note on sura xcvii.)
The account of the Báb's escape from Shíráz contained in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd differs somewhat from that here given, and is in substance as follows. When the plague broke out in Shíráz the son of 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán was amongst those stricken by the awful malady. 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán in his distress and anxiety appealed to the Báb, entreating him to pray for the youth's recovery. This shortly took place; whereat the grateful father sought out his illustrious guest, and, with profuse expressions of thankfulness, assured him that he might consider himself free to go where he pleased. According to the Musulmán accounts (which, together with a note containing a very pertinent criticism on their intrinsic improbability, will be found in Kazem-Beg's first paper, pp. 348-349) Minúchihr Khán Mu'tamadu'd-Dawla, the governor of Isfahán, sent horsemen to Shíráz expressly to deliver the Báb from his captivity and bring him to Isfahán. It is but fair to add that Subh-i-Ezel also attributed the Báb's release directly to Minúchihr Khán's efforts.
Of the Báb's journey to Isfahán in company with Áká Huseyn of Ardistán and Áká Seyyid Kázim of Zanján (who died shortly after reaching Isfahán) the Táríkh-i-Jadíd gives a detailed account on the authority of Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshán, who had heard it from the above-mentioned Áká Muhammad Huseyn himself. The most noteworthy feature of this account is its evident tendency to invest in the Báb's slightest actions with a miraculous character.
The Báb probably reached Isfahán early in the summer of A.D. 1846, since, according to both the Musulmán historians, his captivity at Shíráz lasted six months, and since, according to the present history (p. 11), the hot weather (which seldom sets in till the beginning of May at the earliest) had already begun ere he left Shíráz. On approaching Isfahán he addressed a letter to the governor Minúchihr Khán asking permission to enter the city and craving protection. Of this letter Kazem-Beg (i. p. 352 and note) gives a translation, which, as it appears to be derived from authoritative sources, I here reproduce:- "Poursuivi par tous, persécuté, j'accours me placer sous
votre égide; j'attends votre réponse au seuil de la capitale, et n'y entrerai pas avant d'avoir obtenu l'assurance de votre protection."
During the first forty days of his sojourn in Isfahán the Báb was, as stated at p. 11 of the present work and also in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, the guest of the Imám-Jum'a, who at first treated him with great respect, and at whose request he wrote the Commentary on the Súratu'l-'Asr. Of this work I have been fortunate enough to obtain a MS. quite recently. [See infra at the end of Note U]. [+CHAPTER11]
THE CONFERENCE AT ISFAHÁN.
Of the circumstances which led to the conference, and the considerations which induced the majority of the clergy invited to take part in it to absent themselves therefrom, the Táríkh-i-Jadíd gives the following account. Although the 'Ulamá of Isfahán headed by the Imám- Jum'a had at first behaved towards the Báb with respect, and expressed themselves favourably with regard to him, they began after a while to be alarmed at his increasing influence over the governor Munúchihr Khán. Alarm presently passed into hatred: they began to speak ill of him whom they had professed to admire, and even destroyed certain books which he had composed at their request. Munúchihr Khán on hearing this was greatly incensed, and bitterly reproached these divines with the fickleness of their conduct. "At first," he said, "you praised and admired. What has happened now to cause you to become so hostile and envious and induce you to speak so ill? There is no sense in denunciation without investigation or enquiry. If you are in truth searchers and strivers in matters of faith and religion, then choose one of three places - the Imám-Jum'a's house, my house, or the Masjid-i-Sháh - and hold discussion with him [the Báb]. If he can establish and prove the truth of his claim so as to persuade and convince you,
admit it, so that the clergy of Persia may not oppose and resist it without reason, or turn away from the truth without cause. If he cannot succeed in establishing his claim, then do you be the first to rebut it, so that this mischief may cease, and mankind may be set at ease. But it is a condition that I myself be present and that only one person at a time speak, for if once wrangling begins and clerical tricks are resorted to, the matter will not be understood"
The clergy agreed to this proposal, and selected the Masjid- Sháh as the scene of the conference. On the appointed day Mír Seyyid Hasan Mudarris, Hájí Mullá Hasan 'Alí of Túsirkán, Áká Muhammad Mahdí Kalbásí, and other members of the clergy who were to take part in the discussion met at the house of Hájí Muhammad Ja'far of Fárs, intending to proceed with him to the Masjid-i-Sháh. Hájí Muhammad Ja'far, however, who was the oldest and most learned of those present, expressed a strong opinion to the effect that they would act most wisely in refusing to take any part in the projected discussion with the Báb, "for," said he, "if you prevail over him you will add but little to your reputation, seeing that he is confessedly unlearned and untrained in science; while if he prevail over you, you will be for ever shamed and disgraced. Under these circumstances it is best that we should sign a declaration stating that we are convinced of the heretical character of his doctrines, and refuse to have any further dealings with him." This expedient was, after some discussion, unanimously adopted, and the declaration was sent to Minúchihr Khán, who was greatly incensed thereat.
That some of the clergy who had been invited to take part in the discussion refused to attend is a fact vouched for by both of the Bábí historians, though as to the names of the absentees they are not in complete accord, Áká Muhammad Mahdí, for instance, being specially designated in the present work (p. 12) as having been present at the conference. The Násikh 't-Tawáríkh gives a totally different account of the matter, including a report of the discussion. This account is in substance as follows.
Minúchihr Khán, anxious to test the Báb's wisdom, one
night invited to his house several eminent members of the clergy of Isfahán, amongst these being Mírzá Seyyid Muhammad Imám-Jum'a, Áká Muhammad Mahdí Kalbásí, and Mírzá Muhammad Hasan of Núr. Shortly after these had arrived the Báb entered and was placed in a seat of honour. The following colloquy then took place:-
Áká Muhammad Mahdí. - "Persons who follow the path of Religion belong to one of two classes: either they themselves deduce and determine religious questions from history and tradition, or else they follow some competent authority (mujtahid)".1
Báb: - "I follow no one, and moreover I regard it as unlawful for each one to act after his own fancy."
Á. M. M. - "To-day the Gate of Knowledge (Báb-i-'ilm) is shut, and the Proof of God[i.e. the Twelfth Imám.] absent. Unless you hold converse with the Imám of the Age and hear the explanation of questions of truth from his tongue, how can you attain certainty and be assured? Tell me, whence have you acquired this knowledge, and from whom did you gain this assurance?"
Báb. - "You are educated in tradition and are as a child learning the alphabet. The 'Station of Praise and of the Spirit' is mine. You cannot speak with me of what you know not"
Mírzá Hasan (the Platonist and follower of Mullá Sadrá). - "Stop at this statement which you have made! We in our terminology have assigned a station to 'Praise and the Spirit,' whereunto whosoever attaineth is conversant with all things; from him nothing remains concealed, and there is nothing which he knoweth not. Do you recognise the 'Station of Praise and of the Spirit' as such, and does your nature thus comprehend all things?"
Báb (without hesitation). - "It is even so. Ask what you please."
M. H. - "One of the miracles of the Prophets and Saints was, as it appears, the [instant] traversing of the
1 He who follows is called mukallid, and he who leads, mujtahid. Everyone belonging to the former class is at liberty to select his own guide from the latter.
earth. Tell me now, that I may know, how the earth can be thus traversed. For instance, His Holiness Jawád1 (upon him be peace) lifted up his foot in Medína and put it down in Tús? Whither went the space which was between Medína and Tús? Did the ground between these two cities sink down, so that Medína became contiguous to Tús? And when the Imám (upon him be peace) reached Tús, did the earth again rise up? This cannot have been, for how many cities are there between Medína and Tús, all of which must in that case have been swallowed up and every living thing therein destroyed! And if you say that the lands [between them] were agglomerated so that they became amalgamated, this too is impossible, for in that case how many cities would have been obliterated or would have passed beyond Medína or Tús, whereas [in fact] no part of the earth was altered or moved from its place. And if you say, 'The Imám flew, and leapt with his mortal body from Medína to Tús,' this likewise agreeth not with sound reasonings. Say also how 'Alí the Prince of Believers (upon Him be peace) was in one night - nay, in one moment - a guest in forty [different] houses. If you say, 'It was not 'Alí, but a simulacrum [of him] appeared,' we admit it not, for God and the Prophet lie not, neither was 'Alí a juggler. And if it was in truth he, how was it so? So likewise it is [stated] in tradition that the heavens moved swiftly in the time of Sultán Jábir, but had a slow motion in the time of the Imáms. Now firstly how can there be two sorts of motion for the heavens? And secondly the Omeyyad and 'Abbásid Kings were contemporary with our Imáms (upon them be peace), so that the heavens must at one time have had both a slow and a swift motion. Discover this mystery also."
Báb. - "If you wish, I will explain these difficulties verbally; if not, I will write [their solutions] with fingers and pen on paper."
M. H. - "The choice is yours. Do whichever you please."
Then the Báb took pen and paper and began to write.
1 Jawád ("the Generous") is one of the titles assigned to the ninth Imám, Muhammad Takí.
At this moment supper was brought in. Mírzá Hasan picked up the paper on which the Báb had written a few lines and, after glancing at it, said, "It appears that you have begun a homily, and have only written an exordium of praise to God and a few words of prayer, without acquainting us with that which we desired to know." Here the discussion dropped, and after partaking of supper each one returned to his own home.
Whatever may be the truth about this conference and the behaviour of the clergy of Isfahán towards the Báb, one fact is clearly proved by all accounts, namely, that from first to last Minúchihr Khán shewed himself a sincere and faithful friend to the Báb. Whether, as stated by Subh-i-Ezel, he wrote to Muhammad Sháh telling him that "it was unseemly for the Government to engage in a quarrel with a private individual," and offered all the money at his disposal and even the rings on his hand to the Báb; or whether, as asserted by the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, he even went so far as to offer to place 50,000 troops at the Báb's disposal, march on Teherán, and compel the King to accept the new faith and bestow the hand of one of his daughters on its founder, must remain doubtful; but this much at least is certain, that almost the only period of comparative peace and comfort enjoyed by the Báb from the beginning of his mission till his martyrdom was the year which he passed in Isfahán under the protection of the wise and powerful Georgian eunuch.[+CHAPTER12]
MULLÁ SADRÁ AND HIS PHILOSOPHY.
Gobineau in his Religions et Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale (pp. 81-91) has given so admirable an account of the life of this great philosopher and of the part played by him in the revival of metaphysical learning in Persia that any very detailed notice of his career on my part would be superfluous. I shall therefore confine myself to reproducing
a brief sketch of his biography as it was related to me by a most learned and amiable scholar - himself a pupil of Hájí Mullá Hádí of Sabzawár, whose fame as a metaphysician has almost eclipsed that of the illustrious Mullá Sadrá - with whom it was my privilege to study for some time in Teherán. This account agrees in the main with Gobineau's, but differs in some few points.
Mullá Sadrá's father was a rich merchant of Shíráz, but though he had reached an advanced age he had no child to whom he might bequeath his wealth. This caused him much sorrow, and he prayed earnestly to God that a son might be vouchsafed to him, making a vow that if his prayer were granted he would bestow a túmán a day in alms on the poor. Shortly after this, that which he so earnestly desired came to pass, and a son - afterwards the great Mullá Sadrá - was born to him. From an early age the boy gave indications of extraordinary talent and virtue. When his father died, he decided, after consulting his mother, to give the greater portion of the wealth which he had inherited to the poor, reserving only what was sufficient for his modest needs. He then left Shíráz and took up residence in Isfahán, which was at that time unrivalled in Persia as a seat of learning. On his arrival there he enquired who were the best teachers of philosophy, and was answered that they were three - Mír Dámád, Mír Fandariskí, and Sheykh Behá. To the first of these he forthwith presented himself, and asked advice as to the course of study which he should pursue. "If you want sheer ideas," replied Mír Dámád, "go to Mír Fandariskí; if you want merely eloquence, go to Sheykh Behá; if you want both, come to me." Mullá Sadrá accordingly attended with diligence the lectures of all three, but chiefly those of Mír Dámád. After a while Mír Dámád, wishing to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, bade a temporary farewell to his students, and instructed each of them to compose during his absence a treatise on some branch of Philosophy. On his return he asked to see the results of their labours. These he glanced over in private, and all of them he laid aside after a cursory inspection save the treatise composed by Mullá Sadrá under the name of Shawáhid-i-Rubúbiyya ('Evidences of Divinity') - a treatise to this day most
highly esteemed in Persia. A few days after, as he was riding through the streets attended by his disciples, he called Mullá Sadrá to him and said:- "Sadrá ján! Kitáb-i-mará az meyán burdí!" ("My dear Sadrá, you have done away with my book!"), meaning to signify that the pupil had superseded the teacher. Shortly after this Mullá Sadrá, having completed his studies, went to Káshán, and thence, after a while, to Kum, in the mountains around which city he long lived a secluded and studious life, troubled occasionally by the malice and hostility of the mullás.
Gobineau says (loc. cit., p. 89) that Mullá Sadrá's philosophy was simply a revival of Avicenna's and contained nothing new; but this, as he himself remarks, is not the general opinion in Persia. The following three points, as I was informed, constitute the chief original features of Mullá Sadrá's system:-
(1) The aphorism
[one line of Persian/Arabic
text]
"The elementary Reality is all things, yet is no one of them."
(2) The doctrine of "the Union of the Intellect with the Intelligible" (~~~), according to which the clear apprehension of an idea implies and involves the establishment of a kind of identity between it and the mind which apprehends it.
(3) The doctrine of "the Incorporeality of Imagination" (~~~) - a doctrine involving the important consequence that Reason (or the development of that principle which stands above Imagination in the evolution of the spiritual faculties) is not a necessary condition of immortality, and hence that not infants only but even animals possess a spiritual part which survives the death of the body.
Mullá Sadrá composed a great number of works, whereof the Asfár ('Treatises'), in two large volumes, and the Sha-
wáhid-i-Rubúbiyya ('Evidences of Divinity') mentioned above, are the most important. His influence on Persian thought has been great; and his relations with the later developments thereof - especially with the Sheykhí school (concerning which see Note E supra) - merit a much more careful study than they have yet received.[+CHAPTER13]
THE BÁB AT MÁKÚ AND CHIHRÍK.
The Báb was accompanied on his journey to Mákú by his amanuensis Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd, Mullá Sheykh 'Alí 'Jenáb-i-'Azím', Mullá Muhammad 'Mu'allim-i-Núrí' (afterwards killed at Sheykh Tabarsí)1, and an escort of twelve horsemen under the command of Muhammad Beg Chápárjí. A full account of this journey, on the authority of Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshán, who had it directly from the aforesaid Muhammad Beg, is contained in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd. The substance of this account is as follows:-
When Muhammad Beg was ordered to conduct the Báb to Tabríz and there deliver him over to Bahman Mírzá the governor, he was so averse to undertaking this charge that he feigned illness in hopes of being excused so thankless a task. His orders, however, were peremptorily repeated, and he was obliged to set out. He had been instructed not to take the Báb into the towns which they must pass on the road, and accordingly on approaching Zanján he called a halt at a stone caravansaray situated outside and at some distance from the city. In spite of this, no sooner did their arrival become known than numbers of the inhabitants came out in the hopes of being able to get a
1 This is according to Subh-i-Ezel's statement. According to the Táríkh-i- Jadíd his companions were, besides the escort, Áká Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Wahháb, Mullá Muhammad, Áká Seyyid Huseyn the amanuensis, his brother Áká Seyyid Hasan of Yezd, and Seyyid Murtazá.
glimpse of the Báb. Muhammad Beg, being occupied with other business, took no heed of what was passing, while the other men who composed the escort only offered such opposition to the entry of each group of eager visitors as sufficed to procure for themselves a gift of money. Presently an urgent message was brought from Ashraf Khán the governor of Zanján (who was greatly alarmed at the popular excitement caused by the Báb's proximity to the town) ordering Muhammad Beg at once to start again and proceed to some spot further distant. Muhammad Beg accordingly informed the Báb, with many apologies and expressions of regret, that he must prepare to resume his journey without delay, to which, with a single expression of surprise and regret at the governor's harshness, he submitted, and they pushed on to a brick caravansaray two farsakhs beyond Zanján. At Mílán the Báb's arrival was the signal for a similar demonstration of enthusiasm on the part of the populace, and some two hundred persons who had come out of mere curiosity were converted to the new faith.
Before Tabríz was reached Muhammad Beg too began to experience that marvellous fascination which the Báb exerted over almost everyone with whom he came in contact, and ere the journey was completed he had become an avowed believer in the divine mission of the captive whom he was conducting into exile. Of those disciples who accompanied the Báb on this journey two only - Áká Seyyid Huseyn and Seyyid Murtaza - allowed it to appear that they were his companions. The others used to follow at some distance behind, and only on halting for the night did they seek to find some pretext for approaching their beloved Master. In spite of these precautions, Muhammad Beg, whose faculties were perhaps quickened by his own recent conversion, did not fail in time to discover what they wished to keep secret from him, for of the change which had been wrought in his opinions and feelings they were not yet aware. One day, however, he opened his heart to them, declaring that when he reflected on the service in which he was engaged he felt himself to be worse than Shimr and Yazíd, and expressing the warmest admiration for the patience, sweetness, gentleness, and holiness of the Báb, "for," said he, "had he chosen to give the slightest
hint to the people of Zanján or Mílan that they should effect his deliverance, they would not have given us time to draw our breath ere they had effected their object."
Muhammad Beg was in hopes that he might be appointed to accompany the Báb to Mákú - his ultimate destination - and this hope he communicated to the Báb, who, however, replied that this was by no means a thing which he desired, for that in that journey there would be harshness and cruelty shewn wherein he would not that Muhammad Beg should bear any part. When they had come within a stage of Tabríz the Báb requested Muhammad Beg to go on in advance and announce his approach to Bahman Mírzá, to whom he also sent a message praying that he might not be sent to Mákú but might be allowed to remain in Tabríz. To this message the Prince merely replied that it had nothing to do with him, and that the instructions given at the capital must be complied with. Much distressed at being the bearer of such unwelcome tidings, Muhammad Beg returned to meet the Báb, whom he brought in to his own house at Tabríz. There the Báb remained for several days until the fresh escort which was to conduct him to Mákú arrived. The Báb sent Muhammad Beg with a second message to the Prince, again renewing his request for permission to remain at Tabríz. To this message also Bahman Mírzá turned a deaf ear; and such was Muhammad Beg's chagrin, and so great the sorrow which he experienced on parting from the Báb (whose new escort would suffer no further delay in starting), that he fell ill of a fever which did not quit him for two months.
No sooner had Muhammad Beg recovered his health than he set out for Mákú to visit the Báb. On his arrival there he fell at the Báb's feet, entreating him to overlook and condone any fault of which he might have been guilty. The Báb answered that he was not willing that even his enemies should suffer, much less his friends, and that he freely forgave all who had wittingly or unwittingly trespassed against him. He then enquired concerning the details of the disgrace which had befallen two of those who had slighted him - Ashraf Khán and Bahman Mírzá - with which Muhammad Beg forthwith proceeded to acquaint him; and, on hearing the indignities to which Ashraf Khán
had been subjected by the relatives of a woman whom he had seduced, he expressed sorrow that so severe a punishment should have overtaken him.
The confinement to which the Báb was subjected at Mákú was by no means an excessively rigorous one. Not only his amanuensis Áká Seyyid Huseyn, but also (according to Subh-i-Ezel) Mullá Sheykh 'Alí, and apparently others amongst the most earnest and devoted of his followers, were constantly with him, while many others flocked to Mákú from all parts of Persia and were permitted to hold almost unrestricted converse with their Master. Besides this, continual correspondence was carried on between the Báb and his most active apostles, in spite of the instructions given to 'Alí Khán the warden of Mákú Castle by the Prime Minister Hájí Mírzá Ákásí to the effect that no such correspondence was to be permitted. Whether 'Alí Khán found himself unable to prevent his correspondence (at any rate without risking a popular tumult), or whether he simply connived at it either from indolence, indifference, or partiality for the Báb, does not very clearly appear. It would at any rate seem that he always treated his prisoner with the utmost respect and deference, toiled daily up the steep road from the village to the Castle (which stood on the summit of a neighbouring hill), and, when questioned by his friends as to the opinion which he had formed of the Báb, would reply that, although he was not clever enough to understand his sayings, he was convinced of his greatness and holiness.
During his sojourn at Mákú the Báb composed a great number of works, amongst the more important of which may be especially mentioned the Persian Beyán and the 'Seven Proofs' (Dalá'il-i- Sab'a), both of which contain ample internal evidence of having been written at this period (B. ii, pp. 912-913). Indeed, if we may credit a statement made in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd on the authority of Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Wahháb, the various writings of the Báb current in Tabríz alone amounted in all to not less than a million verses! The Prime Minister himself, Hájí Mírzá Ákásí, was made the object of a homily entitled "The Sermon of Wrath" (~~~) "which," says the author
of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, "if anyone will peruse, he shall understand the true meaning of inward Strength and Power." Whether this document reached the eyes of him for whom it was intended and roused him to take further steps for the more effectual isolation of its author is uncertain; but at all events fresh instructions of a more peremptory character were despatched by the Prime Minister to the Warden of Mákú commanding him at once to put a stop to the interchange of letters between the Báb and his followers. 'Alí Khán replied that he was absolutely unable to do this; whereupon orders were issued by the Prime Minister for the removal of the Báb from Mákú to Chihrík. 'Alí Khán, though his own action had brought about this transference, communicated the announcement thereof to the Báb with every expression of distress and concern, but the latter sternly cut short his apologies saying, "Why dost thou lie? Thou didst thyself write, and dost thou excuse thyself?" So the Báb was taken to Chihrík. and placed in the custody of Yahyá Khán.
The Táríkh-i-Jadíd, ever disposed towards the marvellous if not the miraculous, relates that Yahyá Khán saw the Báb in a dream a short time before his actual arrival at Chihrík, and that this dream he related to Jenáb-i- 'Azím (Mullá Sheykh 'Alí), declaring at the same time that should the Báb's appearance prove to be such as he had seen in his vision he would know for a surety that this was indeed the promised Imám Mahdí. On the Báb's arrival Yahyá Khán went out to meet him and beheld his face even as the face in the dream. Thereupon, being greatly moved, he bowed himself in reverence before the Báb, and brought him in with all honour into his own house, neither would he sit down in his presence without permission. In consequence of the impression thus produced on Yahyá Khán, the Báb, in spite of Hájí Mírzá Ákásí's stringent orders, was not much more isolated from his followers at Chihrík. than he had been at Mákú.
Subh-i-Ezel's version is quite different, and is not only much more probable in itself, but also rests on much better authority, since through his hands passed the greater part of the correspondence which was carried on with the Báb. According to this version, the Báb's confinement at Chihrík.
was of the most rigorous kind, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that letters could be conveyed to or from him. Some of the expedients resorted to for this purpose were described by Mullá Sheykh 'Alí to Subh-i-Ezel and by him to me. Sometimes the letter to be conveyed to the Báb was carefully wrapped up in a waterproof covering, weighted, and sunk in a vessel filled with mást (curdled milk), which vessel the Bábí messenger would pray the guards to convey as a trifling present to the captive. Sometimes the letter was enclosed in a candied walnut of the kind called juzghand. The bearer, on his arrival at Chihrík, would enter into conversation with the sentries, offer them a share of his juzghands, and finally, having sufficiently ingratiated himself with them, request them to carry a handful of sweetmeats to their prisoner. If they consented to do this, the walnut containing the letter was dexteriously slipped into the handful destined for the Báb.
A passage from M. Mochenin's memoir quoted by Kazem-Beg (i. p. 371) would seem, however, to imply that even at Chihrík. the Báb was permitted to address those who came to hear and see him. "The concourse of people," he says, "was so great that, the court not being spacious enough to contain all the audience, the greater number remained in the street listening attentively to the verses of the new Kur'án." But at all events the Báb was subjected to a closer and more rigorous confinement at Chihrík. than he had been at Mákú. Hence he used to call the former "the Grievous Mountain" (~~~)1) for which it stands.], and the latter "the Open Mountain" (~~~). His gaoler at Chihrík. was moreover a coarse and unsympathetic creature, to whom Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd gave the name of "Fierce and Terrible" (~~~)2.
The last point which requires discussion is this:- of the three and a half years which elapsed between the death
1 It will be noticed that the numerical
value of the word ~~~ (318) is the same as that of
the name Chihrík. (~~~)
2 Kur'án, lxvi. 6.
of Minúchihr Khán (Rabí'ul-Avval A. H. 1263 = Feb. - March A. D. 1847) and the execution of the Báb (Sha'bán 27th A.H. 1266 = July 8th A.D. 1850) what portion was passed by the Báb at Mákú and Chihrík. respectively? As the Báb did not leave Isfahán till after Minúchihr Khán's death, we may, allowing for the time consumed in travelling and probable delays, assume that he did not reach Mákú much before June A.D. 1847. Kazem-Beg says that he remained there six months ere he was transferred to Chihrík, where, if this statement be correct, he must have arrived about the beginning of A.D. 1848. From Chihrík. he was brought to Tabríz to undergo his first examination (see subsequent note) during the life of Muhammad Sháh, who died on Sept. 4th, A.D. 1848; and from Chihrík. he was again brought to Tabríz in July A.D. 1850 to suffer martyrdom. It would therefore seem that of the last three years of the Báb's life six months (from June to December, A.D. 1847) were spent at Mákú, and two years and a half (January A.D. 1848 - July A.D. 1850) at Chihrík.[+CHAPTER14]
THE FIRST EXAMINATION OF THE BÁB AT TABRÍZ.
Of what took place in this assembly we have four accounts besides that which is contained in the present work, whereof two - those contained in the Rawzatu 's-Safá and the Kisasu 'l- 'Ulamá - are almost identical. The version contained in the Násikhu 't- Tawárikh is substantially a mere condensation of these, and contains little new matter, though the order of the proceedings is somewhat differently given. The account contained in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd is relatively very brief, and in the main agrees with what is stated in the present work. Bábí tradition, in short, supplies us with no detailed narrative of this event, the reason for this being apparently that the assembly in question was held with closed doors, and that
the Báb (so far as we can tell) was unsupported by the presence of a single friend.
As to the credibility of the Muhammadan version, Kazem-
Beg has some very pertinent remarks in his first article (pp. 360-363). While fully
sharing the doubts which he expresses as to the historical value of this version, I have
nevertheless thought it worth reproducing in this place, believing that, whether it be true
or false, it will not be found altogether uninteresting as a specimen of the method of judicial
enquiry adopted by an Ecclesiastical Court in Persia. I have in the main followed the account
given in the Rawzatu 's-Safá and the
Kisasu 'l-'Ulamá, except in a few cases where a question or
answer seemed to be more clearly put in the Násikhu 't-
Tawáríkh.
In the Násikhu 't-Tawárikh this
conference is described as having taken place in the year A.H. 1263. If this were
so,1 it must
have been at the close of that year (which ended on December 8th, A.D. 1847), inasmuch as
the Báb was, according to all authorities (including Dr A. H. Wright of
Urúmiyya), brought to Tabríz from Chihrík, whither
(as I have attempted to shew in the previous note) he was not transferred much before the
beginning of A.D. 1848.
The chief persons who took part in this examination of the Báb were:-
Násiru 'd-Dín Mírzá, now King, then Crown-Prince, of Persia, who was at this time about sixteen years old, and on whom the government of Ázarbaiján had only recently been bestowed; Hájí Mullá Mahmúd entitled Nizámu'l-'Ulamá, the young Prince's tutor; Mullá Muhammad Mámakání entitled Hujjatu'l-Islám, an eminent Sheykhí divine; Hájí Murtazá-Kulí Marandí entitled 'Ilmu 'l-Hudá; Hájí Mírzá 'Alí Asghar the Sheykhu'l-Islám; and (according to the present work) Mírzá Ahmad the Imám-Jum'a. Shortly after these had assembled the Báb was brought in, and (according to the Musulmán, but not the Bábí, accounts) was motioned to a seat of honour. The following dialogue then ensued:-
Hájí Mullá Mahmúd. - "The command of His Imperial Majesty the King is that you should set forth your
1 But see remarks on pp. 186-187 supra.
claims in the presence of the doctors of Islám, so that the truth of falsehood thereof may be established. Although I myself am not one of the learned and only occupy the position of an attendant, I am free from prejudice, and my conversion will not be without importance. Now I have three questions to ask of you. Firstly, are these books composed in the fashion and style of the Kur'án, of Epistles, and of Prayers, and disseminated through all parts and regions of Persia yours, and did you compose them, or do men [wrongly] attribute them to you?"
Báb. - "They are from God"
H. M. M.- "I am no great scholar; if they are yours, say so; and if not, don't"
Báb. - "They are mine."
H. M. M. - "The meaning of your saying 'They are from God' is that your tongue is like the Tree on Sinai1 -
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]2
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]3
Báb. - "Mercy be upon you!"
H. M. M. - "They call you 'Báb.' Who gave you this name, and where did they give it? What is the meaning of 'Báb'? And are you content with this name or not?"
Báb. - "God gave me this name."
H. M. M. - "Where? In the House of the Ka'ba, or in the 'Holy House,'4 or in the 'Frequented House'?"5
1 i.e. The Burning Bush. Cf.
Kur'án xxvii, 7-9; and xxviii, 29-30.
2 "If [to say] 'I am the Truth' (i.e. God)
be right in a tree, Why should it not be right in some favoured man?"
3 See note 1 at the foot of p. 23
supra.
4 Jerusalem.
5 See Kur'án lii, v. 4, and
explanations in the commentaries.
Báb. - "Wherever it was, it is a divine name."
H. M. M. - "In that case of course you are content with a 'divine name.' What is the meaning of 'Báb'?"
Báb. - "The same word 'Báb' in [the tradition] -
~~~1
H. M. M. - "Then you are the 'Gate of the City of Knowledge'?"
Báb. - "Yes"
H. M. M. - "Praise be to God! For forty years have I journeyed seeking to meet with one of the 'Gates,' and it was not granted to me. Now, praise be to God, you have come to me in my own country, even to my very pillow! If it be so, and I can but assure myself that you are the 'Gate,' give me, I pray, the office of shoe- keeper!"
Báb. - "Surely you are Hájí Mullá Mahmúd?"
H. M. M. - "Yes"
Báb. - "Your dignity is great; great offices should be bestowed upon you."
H. M. M. - "I only want that office, and it is sufficient for me."
The Prince. - "We too will leave and deliver over this throne to you who are the 'Gate.'"
H. M. M. - "As the Prophet or some other wise man hath said -
~~~2
I ask, then, in Medicine, what occurs in the stomach when a person suffers from indigestion? Why are some cases amenable to treatment? Any why do some go on to permanent dyspepsia or syncope,3 or terminate in hypochondriasis?"
1 "I am the City of Knowledge and 'Alí is
its Gate (Báb)."
2 "Knowledge is twofold - knowledge of bodies,
and knowledge of religions;" i.e. Medicine and Theology are the only two branches of science
which are really worthy of attention."
3 ~~~
swooning or syncope. For fainting-fits in connection with dyspepsia, see Avicenna's
Kánún (Rome, A.D. 1593), vol. i, p. 440.
Báb. - "I have not studied Medicine."
The Prince. - "If so be that you are the 'Gate of Knowledges,' yet say 'I have not studied Medicine,' this is quite incompatible with your claim!"
H. M. M. - (To the Prince) "It is of no consequence, for this is but the art of the veterinarian and is not included amongst sciences; so that herein is no incompatibility with Báb-hood" (To the Báb) "Theology consists of the sciences of 'Principles' ([~~~]) and 'Applications' ([~~~]). The science of 'Principles' has a beginning ([~~~]) and a conclusion ([~~~]). Say then: are [the Divine Attributes of ] Knowledge, Hearing, Seeing, and Power identical with the [Divine] Essence, or otherwise?"
Bab. - "Identical with the Essence."
H. M. M. - "Then God is multiple and composite; the [Divine] Essence and the [Divine] Knowledge are two things like vinegar and syrup which have yet become identical; [God is] compounded of [the Divine] Essence plus Knowledge, of [the Divine] Essence plus Power, and so on. Besides this, the [Divine] Essence is 'without Opposite, without Antithesis' But Knowledge, which is identical with the [Divine] Essence, has an opposite, which is Ignorance. Besides these two objections, God knows, the Prophet knows, and I know: we [therefore] partake in Knowledge. We also have a 'ground of distinction'; for the Knowledge of God is from Himself, while our knowledge is from Him. Therefore God is compounded of a 'ground of distinction' and a 'ground of identity.' But God is not composite."
Báb. - "I have not studied Philosophy." (The Prince smiles, but preserves silence.)
H. M. M. - "The science of 'Applications' is elucidated from the Book and the Code1, and the understanding of the Book and the Code depends on many sciences, such as Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic. Do you who are the Báb conjugate Kála?"
Báb. - "What Kála?"
1 i.e. the Kur'án and the Traditions.
H. M. M. - "Kála, yakúlu, kawlan." (Begins to say the past tense after the fashion of a school-boy - "Kála, kálá, kálú; kálat, kálatá, kulná." Then addressing the Báb) "Do you say the rest."
Báb. - "I learned it in childhood, but I have forgotten it"
H. M. M. - "Give the derivatives of Kála."
Báb. - "How give the derivatives?"
H. M. M. (after giving some of the derivatives) - "Now give the rest."
Báb. - "I told you, I have forgotten."
H. M. M. - "Explain this verse of the Glorious Kur'án:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]1
and tell me also what is the construction of ~~~?"
Báb. - "I don't remember."
H. M. M. - "What is the meaning of this tradition:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]2
Báb. - "I don't know."
H. M. M. - "Explain the meaning of this tradition of what passed between Ma'mún the Caliph and His Highness Rizá the eighth Imám:-
1 "It is He who maketh you to behold
the lightning, a fear and a hope." Kur'án, xiii, 13.
2 "May God curse the eyes, for verily they
have acted unjustly towards the one eye." I regret to say that I have failed to ascertain by
whom and on what occasion these words were uttered or to what they allude.
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]1
What was the nature of the argument employed by Rizá (on him be peace), and what the point of Ma'mún's objection and of Rizá's reply thereto?"
Báb. - "Is it a tradition?"
H. M. M. - "Yes" (Cites authorities) "The circumstances under which the Súratu 'l-Kawthar was revealed were, as is well known, the following:- His Highness the Prophet was passing by. 'Ás said, 'This is the childless man!' Shortly afterwards he died, leaving no children. His Highness the Prophet was grieved, and so this Súra was revealed for his consolation. Tell me now, what was the nature of the consolation which it contained?"2
Báb. - "Were these indeed the circumstances under which it was revealed?"
1 "Ma'mún said,
'What is the proof for [the right to] the Caliphate of thine
ancestor 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib?' He [i.e.
Rizá] said, 'The sign of ourselves' He
[i.e. Ma'mún] said, 'If it were not for our wives!' He
[i.e. Rizá] said, 'If it were not for our sons!'
Then Ma'mún was silent" By his first answer the Imám
Rizá means that the right of 'Alí and his descendants to the
Caliphate is sufficiently proved by their being what they are and connected as they
are with the Prophet. Ma'mún objects, 'Yes, that is all very well, but we too
are related to the Prophet on the female side;' to which objection the Imám
Rizá replies, 'But our connection is in the male line;' for
connection in the male line is a much closer tie, as expressed in the following verse
from on old Arab poet for which I am indebted to my friend Mr Khalíl
Khayyát. of Beyrout:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]
This, at least, appears to me to be the explanation of the tradition.
"Our sons' sons are our sons, but as for our daughters
Their sons are the sons of strange men."
2 Concerning the circumstances under which
the Súratu'l-Kawthar was revealed see Ibn Hishám's Life of
Muhammad, ed. Wüstenfeld, p. 261.
H. M. M. - "Yes" (Cites authorities.)
(The Báb asks for time to think.)
H. M. M. - "In the days of our youth we used, according to the dictates of our age, jestingly to repeat this sentence of 'Alláma1 whereof I desire you now to explain to me the meaning:-
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]2
Why should this be so?"
Báb. - (after reflecting for a while) "Is this sentence from 'Alláma?"
The audience (unanimously). - "Yes!"
H. M. M. - "Suppose it is not 'Alláma's but mine, do you nevertheless explain its meaning. After all you are the 'Gate of Knowledge'!"
Báb. - "I cannot think of anything."
H. M. M. - "One of the miracles of the Arabian Prophet is the Kur'án, and the miraculous character thereof is derived from its fasáhat and its balághat. What is the definition of fasáhat and balághat? Is the relation which subsists between them tabáyun, tasáwí, 'umúm wa khusús. min wajh, or 'umúm wa khusús-i- mutlak?"3
1 The title of the 'Alláma
("the very erudite"), is used by the Shi'ites to designate one of their great theologians named
Hasan ibn Yüsuf ibn 'Alí of Hilla. According to the
Kisasu'l-'Ulamá he was born on
Ramazán 19th, A.H. 648 (December 15th, A.D. 1250), and died on
Muharram 11th, A.H. 726 (December 18th, A.D. 1325). No less than seventy-five
of his works are enumerated
2 "Si vir cum hermaphrodito,
hermaphroditus cum muliere rem habet, ab hermaphrodito requiritur ut aquâ se
purget, non vero a viro et muliere."
3 Fasáhat and
balághat both signify in general "eloquence," but the former especially denotes
correctness of diction and chasteness of style, the latter moving and
affecting language which reaches the hearts of the hearers or causes the
speaker to reach his object. (See Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, sv.
[~~~] and [Arabic word].)
[footnote goes onto page 285] The "four relations" recognized by
Muhammadan logicians and here enumerated are in detail as follows:- (1)
Tasáwí ("Equivalence" or "Co-extensiveness"), as "man" and "endowed
with articulate speech" (2) Tabáyun ("Diversity"), as "man" and
"stone." (3) 'Umúm wa khusús. i-mutlak. ("Relation
of genus and species absolutely"), as "animal" and "man." (4) 'Umúm wa
khusús. min wajh ("Relation of genus and species under one aspect"), as
"animal" and "white."
Báb. - "I don't know." (The audience manifest signs of anger and impatience.)
H. M. M. - "If you were in doubt between two and three [inclinations in prayer] what would you do?"1
Báb. - "I would assume two."
Mullá Muhammad Mámákání:- "O impious one! You do not even know what to do in cases of doubt in prayer, and yet you claim to be the Báb!"
Báb. - "I would assume three."
1 This question, with what immediately follows it, refers to the duty incumbent on a Musulmán who, while engaged in the performance of one of the prescribed prayers, becomes conscious of a doubt as to whether he has duly fulfilled some one or more of its essential elements, e.g. as to whether he has performed two or three inclinations (rak'a). Every possible case of doubt is provided for in that section of Muhammadan jurisprudence which is entitled [Arabic script] concerning which see Querry's Droit Musulman (Paris, 1871) vol. i, pp. 107-109. The general rule is thus stated at p. 21 of the catechism called Su'ál ú Jawáb ("Questions and answers") composed by Hájí Seyyid Muhammad Bákir of Isfahán and printed at Teherán in A.H. 1247 (A.D. 1831-2):- "He who is doubtful assumes the [performance of the] act concerning which he doubts, whether it relates to the number of inclinations (rak'a) or not; except in cases where [the performance of] the act concerning which he doubts would cause nullity [of the prayer], when he assumes its omission. If, then, he be doubtful whether it is two or three inclinations [which he has performed], he assumes three; if he be doubtful whether he has performed the inclination or the prostration or not, he assumes that he has performed them; and if he be doubtful whether he has performed the recitation (kará'at), he assumes that he has performed it. But [on the other hand] if he be doubtful whether he has inclined twice or once he assumes that he has inclined [only] once; and if he be doubtful whether he has performed four inclinations of prayer or five, he assumes that it is four."
H. M. M. - "Evidently if it is not two you must say three."
H. M. M. - "Three is also wrong. Why did you not ask whether it was in the morning or evening prayer that I was in doubt, and whether it was after the inclination or before the inclination, or after the completion of two prostrations?"
H. M. M. - "You ought to give thanks, for had he said 'I would assume two' (inasmuch as engaging in an indubitable duty demands fulfilment of that indubitable duty) what would you have done then1?" (To the Báb)
"Did you write:- ~~~?2
Is this expression yours or not?"
Báb. "Yes, it is mine."
H. M. M. - "Then in that case you were the leader and they were followers, and you must be superior to them?"
Hájí Murtazá- Kulí Marandí. - "The Lord of the Universe has said:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]3
1 If I have understood this rather
obscure expression (~~~) it means that the
undertaking of an obligation such as prayer necessitates and requires the due discharge of all
that is properly involved therein, without which it is null and void. Hence if it were
necessary in a case of doubt such as is indicated above to assume that only two inclinations
had been performed (or, in other words, to assume the minimum instead of the maximum),
then all persons who had followed the rule ordinarily received would have been guilty of
numerous sins of omission for which they would be held responsible.
2 "The first to believe in me was the Light of
Muhammad and [the Light of] 'Alí."
3 "And know that whenever ye seize anything
as a spoil, to God belongs a fifth thereof, and to His Apostle......" Kur'án,
viii, 42.
while you in your Kur'án say [Arabic script]1 . On what authority, and why?"
Báb. - "A third is the half of a fifth. What difference does it make?"
(The audience laugh).
H.M.-K. M. - "In how many ways is nine divisible?"
(The Báb gives no answer.)
H. M. M. -
"[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]2
I am not tied down to words; shew me a miracle suitable to your claims, so that I may become your follower, and on my submission many will set their footsteps within the circle of devotion to you, for I am well known as learned, and the learned man will never follow the ignorant"
Báb. - "What miracle do you desire?"
H. M. M. - "His Majesty the King Muhammad Sháh is sick. Restore him to health"
The Prince. - "Why go so far? Are not you present? Let him exert an influence over your being and restore you
1"A third thereof." As a matter of
fact the ordinances contained in the Persian Beyán relative to the disposal of
spoils taken from infidels do not accord with the statement here made, which is probably
quite fictitious. They will be found in Váhid v, ch. vi, and are in
substance as follows:- (1) One-fifth of the spoils, together with whatever is incomparable
in value or beauty, belongs to the Báb. If he be no longer alive it is to be held in trust
for "Him whom God shall manifest" (2) Of what remains the warriors who have won
it take what suffices for their needs. (3) The residue is given to the poor, all of whom, so far
as possible, are to be made partakers in the bounty. Should anything still remain over, it
may be expended on building or repairing shrines etc.
2 "How long these
words and this concealment and metaphor?
I would burn, burn, and acquiesce
in that burning."
to youthfulness, so that you may ever continue in attendance on our stirrup. We too, on witnessing the accomplishment of this miracle, will resign this throne to him."1
Báb. - "It is not in my power."
H. M. M. - "Then honour is not rendered without some reason. O dumb in the realms of words and dumb in the realms of ideas, what virtue then do you possess?"
Báb. - "I can utter eloquent words" (Recites)
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]2
(pronouncing the last word with final fat-ha).
Prince (smiling). -
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]3
Báb. - "My name 'Alí Muhammad corresponds with Rabb" (Lord).4
H. M. M. - "Every 'Alí Muhammad and Muhammad 'Alí corresponds with Rabb. Besides in that case you should claim to be the Lord rather than the Báb."
Báb. - "I am that person for whose appearance ye have waited a thousand years"
H. M. M. - "That is to say you are the Mahdí, the Lord of Religion?"5
1 There is something almost ludicrous
in the eagerness wherewith the Crown-Prince interposes to check the miracle designed to
restore his dying father to health"
2 "Praise be to God who created the
heavens."
3 "That which forms its plural in alif
and tá is pointed with kesra alike in the adjective and in the dependent
cases." This sentence is from the well-known versified Arabic Grammar called the
Alfiyya, and will be found on p. 19 of Dieterici's edition of that work (Leipsic,
1851).
4 The sum of the letters in 'Alí
Muhammad is 202, which is also the numerical equivalent of Rabb.
5 i.e. the Twelfth Imám. See Note O
infra.
Báb. - "Yes"
H. M. M. - "The same in person, or generically?"
Báb. - "In person."
H. M. M. - "What is your name, and what are the names of your father and mother? Where is your birthplace? And how old are you?"
Báb. - "My name is 'Alí Muhammad; my mother was named Khadíja and my father Mírzá Rizá the cloth-seller; my birth-place is Shíráz; and of my life, behold, thirty-five years have elapsed"1 Kazem-Beg (i, p. 334, note 4) bases the calculation whereby he arrives at the date of the Báb's birth on this passage, which, as a matter of fact, affords a strong proof of the falsity of the whole narrative wherein it occurs, since the Báb's age certainly did not exceed 29 years at this time (see Note C supra).]
H. M. M. - "The name of the Lord of Religion is Muhammad; his father was named Hasan and his mother Narjis; his birth- place was Surra-man-Ra'a; and his age is more than a thousand years. There is the most complete variance. And besides I did not send you."
Báb. - "Do you claim to be God?"
H. M. M. - "Such an Imám is worthy of such a God"
Báb. - "I can in one day write two thousand verses. Who else can do this?"
H. M. M. - "When I resided at the Supreme Shrines I had a secretary who used to write two thousand verses a day. Eventually he became blind. You must certainly give up this occupation, or else you too will go blind"
The conference then broke up, and the Báb was taken back to the house of Muhammad Kázim Khán the Farráshbáshí. Next day he was again brought before the Prince and the doctors, who sentenced him to the bastinado. The Muhammadan historians admit that the farráshes were still, in spite of what had taken place at the examination on the previous day, so strongly inclined to sympathize with the Báb that they positively refused to take part in administering the punishment decreed, the execution of which therefore devolved on the servants of Hájí Mullá Muhmúd and the Sheyku 'l-Islám. It is of course asserted
by the Musulmán historians that the Báb again recanted and revoked all his claims under the chastisement inflicted upon him, whereupon he was released and sent back to Chihrík.
It is difficult to decide to what measure of credence the above narrative is entitled. Very probably such questions as are there recorded - and assuredly some of them are sufficiently frivolous and even indecent - were asked; but, even though the Báb may have been unable to answer them, it is far more likely that, as stated in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, he preserved a dignified silence than that he gave utterance to the absurdities attributed to him by the Muhammadan writers. These, indeed, spoil their own case; for, desiring to prove that the Báb was not endowed with superhuman wisdom, they represent him as displaying an ignorance which we can scarcely credit. That the whole examination was a farce throughout, that the sentence was a foregone conclusion, that no serious attempt to apprehend the nature and evidence of the Báb's claim and doctrine was made, and that from first to last a systematic course of brow-beating, irony, and mockery was pursued appear to me to be facts proved no less by the Muhammadan than by the Bábí accounts of these inquisitorial proceedings.[+CHAPTER15]
THE BÁB'S CLAIM TO BE THE IMÁM MAHDÍ.
The Báb's original claim was, as has been already explained in Note D, that he was the 'Gate' whereby men could communicate with the Ká'im, Imám-Mahdí, or Twelfth Imám. At a later period of his mission, however, he declared himself to be none other than the Imám himself, and, as has been set forth in the previous Note (p. 288 supra), it was this claim which he boldly advanced before his inquisitors at Tabríz. The advancement of this claim certainly marks a very important point in the development of the Báb's doctrine, but as Gobineau (p. 159) very acutely
observes in speaking of Mullá Huseyn's announcement thereof to Minúchihr Khán, "il faut dire ici, pour prévenir toute erreur, qu'en assimilant le Bâb au douzième Imam, le missionnaire cherchait à se faire comprendre de la foule et à gagner ses sympathies, absolument comme saint Paul lorsqu'il révélait aux Athéniens que le Dieu qu'il leur annon≠ait était ce Dieu inconnu auquel ils avaient déjà élevé un autel. C'était des deux parts une fa≠on de parler, et on verra plus tard qu'il n'y a aucun rapport entre l'idée que les Bâbys se font du Point, et ce que les musulmans pensent au sujet de l'Imam Mehdy."
From the present history (pp. 20 and 24) it would appear that this new claim was publicly advanced by the Báb for the first time during his examination before the 'Ulamá of Tabríz at the end of A.D. 1847 or the beginning of A.D. 1848. The following passage in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd affords corroborative evidence of this:-
[nine lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"After His Highness [the Báb] had removed to the
Castle of Chihrík, his companions and friends, notwithstanding the rigorous prohibition of the late Hájí [Mírzá Ákásí], still continued to hold intercourse with him in a cautious manner, and a number of persons in that neighbourhood attained the dignity of belief and were converted. And so long as Yahyá Khán held the office of governor he used to observe the utmost respect towards His Highness [the Báb]. And His Highness [the Báb], having regard to the exigencies of the time, the requirements of expediency and caution, and the capacity of men, [first] made himself known as the Ká'im in Chihrík; though some believe that [he did so] during the latter part of the period of his sojourn at Mákú."
In the Persian Beyán (of which the greater part, if not the whole, was composed at Mákú) I have found two passages wherein the Báb identifies himself more or less clearly with the Imám Mahdí. The first of these passages occurs in Váhid viii, ch. 17, and runs as follows:-
[seven lines of Persian/Arabic text, with seven footnotes]
[ten lines of Persian/Arabic text, with fifteen footnotes]
"As thou hast heard, at the manifestation of the Nukta-i-Furkán [i.e. Muhammad, who was in his time the 'Point of Revelation'] all those who were believers in the Gospel were expecting the promised Ahmad,1 and thou hast
16 In Muhammadan tradition Christ is said to have foretold the coming of Muhammad in the words ~~~ "One shall come after me whose name is Ahmad". This tra-[footnote goes onto page 294a]dition is based on the prophecies relating to the coming of the Paracletos [in Greek text], for which word the Muhammadans would substitute Periclutos [in Greek text], whereof the signification is nearly the same as Ahmad or Muhammad. (See Ibn Hishám's Life of Muhammad, ed. Wüstenfeld, pp. 149-150.)
heard what befel that Sun of Truth during the twenty-three years of his mission, so that he said, 'No prophet hath been afflicted as I have been afflicted.' Yet all were entreating and craving his appearance, and, in the words of Jesus, working for him. Praise be to God that in that day thou wast not! But thou wast in the manifestation of the Nukta-i-Beyán [i.e. the Báb, the 'Point of Revelation'] when all believers in the Apostle of God were expecting the appearance of the promised Mahdí; for this tradition is from the Apostle of God, and all, simple and gentle, are agreed therein. Now there is no doubt that the substance of Faith was confined to the Shi'ites, and that the sect of Islám is this same outward sect whereof the adherents call themselves Shi'ites; while men avowedly call Fárs the 'Abode of Knowledge':1 Yet, although the Tree of Truth arose, not one of the people recognized it [even] after perceiving it. The degree of their remoteness is evident, for this sufficeth unto their abasement; yet night and day they exclaim 'speed! speed!'2
The second passage occurs in Váhid ix ch. 3, and runs as follows:-
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text, with three footnotes]
1 The official title of Shíráz is ~~~ "The Abode of Knowledge".
2 The Shi'ites, whenever they mention the Imám Mahdí, add the formula ~~~ "May God hasten his joy!"
[eight lines of Persian/Arabic text, with nine footnotes]
"Consider with due attention, for the matter is very strait, even while it is more spacious than the heavens and the earth and what is between them. For instance, if all those who were expecting [the fulfilment] of the saying of Jesus had been assured of the manifestation of Ahmad [i.e. Muhammad], not one would have turned aside from the saying of Jesus. So likewise in the manifestation of the Nukta-i-Beyán [i.e. the Báb] if all should be assured that this is that same Mahdí [whose coming was] promised, whom the Apostle of God foretold, not one of the believers in the Kur'án would have turned aside from the saying of the Apostle of God. So likewise in the manifestation of Him whom God shall manifest behold the same thing, for should all be assured that he is that same 'He whom God shall manifest' whom the Nukta-i-Beyán foretold, not one would turn aside."[+CHAPTER16]
ON CERTAIN POINTS OF SHI'ITE DOCTRINE REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT.
1. The Occultation of the Twelfth Imám. The cardinal point wherein the Shi'ites (as well as the other sects included under the more general term of Imámites) differ from the Sunnites is the doctrine of the Imámate. According to the belief of the latter, the vicegerency (~~~) of the Prophet is a matter to be determined by the choice and election of his followers, and the visible head of the Musulmán world is qualified for the lofty position which he holds less by any special divine grace than by a combination of orthodoxy and administrative capacity. According to the Imámite view, on the other hand, the vicegerency is a matter altogether spiritual; an office conferred by God alone, first by His Prophet, and afterwards by those who so succeeded him, and having nothing to do with the popular choice or approval. In a word, the Caliph (~~~) of the Sunnís is merely the outward and visible Defender of the Faith: the Imám of the Shi'ites is the divinely-ordained successor of the Prophet, one endowed with all perfections and spiritual gifts, one whom all the faithful must obey, whose decision is absolute and final, whose wisdom is superhuman, and whose words are authoritative. The general term Imámite is applicable to all who hold this latter view without reference to the way in which they trace the succession, and therefore includes such sects as the Bákirís and Isma'ílís as well as the Shi'ites or "Church of the Twelve" (~~~), as they are more specifically termed, with whom alone we are here concerned. According to these, twelve persons successively held the office of Imám. These twelve are as follows:-
1. 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, the cousin and first disciple of the Prophet, assassinated by Ibn Muljam at Kúfa, A.H. 40 (A.D. 661).
2. Hasan, son of 'Alí and Fátima, born A.H. 2, poisoned by order of Mu'áwiya I. A.H. 50 (A.D. 670).
3. Huseyn, son of 'Alí and Fátima, born A.H. 4, killed at Kerbelá on Muharram 10th, A.H. 61 (Oct. 10th, A.D. 680).
4. 'Alí, son of Huseyn and Shahrbánú (daughter of Yezdigird the last Sásánian king), generally called Imám Zeynu'l-'Ábidín, poisoned by Walíd. [See also note 3 on p. 139.]
5. Muhammad Bákir, son of the above-mentioned Zeynu'l-'Ábidín and his cousin Umm 'Abdi 'lláh the daughter of Imám Hasan, poisoned by Ibrahím ibn Walíd.
6. Ja'far-i-Sádik, son of Imám Muhammad Bákir, poisoned by order of Mansúr the 'Abbáside Caliph. [See note 3 at foot of p. 24.]
7. Músá Kázim, son of Imám Ja'far-i-Sádik, born A.H. 129, poisoned by order of Hárúnu 'r-Rashíd A.H. 183.
8. 'Alí ibn Músá er-Rizá, generally called Imám Rizá, born A.H. 153, poisoned near Tús in Khurásán by order of the Caliph Ma'mún, A.H. 203, and buried at Mesh-hed, which derives its name and its sanctity from him.
9. Muhammad Takí, son of Imám Rizá, born A.H. 195, poisoned by the Caliph Mu'tasim at Baghdad A.H. 220.
10. 'Alí Nakí, son of Imám Muhammad Takí, born A.H. 213, poisoned at Surra-man-Ra'a A.H. 254.
11. Hasan 'Askarí, son of Imám 'Alí Nakí, born A.H. 232, poisoned A.H. 260.
12. Muhammad, son of Imám Hasan 'Askarí and Narjis Khátún, called by the Shi'ites "Imám Mahdí", "Hujjatu 'lláh" ("the Proof of God"), "Bakiyyatu 'llah" ("the Remnant of God"), and "Ká'im-i-ál-i-Muhammad") ("He who shall arise of the family of Muhammad"). He bore not only the same name but the same kunya - Abu'l-Kásim - as the Prophet, and according to the Shi'ites it is not lawful for any other to bear this name and this kunya together. He was born at Surra-man-Ra'a, A.H. 255, and succeeded his father in the Imámate A.H. 2601. The Shi'ites hold that he did not die, but disappeared in
1 It is worthy of note that the 'Manifestation' of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb took place exactly one thousand years after this date.
an underground passage in Surra-man-Ra'a, A.H. 329; that he still lives, surrounded by a chosen band of his followers, in one of those mysterious cities Jábulká and Jábulsá; and that when the fulness of time is come, when the earth is filled with injustice, and the faithful are plunged into despair, he will come forth, heralded by Jesus Christ, overthrow the infidels, establish universal peace and justice, and inaugurate a millennium of blessedness. During the whole period of his Imámate, i.e. from A.H. 260 till the present day, the Imám Mahdí has been invisible and inaccessible to the mass of his followers, and this is what is signified by the term "Occultation" (~~~). After assuming the functions of Imám and presiding at the burial of his father and predecessor, the Imám Hasan 'Askarí, he disappeared from the sight of all save a chosen few, who, one after the other, continued to act as channels of communication between him and his followers. These persons were known as "Gates" ([~~~] See Note D, pp. 229 and 233 supra). The first of them was Abú 'Umar 'Othmán ibn Sa'íd 'Umarí; the second Abú Ja'far Muhammad ibn 'Othmán, son of the above; the third Huseyn ibn Rúh. Naw-bakhtí (concerning whom somewhat will be said directly); the fourth Abú 'l-Hasan 'Alí ibn Muhammad Símarí. Of these "Gates" the first was appointed by the Imám Hasan 'Askarí, the others by the then-acting "Gate" with the sanction and approval of the Imám Mahdí. This period - extending over sixty-nine years - during which the Imám was still accessible by means of the "Gates" is known as the "Lesser" or "Minor Occultation" (~~~). This was succeeded by the "Greater" or "Major Occultation" (~~~). When Abú 'l-Hasan 'Alí, the last of the "Gates", drew near to his latter end, he was urged by the faithful (who contemplated with despair the prospect of complete severance from the Imám) to nominate a successor. This, however, he refused to do, saying (~~~) "God hath a purpose which He will accomplish" So on his death all communication between the
Imám and his Church ceased, and the "Major Occultation" began and shall continue until the Return of the Imám take place in the fulness of time. Besides these two Occultations mentioned in the text, another, called the "Least Occultation" (~~~) is recognized by Shi'ite theologians. This last, however, refers to the future, and indicates a period extending from noon on Friday to the morning of Saturday the 10th of Muharram, during which the Imám will temporarily disappear after his Return.
2. The mystical cities of Jábulká and Jábulsá. Concerning these I will confine myself to citing two passages illustrating the light in which they are regarded by Muhammadan cosmographers. The first passage is from M. Reinaud's introduction to his translation of Abu'l-fedá's Geography (Paris, 1848), and occurs at p. cclvii of that work. It runs as follows:- "Thabary, se pla≠ant sous un autre point de vue, reproduit la légende sur la montagne de Caf, qui entoure la disque de la terre, et il place deux villes aux points est et ouest: Djaboulka à l'orient, et Djaboulsa à l'occident." The second passage which I wish to quote occurs in al-Kazvíní's celebrated work on cosmography. The text thereof will be found on pp. 17-18 of Wüstenfeld's edition. The translation is as follows:-
"JÁBARSÁ. A city in the remotest regions of the East. On the authority of Ibn 'Abbás (may God be satisfied with him):- he says, 'In the remotest East is a city whereof the name is Jábars, and its inhabitants are of the children of Thamúd. And in the remotest West is a city whereof the name is Jábalk, and its inhabitants are of the children of 'Ád. And in each one are remnants of these two peoples.' The Jews say that the children of Moses (upon him be peace) fled in the fight with Bukht-Nassar [Nebuchadnezzar], and God (Exalted is He) caused them to journey towards Jábars and to alight therein. And in that place they dwell; none can come unto them nor reckon their number. Again [it is related] on the authority of Ibn 'Abbás (may God be satisfied with him) that the Prophet (may God look favourably upon him and grant him peace)
on the night wherein he made the night-journey said to Gabriel (upon him be peace), 'I wish to see the people concerning whom God (exalted is He) hath said, "Of the people of Moses there is a party who are guided in truth, and act justly according to the same."' [Kur'án vii, 159]. 'Between thee and them,' said Gabriel (upon him be peace), 'is a journey of six years to go and six years to return; and between thee and them is a river of sand which runs swiftly as the flight of an arrow and ceaseth not save on the Sabbath day; but ask of thy Lord.' So the Prophet prayed, and Gabriel said 'Amen'2; and God revealed unto Gabriel, 'Grant him what he hath asked.' So he mounted Burák, who took a few steps, and behold he was in the midst of the people. Then he saluted them, and they asked him 'Who art thou?' He said, 'I am the unlettered Prophet.' They said, 'Yea, thou art he concerning whom Moses was given good tidings, and verily the angels would take thy people by the hand, were it not for their faults.' 'I saw their tombs,' saith the Apostle of God, 'at the doors of their abodes, and I said unto them, "Wherefore this?" They answered, "That we may remember death morning and evening; for did we not do thus, we should only remember it from time to time,"' Then he said, 'How is it that I see your buildings equal [in height]?' They answered, 'That none of us may overlook another, and that none may shut out the air from another.' Then he said, 'How is it that I see no King or judge amongst you?' They said, 'We are just one to another and give what is due of ourselves, wherefore we need not any to deal out justice in our midst.' Then he said, 'Wherefore are your streets empty?' They answered, 'We all sow and all reap, and every man amongst us taketh what sufficeth him and leaveth what remaineth for his brother.' Then he said, 'Wherefore do I see these people laughing?' They replied, 'One amongst them hath died.' He said, 'Why then do they laugh?' They answered, 'For joy, because he hath been taken away in
2 At the suggestion of my friend Mr A. A. Bevan of Trinity College I have ventured to read [~~~] for [~~~].
the belief of the Unity.' He said, 'What aileth these that they weep?' They answered, 'A child hath been born unto them, and they know not in what faith he will be taken away.' He said, 'When a male child is born unto you, tell me what you do?' They said, 'We fast for a month in thankfulness to God.' He said, 'And if a girl be born unto you?' They answered, 'We fast two months in thankfulness to God, because Moses hath told us that resignation on account of a female child hath a greater reward than resignation on account of a male child.' He said, 'Do ye commit adultery?' They said, 'Doth any one do this thing whom the heaven stoneth not with pebbles from above, and whom the earth swalloweth not from beneath?' He said, 'Do ye take usury?' They answered, 'He alone taketh usury who believeth not in the provision of God.' He said, 'Do ye sicken?' They said, 'We sin not, neither do we sicken; thy people are afflicted with sickness only as an atonement for their sins.' He said, 'Have ye wild beasts and reptiles?' They answered, 'Yes; they pass us by and we pass them by, and they hurt us not.' Then the Prophet proposed unto them his Law; and they asked, 'How shall we do as regards the Pilgrimage, for between us and it is a great distance?' Then the Prophet prayed, 'and,' saith Ibn 'Abbás, 'the earth was rolled up for them so that those of them who would perform the Pilgrimage might do so with [the rest of] mankind. And when' (saith he) 'it was morning, the Prophet told this [to] such as were present of his people, amongst whom was Abú Bekr (may God be satisfied with him). And he said, "Verily it is well with the people of Moses, and God (Exalted is He) knew what was in their hearts, and revealed 'Of those whom We have created is a nation who are guided in truth and thereby act with equity.'" [Kur'án vii, 180.] And Abú Bekr fasted for a month and set at liberty a slave, because God had not preferred the Church of Moses to the Church of Muhammad (may God look favourably upon him and grant him peace).'" Such are the cities of Jábulká and Jábulsá - the Muslim 'Land of Cocagne' - wherein, according to the Shi'ite belief, the Imám Mahdí dwells.
3. Huseyn ibn Rúh. has been already mentioned in
this note as one of the vicars or 'Gates' of the Imám Mahdí. The following note concerning him occurs on p. 439 of Baron Mac Guckin de Slane's translation of Ibn Khallikán's Biographical Dictionary (London, 1842):- "Abû'l-Kâsim al-Husain Ibn Ruth was a holy shaikh and one of the doors leading to the Sâhib az Zamân (the lord of the time, or last grand Imâm, according to the Shiîte doctrine; see Druzes, introd. p. 65). He was chosen by Abû Jaafar Muhammad Ibn Othmân al-Omari as his lieutenant, and when the latter classed the Shiîtes according to their degrees (of initiation), Abû'l-Kâsim was authorized to enter into his presence the first of them all. - He then went to see Ibn as-Shalmaghâni" [see supra, Note D, p. 229], "and gained over so many proselytes, that the vizirs, ex-vizirs, and other persons of high rank rode (publicly) to visit him. He continued to be treated with the greatest deference till Hâmid Ibn Abbâs became vizir (to al-Muktadir) and ordered him to be arrested. He remained in prison for five years, but was liberated immediately after the deposition of al-Muktadir, A.H. 317 (A.D. 929). From that time till his death, which took place A.H. 326 (A.D. 937-8), he never ceased to be highly respected, but at the moment in which his influence had attained its utmost pitch, and his plans were ripe for execution, God preserved (the Khalifat) from his evil designs. He had been accused of inviting the Karmats by letter to lay siege to Baghdad, but he defended himself with great ability, presence of mind, and learning. He was a benefactor to the Shîites, and held a very high rank among them. - (Ad-Dahabi's Târîkh-al-Islâm, No. 646, in anno.)"
4. Ibn Mihriyár. Of this person, I can find mention only in two works of Shi'ite theology, viz. the 'Tenets of the Shi'ites' (~~~), and the 'Garden of the Shi'ites' (~~~), in each of which his name is written differently. In the first he is called [~~~], and in the second [~~~]. In both works
he is mentioned amongst those who, during the period of the "Minor Occultation," obtained access to, or corresponded with, the Imám; and in both he is described as a native of Ahwáz. What "tradition" of his is specially referred to in the text, I am unable to say.
5. The Guardians and the Helpers. These constitute two grades of a spiritual hierarchy whereof the members are called generically "Men of the Unseen World" (~~~), and at the head of which is the "Pole" (~~~). Al-Jorjání in his Definitiones (ed. Flügel, p. 266) describes the "Guardians" or "Overseers" (~~~) as follows:- "They are those who have discovered the Inward Name so that they look into the hearts of men and discern secret thoughts, because for them veils are withdrawn from the faces of mysteries. And they are of three kinds:- Superior Souls, which are embodiments of [Divine] commands; Inferior Souls, which are mundane; and Intermediate Souls, which are human essences. And in each one of them God (Exalted is He) hath a trust deposited which compriseth mysteries divine and mundane. And they are [in number] three hundred." Concerning the "Helpers" (~~~) he says (p. 259):- "They are forty, and they are engaged in bearing the burdens of creatures, generally such accidents as human strength cannot cope with. And this [they do] by reason of their abundant natural pity and mercy, neither do they desist [therefrom] save for the sake of another, for no increase of advancement is [possible] to them save by this channel." What is meant by the "flight" of these is, as I suppose, described in a passage of the 'Aká'idu'sh-Shí'a of which this is a translation:- "And amongst them" [i.e. the signs of the Return of the Imám] "are the Men of the Unseen, who are thirty or forty persons who in a week traverse the whole surface of the earth, spending each day in a different region. Every Friday they appear before His Holiness [the Imám Mahdí] for the Friday prayers......Then, when it is morning,
they traverse the earth in the twinkling of any eye and appear before His Holiness, or else come riding upon a cloud and stand in attendance on Him."
6. The Conquest of the East and West which will be effected by the Imám Mahdí on his appearance, of which it is one of the signs, needs no detailed notice.
7. The Ass of Antichrist. Concerning Antichrist (Dajjál), and the ass on which he is mounted, the 'Aká'idu'sh-Shí'a has the following passage:- "The forty-sixth of the signs of the appearance [of the Imám Mahdí] is the coming forth of Antichrist. And the name of that accursed one is Sá'id ibn Sayd. The traditions concerning him are various. Some imply that he has existed from the time of Adam until now, as it is related in a tradition that the Apostle of God went to one of the houses in Medína wherein was a babbling madman with his mother. The Prophet pointed him out to his companions and said, 'O people, God hath not sent any prophet without filling his church with the fear of Antichrist, whom he has respited and left until your time. And this man shall come forth with a mountain of bread and a river of water; and he will appear in a time of famine. Most of his followers will be Jews, women, Arabs, and nomads. He will enter into all quarters and regions of the earth save Mecca and its two mountains, and Medína and its two mountains. And whenever be comes forth he will claim to be God, although he is one-eyed and God is not one-eyed.' And in some traditions it hath come down that he was born in the time of His Holiness [the Prophet]; that he had a beard and spoke when he was born; that the Prophet went to his house; that he claimed the rank of a prophet and said 'I am one sent of God'; that then His Holiness [the Prophet] commanded an angel which was in the form of a great bird to carry him away and cast him into a well situated in one of the Jewish villages near Sajistán or Isfahán; and that he is chained [there] till such time as he shall receive permission to come forth. And he has an ass whereof each step covers a mile (three miles being equal to one parasang), and on the body of his ass are white spots
like a leopard. Now the characteristics of Antichrist are these:- his right eye is crushed; his left eye is in his forehead, and glitters as though it were the morning star, and in it is a piece of blood, so that it seems to be pervaded with blood; between his two eyes it is written that he is a misbeliever, so that everyone, whether learned or unlearned, can read it; he is a skilled magician, who, by his magic, descends into the oceans; with him travels the sun; before his face is a mountain of smoke, and behind his back is a white mountain, and through [his] magic it seemeth in men's eyes that they are two mountains of water and bread, though in truth it is not so, but a mere juggle; he traverseth all oceans, and over whatsoever ocean or water he passeth it sinketh down and cometh forth no more till the Day of Judgement; before him Satan dances, and the devils cause him and his ass to appear pleasing in men's eyes, and this is a mischief for the proving of mankind. And he crieth out so that the dwellers in the East and in the West, whether of jinn or of mankind, hear his voice, and he saith, 'O my friends, I am that God who created and fashioned the members and parts of the world; I am that God who predestined the affairs of [His] servants and guided and directed mankind; I am your Supreme Lord.' And most of his followers are women, Jews, bastards, and musicians. But when he cometh to 'Akaba-i-Afík, which is a mountain in Syria, His Highness the Ká'im shall slay him at the third hour on Friday, and shall cleanse the world of the filth and foulness of that Accursed One." Many other wonderful qualities are attributed to the ass of Antichrist, as, for instance, that the distance between its ears is a full mile, that each of its hairs gives forth ravishing strains of music, and the like, of which things the further enumeration appears to be unprofitable and unnecessary.
8. The appearance of Sofyán. In enumerating the signs which shall usher in the return of the Imám Mahdí, the 'Aká'idu'sh-Shí'a first mentions the appearance of Sofyán in these words:- "His name is 'Othmán the son of 'Ataba of the children of Yazíd ibn Mu'áwiya ibn Abí Sofyán. He is a thick-set man with an ill countenance, a face
pitted with small-pox, a large head, and blue eyes. He has never rendered service to God, nor seen Mecca or Medína, and his eyes seem to squint. He will appear during the month of Rajab from the direction of Mecca in a desert devoid of water and grass, and will send his army, which will cause much ruin and act right foully, westward and towards Baghdad. He will destroy the region of Najaf the Most Noble, and will plunder Medína for three days. He will sojourn in Kúfa, and will proclaim, 'Whosoever shall bring the head of one of 'Alí's sectaries, to him will I give a thousand gold pieces.' Then men will yield one another into the hand of that Accursed One, for all the chiefs of that time are base-born. And the time of his empire shall be eight months, and in his hands are five cities:- Damascus, Homs, Falastín, Ardín, and Falzín. The decline of his dominion corresponds with the appearance of the triumph of the Truth, and a great number of his army shall sink down in Beydá, which is the name of a place near Medína." A few pages further on in the same work the following passage occurs:- "At that time [i.e. at the time when the bearded woman Sa'ída and the crusader Mazíd shall appear] a man shall come forth from the direction of Mecca whose name is Sofyán ibn Harb. Perhaps he may be that same Sofyán who has been previously mentioned, whose dominion endureth eight months and continueth until the empire of the Ká'im of the race of Muhammad doth appear. And perhaps Harb may be his father and 'Ataba his grandfather."[+CHAPTER17]
THE EXECUTION OF MULLÁ MUHAMMAD 'ALÍ OF BÁRFURÚSH.
When, in the summer of A.D. 1849, the remnant of the brave defenders of Sheykh Tabarsí, beguiled by the treacherous promises of Prince Mahdi-Kulí Mirzá, evacuated the fortress which they had held so long and so gallantly, and yeilded themselves up to the besiegers, they were at first received with an apparent friendliness and
even respect which served to lull them into a false security and to render easy the perfidious massacre wherein all but a few of them perished on the morrow of their surrender.
From this massacre some of the Bábí chiefs were reserved to grace the Prince's triumphal entry in Bárfurúsh. Amongst these the Táríkh-i-Jadíd mentions the following:- Mullá Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh, called by the Bábís "His Excellency the Most Holy" (Jenáb-i-Kuddús); Áká Mírzá Muhammad Hasan, the brother of Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh; Mullá Muhammad Sádik. of Khurásán; Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Hasan of Khurásán; Sheykh Ni'matu 'llah of Ámul; Hájí Nasír of Kazvín; Mullá Yúsuf of Ardabíl; and Áká Seyyid 'Abdu'l-'Azím of Khúy.
Jenáb-i-Kuddús (for the sake of brevity I shall make use of the title in preference of the name of him who is the subject of this note) requested the Prince to send him to Teherán there to undergo judgement before the Sháh. The Prince was at first disposed to grant this request, thinking, perhaps, that to bring so notable a captive into the Royal Presence might serve to obliterate in some measure the record of those repeated failures to which his unparalleled incapacity had given rise. But when the Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá heard of this plan, and saw a possibility of his hated foe escaping from his clutches, he went at once to the Prince, and strongly represented to him the danger of allowing one so eloquent and so plausible to plead his cause before the King. These arguments were, according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd (from which these particulars are taken), backed up by an offer to pay the Prince a sum of 400 (or, as others say, of 1000) túmáns on condition that Jenáb-i-Kuddús should be surrendered unconditionally into his hands. To this arrangement the Prince, whether moved by the arguments or the túmáns of the Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá, eventually consented, and Jenáb-i-Kuddús was delivered over to his inveterate enemy.
The execution took place in the meydán, or public square, of Bárfurúsh. The Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá first cut off the ears of Jenáb-i-Kuddús and tortured him in other ways, and then killed him with the blow of an axe. One of the
Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá's disciples then severed the head from the lifeless body, and others poured naphtha over the corpse and set fire to it. The fire, however, as the Bábís relate (for Subh-i-Ezel corroborates the Tárikh-i-Jadíd in this particular), refused to burn the holy remains; and so the Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá gave orders that the body should be cut in pieces, and these pieces case far and wide. This was done, but, as Hájí Mírzá Jání relates, certain Bábís not known as such to their fellow-townsmen came at night, collected the scattered fragments, and buried them in an old ruined madrasa or college hard by. By this madrasa, as the Bábí historian relates, had Jenáb-i-Kuddús once passed in the company of a friend with whom he was conversing on the transitoriness of this world, and to it he had pointed to illustrate his words, saying, "This college, for instance, was once frequented, and is now deserted and neglected; a little while hence they will bury here some great man, and many will come to visit his grave, and again it will be frequented and thronged with people."
Jenáb-i-Kuddús is said to have foretold his death and the manner thereof to several other persons, including his wife and her mother; and Subh-i-Ezel told me that he had seen at Teherán a letter in his handwriting, taken from his pocket when he was buried, wherein the date and manner of his death were clearly set forth; also that he had previously to the siege of Sheykh Tabarsí written a letter to Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh wherein the following sentence occurred:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]
"It is as though I had buried myself in the earth with seventy righteous men." This letter Subh-i-Ezel had copied at Baghdad.
As for the Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá, he did not escape the Divine vengeance; for, as the Tárikh-i-Jadíd relates, all the vital heat seemed to be withdrawn from his body, and even in the midst of summer he used to suffer so severely from cold that when he went to the mosque two chafing-dishes full of burning charcoal were carried with him and
placed on either side of him. Yet, in spite of these and the thick skin cloak which he wore, he could hardly remain long enough to perform his prayers, and used to hasten back as soon as he was able to his house, where, enveloped in wraps and covered with quilts, he would sit shivering over his kursí1.
Concerning the writings of Jenáb-i-Kuddús, see note 1 at the foot of p. 30 supra.
1 The kursí - much used by the Persians during winter - is, roughly speaking, like a large table with very short legs. A chafing-dish containing ignited charcoal is placed beneath it, as are also the legs of those who sit around it. With a good supply of quilts, pillows, and amusing books, it affords the means of passing a cold winter's day very comfortably.
[+CHAPTER18]
KURRATU'L-'AYN.
The appearance of such a woman as Kurratu'l-'Ayn is in any country and any age a rare phenomenon, but in such a country as Persia it is a prodigy - nay, almost a miracle. Alike in virtue of her marvellous beauty, her rare intellectual gifts, her fervid eloquence, her fearless devotion, and her glorious martyrdom, she stands forth incomparable and immortal amidst her countrywomen. Had the Bábí religion no other claim to greatness, this were sufficient - that it produced a heroine like Kurratu'l-'Ayn.
In this note I do not propose to repeat facts with which everyone who has studied the subject is acquainted, neither shall I attempt to re-tell a tale which has been already set forth by Gobineau in language far more eloquent than I can command. My purpose is merely to add such new particulars as I have been able to glean from the Tárikh-i-Jadíd and from oral tradition. Before proceeding to do this, I wish once more to call attention to the graceful poem by Marie von Najmájer whereof Kurratu'l-'Ayn is the heroine (see supra p. 207).
The following table, taken in conjunction with the remarks on pp. 197-198, supra, will sufficiently serve to indicate Kurratu'l-'Ayn's family relationships:-
Muhammad el-Burghani el-Kazvini. | ____________________________________________ | | | Haji Mulla Muham- Haji Mulla Muham- Haji Mulla 'Ali, mad Taki, called by mad Salih. who embraced the Shi'ites Shahid-i | the Babi doc -Thalith ('The Third | trines. Martyr'). | | | Mulla Muhmmad. = Kurratu'l-'Ayn.
Kurratu'l-'Ayn continued for some time at Kerbelá, where, seated behind a curtain, she used to lecture and preach to the disciples of the late Seyyid Kázim. The governor, becoming aware of this, wished to arrest her, but she hastily quitted Kerbelá without a passport and went to Baghdad, where she proceeded directly to the house of the chief Muftí, before whom she defended her creed and her conduct with great ability. The question whether she should be allowed to continue her teaching was submitted first to the Páshá of Baghdad and then to the central government, the result being that she was ordered to leave
Turkish territory. During her journey from Baghdad to Kirmánsháh and Hamadán she continued to preach, and made several converts to the Bábí faith, amongst these being Sheykh Sálih. the Arab, Sheykh Táhir, Mullá Ibrahím of Mahallát, and Sheykh Sultán the Arab. Certain of the Bábís, however, were at first disposed to regard her efforts with disapproval, and some of these even wrote to the Báb asking whether it was seemly for a woman to preach publicly to men. In reply the Báb not only sanctioned her preaching and applauded her zeal, but bestowed on her the title of Jenáb-i-Táhira ("Her Excellency the Pure"), whereupon those who had been disposed to censure her expressed contrition and penitence, and her high position in the Bábí church became uncontested.
From Hamadán Kurratu'l-'Ayn intended to go to Teherán, hoping, it is said, to be able to convert Muhammad Sháh himself; but her father Hájí Mullá Muhammad Sálih, being apprized of this plan, sent servants to intercept her and bring her home to Kazvín. Perhaps it was on her return thither that she was married to her cousin Mullá Muhammad the son of Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí, but of the date when this marriage was contracted I can find no indication. At all events the marriage must have been a most unhappy one, for Mullá Muhammad seems fully to have shared his father's hatred of the Sheykhís and Bábís, and finally Kurratu'l-'Ayn refused to live with him any longer.
The position of Kurratu'l-'Ayn, sufficiently irksome and even precarious already, was rendered perilous in the highest degree by the death of her uncle at the hands of certain Bábís (see p. 198 supra). Some have hinted that Kurratu'l-'Ayn was privy to this assassination, but of this there is absolutely no proof, and we may be sure that, had there been any evidence of her complicity, the Musulmáns would not have failed to make use of it to rid themselves of one who was well known to be amongst the most zealous supporters of the Báb. As it was, she was brought before the governor of Kazvín, charged by her husband with complicity in the murder of his father, and acquitted. Several of the Bábís were arrested and tortured, until finally one - Mírzá Sálih. of Shíráz, according to the
Táríkh-i-Jadíd, Sálih. Táhir according to Subh-i-Ezel - confessed that he, alone and unabetted, had compassed the death of the murdered mujtahid, in proof of which he described in detail how the murder had been committed, and where the blood-stained knife with which the deed was done might be found. This Sálih. was sent to Teherán with several others suspected of complicity, but he succeeded in making his escape, fettered as he was, to Mázandarán, where he was subsequently killed at Sheykh Tabarsí. As to the others arrested, Táríkh-i-Jadíd and Subh-i-Ezel are not completely in accord. Both agree, however, that Sheykh Sálih. the Arab and Mullá Ibrahím of Mahallát (who, as we have already seen were amongst the first proselytes gained by Kurratu'l-'Ayn) were of their number. The first of these was killed at Teherán; the second was taken back to Kazvín, where, in company with another (Sheykh Táhir according to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, Hájí Muhammad 'Alí according to Subh-i-Ezel), he was cruelly done to death by the populace. These were the first Bábís who were put to death in Persia. The Táríkh-i-Jadíd adds the name of another - an old man called Hájí Asadu'lláh - who died of cold and fatigue during his conveyance to Teherán.
Although Kurratu'l-'Ayn had been acquitted of all share in her uncle's death, it was clearly impossible for her to remain in Kazvín any longer, even had she desired to do so, which scarcely seems probable. She accordingly set out by way of Teherán for Khurásán, and was present at the celebrated meeting of the Bábí chiefs at Badasht (see Gobineau, pp. 180-184). From Badasht she turned back with Mullá Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh and his party towards Mázandarán. At this point the narrative of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd breaks off, neither is it, in spite of the author's promise, again renewed; while all other written histories are equally silent as to what befel Kurratu'l-'Ayn from the time that she separated from Mullá Muhammad 'Alí and his followers to the time when she was brought captive to Teherán and placed in the custody of Mahmúd Khán the Kalántar. From Subh-i-Ezel, however, I learned the following particulars. After separating from the Bábís who went to form the garrison of Sheykh Tabarsí, Kurratu'l-
'Ayn went to Núr, where she remained unmolested till the final suppression of the Mázandarán insurrection. She was then delivered up to the government authorities by the people of Núr and sent to Teherán. On her arrival there she was brought before Násiru'd-Din Sháh, who, on seeing her, said:-
She was accordingly placed under the custody of Mahmúd Khán the Kalántar, and in his house she remained till her execution in August A.D. 1852. Her imprisonment was not very rigorous, and she was occasionally seen by different Bábís under various pretexts. Her life, indeed, was in no jeopardy till the disastrous attempt on the Sháh's life by certain Bábís (see Note T infra and pp. 49-50 supra) made the mere profession of the Bábí faith a crime deserving not death only, but the most horrible tortures, and gave rise to that reign of terror which has been so vividly described by Gobineau (pp. 301-303), Lady Sheil (pp. 273-282), Polak (pp. 352-353), and Ussher (pp. 627-629). Even then Kurratu'l-'Ayn might, by abjuring her faith, have escaped death, and exchanged glorious martyrdom and immortal fame for a few brief years of life; but this her noble spirit scorned to do. That she met the cruel fate reserved for her with "superhuman fortitude" is a fact to which Dr Polak, who actually witnessed her execution, testifies in the following words:- "Ich war Zeuge von der Hinrichtung der Kurret el ayn, die vom Kriegsminister und seinen Adjutanten vollzogen wurde; die sch˘ne Frau erduldete den langsamen Tod mit übermenschlicher Stπrke." In what manner death was inflicted I have not been able to learn. Gobineau says that she was burned, but that the executioner first strangled her; Subh-i-Ezel says that the accounts of her death are various, one being that she was strangled with the bowstring in the Bágh-i-Íl-Khání; some with whom I conversed in Persia stated that she was killed in the Bágh-i-Lálé-zár; others that she was cast into a dry well in the garden of the palace called Nigáristán,
which well was then filled up with stones. However this may be, we have it on Polak's authority that her death was painful and lingering, and that she met it as a heroine should do.
I was anxious to discover from Subh-i-Ezel whether it was true, as has often been alleged, that Kurratu'l-'Ayn discarded the veil. His reply, so far as I can remember, was as follows:- "It is not true that she laid aside the veil. Sometimes, when carried away by her eloquence, she would allow it to slip down off her face, but she would always replace it after a few moments."
Kurratu'l-'Ayn's fame as a poetess is great, but during my sojourn in Persia I only succeeded in obtaining three of the poems attributed to her, viz. two short but very beautiful ghazals and a long masnaví. Of one of these ghazals I published the Persian text with a translation into English verse in my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889 (pp. 936-937 and 991). I now give the second, which, though its authorship is more disputed, certainly savours strongly of Bábí doctrines and modes of expression.
[half a page of Persian/Arabic text]
[half a page of Persian/Arabic text]
ON THE BÁBÍ SYSTEM OF FORMING DERIVATIVES.
One of the peculiarities of style especially affected by the Báb is the employment of all theoretically possible derivatives of roots, whether sanctioned by usage or not. The number of these derivative forms in Arabic is great, but of course no single root is susceptible to all the modifications which they represent. Custom and authority, as well as the intrinsic meaning of each root, limit the number of actual derivatives employed in any given case to a fractional part of those theoretically possible. It would appear that the Báb believed some special talismanic virtue to reside in each possible form of every Attribute of God. Thus in the Persian Beyán (Váhid, viii., ch. 2), he says:
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text, with seven footnotes]
"The quintessence of this chapter is this, that inasmuch as the degrees of Unity are fulfilled in seven letters, which are the Letters of Affirmation, therefore it hath been ordained that, according to the Mystery of the Truth, none shall inherit from the dead save seven persons, even as one can invoke God by every Attribute in seven degrees of that Attribute, as Unissimus, Unator, Unicus, Unus, Unatus, Unificiens, Unificatus1."
The 'Book of Names' (~~~), of which, according to Subh-i-Ezel's assertion, the extracts from a Bábí MS. published by Dorn in the Bulletin de l'Académie Impériale de St Pétersbourg for December 22nd, 1864, form part, appears to consist in great measure of these permutations2.
With regard to the derivatives formed as described in the text from the root Behá (~~~), the following passage, occurring in a MS. presented to me by Subh-i-Ezel and called by him ~~~ "the Five States" or "Grades" (because it contains specimens of each of the five styles into which the Báb divides his writings, concerning which see infra, Note U) may serve to give us some idea of what the letter in question must have been like. No attempt has been made to translate what is hardly capable of translation.
[four lines of Persian/Arabic text]
1 I trust that I may be pardoned the use of such words. Only in this way can one convey some idea of the original to the European reader unacquainted with Arabic.
2 See p. 202 supra.
[seven lines of Persian/Arabic text]
This short extract, containing over a dozen derivatives of the root in question, not more than half of which, if so many, could be supported by previous authority, will suffice to give an idea of this style of composition.[+CHAPTER20]
THE BÁB'S LAST NIGHT ON EARTH.
The account of the Báb's condemnation and execution contained in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd agrees in the main with the narratives of Gobineau and Kazem-Beg, but adds some curious particulars concerning what passed in the prison on the eve of the martyrdom. Of this passage I here give a translation.
"They imprisoned him who was athirst for the draught of martyrdom [i.e. the Báb] for three days [after sentence of death was passed], along with Áká Seyyid Huseyn [of Yezd] the amanuensis, and Áká Seyyid Hasan, which twain
were brothers wont to pass their time for the most part in the Báb's presence.
"Now before this event the Báb had, for the completion of the proof, graciously sent by means of Áká Seyyid Ahmad of Tabríz known as 'the scribe'1 Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí of Tabríz, and two other persons, sundry epistles containing exhortations, admonitions, and declarations of his truth to the doctors of Tabríz. At the time when these epistles were delivered one of the doctors had desired to show contempt and disrespect towards the blessed epistle. These forerunners of the field of courage put forward the foot of bravery to prevent this, and, their dispute ending in strife, were incarcerated in the prison of His Highness Prince Hamzé Mírzá; where, as is currently reported, two of them would seem to have been poisoned, though, according to one account, the Prince released them unknown to the doctors. But Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí was incarcerated till such time as the Báb was brought to the prison, and there obtained the honour of meeting him.
"On the very eve of the day whereon they martyred that gem of created essences [i.e. the Báb] he said to his companions, 'Tomorrow they will martyr me with boundless shame and dishonour. Let one of you now arise and slay me, so that I may not have to suffer all this dishonour and humiliation from the adversaries; for it is far pleasanter for me to be slain by the hand of friends than by the hands of enemies.' His companions, with expressions of sorrow and grief, sought to excuse themselves, save Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, who at once made as though he would obey the command. His comrades, however, anxiously seized his hand, crying, 'Such boldness and rashness is not the characteristic of true service.' 'This act of mine,' replied
1 The author appears to have confounded this Áká Seyyid Ahmad of Tabríz (who, according to Subh-i-Ezel's statement, disappeared altogether and broke off all communications with the Bábís after his escape from Tabríz) with Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of Kazvín, who was commonly known amongst the Bábís by the name of Mírzá Ahmad-i-Kátib ('the Scribe'). There seems to be no doubt that they were quite distinct persons, and that the title Kátib is wrongly applied to the Ahmad here spoken of. Cf. note 2 on p. 41 supra.
he, 'is not due to boldness, but rather to an excessive obedience, being [undertaken] in conformity with his command. After carrying out the order of His Highness [the Báb], I will assuredly pour out my own life also at his feet.' His Highness [the Báb] smiled, and, applauding his faithful devotion and sincere belief, said, 'Tomorrow, when they ask of you, renounce [me] and conceal your belief, for thus is the command of God now laid upon you, especially on Áká Seyyid Huseyn, with whom are the gems of knowledge1, which he must convey to the people of God and the seekers after the way of true guidance.' The [Báb's other] companions agreed, but Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí fell at the feet of His Highness [the Báb] and began to entreat and implore, thus praying with utmost self-abasement:- 'Deprive not this thy faithful servant of the blessing of thy presence, and graciously grant to this worthless dust and mote permission to lay down his life.' How much soever His Highness [the Báb] would have prevented him, he continued to pray, crave, and entreat, until [the Báb], through the exceeding kindness of his disposition, consented.
"Now when a little while had elapsed after the rising of the sun, they brought them without cloak ['abá] or coat [kabá], and having [only] their vests on their breasts and their nightcaps on their heads, to the governor's palace, where it was decreed that they should be shot. Áká Seyyid Huseyn the amanuensis and Áká Seyyid Hasan his brother renounced [the Báb] as they had been commanded, and were released, and Áká Seyyid Huseyn bestowed the gems of knowledge treasured in his bosom upon such as sought for them and were worthy of them, and, according to his instructions, conveyed and carried certain secrets of the religion to those who were entitled to receive them. He [subsequently] attained to the rank of martyrdom in Teherán." (Here follows the account of the execution of the Báb and Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, which, as it agrees substantially with that given in the present work and in other published accounts, I omit.)
1 i.e. the Báb's last words, behests, and directions.
According to Subh-i-Ezel, the Báb signified his acceptance of Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí's request that he might share in the glorious martyrdom of his Master in these words:-
If these words be authentic (and there is no reason for doubting that they are) they offer a most striking analogy to one of the last utterances of Jesus Christ (Luke xxiii. 43).
Whether the narrative of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd be altogether worthy of credence or not, there seems no reason to doubt that Seyyid Huseyn recanted, not, as Kazem-Beg asserts (i. pp. 375-377), from a craven dread of death, but in accordance with the command of his master, the object of this command being the preservation of the last words and writings of the Báb. When we consider how rare was the fear of death and torture amongst the Bábís, and how readily Seyyid Huseyn himself met his fate two years later (cf. Gobineau, pp. 300-301), it seems most improbable that he of all the Bábís, he, the chosen companion, amanuensis, and intimate friend of the Báb, should exhibit so craven a fear. Amongst the Bábís, at least, no stigma of even a temporary and bitterly repented failure of courage, such as is supposed by Gobineau, lies on the memory of Seyyid Huseyn. It is at least certain that he continued to correspond with Suleymán Khán and the other Bábí chiefs after the Báb's execution. Some of these letters, wherein he alludes to Tabríz as ~~~ ('the Place of the Blow') and ~~~ ('the Place of Martyrdom'), were shewn to me by Subh-i-Ezel. From these letters and Subh-i-Ezel's statements it would appear that Seyyid Huseyn was kept in custody for at any rate some considerable portion of the two years by which he survived his master.
Of the touching and beautiful letter written by Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí from his prison to his elder brother the text will be found at p. 992 and the translation at p. 938 of my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A.S.for 1889.[+CHAPTER21]
THE ATTEMPT ON THE SHÁH'S LIFE AND THE MASSACRE OF TEHERÁN.
The attempted assassination of Násiru'd-Din Sháh on Sunday August 15th, 1852, though very lightly touched on in the present work, is so fully described by the two Musulmán historians, Lady Sheil, Gobineau, Polak, Kazem-Beg and others, that I shall confine myself here to reproducing the substance of what was told me about this event by the nephew of one of the three Bábís actually engaged in the plot. This account naturally exhibits the Sháh's behaviour in a less heroic light than do the Musulmán chroniclers Sipihr and Rizá-Kulí Khán. I give it only for what it is worth, thinking that here, as elsewhere, the truth my lie between the two extremes.
According to this account, then, the Bábí conspirators were originally seven in number, but four of them drew back at the last moment from the projected enterprise. The three who actually made the attempt were Mullá Fathu'lláh of Kum, Sádik. of Zanján, and Mírzá Muhammad of Níríz1. These three approached the Sháh as he was riding out to the chase somewhat in advance of his retinue from the Palace of Niyávarán. The Sháh, supposing that they had some petition to prefer, allowed them to draw near without suspicion. When within a short distance of him one of the three Bábís (apparently the Nírízí) drew a pistol from his pocket and fired at the Sháh. Mullá
1 According to Násikhu't-Tawáríkh the conspirators were originally twelve in number. Of these, the names of four only - Sádik of Zanján, Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Wahháb of Shíráz, Mullá Fathu'-lláh of Kum, and Muhammad Bákir of Najafábád - are given. It is subsequently stated that all save three drew back at the last, and that of these three one was "a man of Níríz" (presumably the same Mírzá Muhammad mentioned above). Lady Sheil (op. cit., p. 274) says that four Bábís took part in the attack.
Fathu'-lláh of Kum then threw himself upon the King and dragged him from his horse on to the ground, meaning to cut his throat1. The Sháh, having almost fainted with terror, was already incapable of offering any further resistance, when a farrásh (still living, and, thanks to the service rendered by him on that day, in the enjoyment of a good pension) came up, struck the would-be assassin in the mouth, and cut down one of the other two conspirators. A moment after, one of the mustawfís arrived on the spot and threw himself as a shield on the Shah's body. The Sháh, imagining that it was another assassin, cried out, "Why do you wish to kill me? What harm have I done?" "It is I," answered the mustawfí, "all danger is past. Fear not." All danger was in fact over. As soon as it was evident that the attempt had failed and that the Sháh still lived, other retainers, who had at first hung back2, hastened forward to bear a part in the seizure of the two surviving assassins (for Sádik. of Zanján had already been killed). The two captives, on being interrogated, declared that they were Bábís, and that they had made the attempt with a view to avenging the blood of their Master. In spite of their frank confession, it was at first believed that the object of the attempt was political, and that it had been instigated by some rival claimant to the throne. Sádik. of Zanján, who was killed on the spot, was described by Subh-i-Ezel as a youth of short stature with very small eyes. He was the servant of Mullá Sheykh 'Alí ('Jenáb-i-'Azím') from whom he is said to have received the pistol with which he was armed. According to Subh-i-Ezel he alone fired at and wounded the Sháh, but the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh states that each of the three assassins discharged his pistol.
With regard to the Sháh's behaviour, it may not be altogether uninstructive to compare with the above account the following passage from the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh:- "The dust of perturbation settled not on the skirt of the
1 According to Gobineau (p. 282) the conspirators did not succeed in unhorsing the King. See also p. 289 of the same work. Lady Sheil, however, (op. cit., p. 274) says that the Sháh was dragged to the ground.
2 Cf. Polak's Persien, vol. i. p. 352.
patience and self-control of the King, whose elemental material God the Creator had leavened with the liver of the lion, the heart of Ardashír, the ardour of Shápúr, and the majesty of Tímúr; nor did the pellucid stream of his mind become troubled by the foulness and filth of these events. Neither did he urge his horse to leap aside, nor did he utter a word indicative of alarm or consternation. He kept his place on his poplar-wood saddle like some mountain of massive rocks, and, notwithstanding that wound, turned not aside in any direction, and carried not his hand to his hurt, so that those present in his escort knew not that any hurt had befallen the king or that he had suffered any wound."
Ká'ání of Shíráz, the most famous and the most talented of modern Persian poets, has two kasídas in celebration of the Sháh's escape from this danger. These will be found respectively at p. 26 and p. 254 of the edition of his works published at Teherán in A. H. 1302 (A.D. 1884). Although they add no new facts to the sum of our knowledge, they agree with the authorities already cited in stating that the attempt took place at the end of the month of Shawwál, and that those actually concerned therein were three in number. Thus in the first kasída Ká'ání says:-
So in the second kasída he says:-
1 The custom of shewing honour to a great man returning home from a journey by decapitating a sheep and throwing the bleeding head across his path is still maintained in Persia.
to all parts of the kingdom to publish the failure of the plot and the safety of the Sháh. The police of Teherán, instructed to make a diligent search for members of the obnoxious sect1, succeeded in surprising a gathering of a dozen Bábís in the house of Hájí Suleymán Khán2 the son of Yahyá Khán of Tabríz, and other arrests soon raised the total number of captives to nearly forty. Some few of these were able to prove their innocence in a manner which satisfied even their judges, little disposed as they were towards acquittals. Amongst these the Násikhu't-Tawáríkhmentions five, to wit:- Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí of Núr [Behá'u'lláh]; Mírzá Suleymán-Kulí; Mírzá Mahmúd, nephew of the above; Áká 'Abdu'lláh, the son of Áká Muhammad Ja'far; and Mírzá Jawád of Khurásán; all of whom were committed to prison pending further investigations.
The majority of those arrested, however, were condemned to death; and, according to the list given in the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh, twenty-eight of them expiated their faith with their lives. I say 'their faith' advisedly, for some of those doomed to death, such as Kurratu'l-'Ayn and Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd, had long been in strict confinement, and could not by any possibility have been concerned in the conspiracy. Others, such as Mullá Huseyn of Khurásán, were convicted solely on the evidence of Bábí writings found on their persons or in their houses. When a verdict of 'Not Guilty' bids fair to jeopardize the judge's reputation for loyalty, if not to place him in actual peril, acquittals in such a country as Persia are hard to win.
Weak as the evidence of criminality was in many cases, there could be little hope of averting the impending butchery; for so audacious an attempt demanded a commensurate revenge calculated to strike terror into the hearts of all. Efforts were nevertheless made by some of the European representatives at the Persian court to induce the Sháh to content himself with the execution of the condemned without subjecting them to the tortures which there was but too much reason to apprehend would be
1 Cf. Gobineau, p. 284 et seq.
2 Násikhu't-Tawáríkh
superadded to the death-penalty1. These efforts were fruitless. The Sháh's alarm and anger, far from diminishing, were constantly stimulated by the representations of his ministers, who succeeded in convincing him of the existence of a wide-spread disaffection which could only be checked by the most stringent measures2. Nor was this sense of dread confined to the King: it reacted on those who had inspired it, until, in Gobineau's words, "On ne savait plus sur quel terrain on se trouvait, et, faute de réalités qu'on ne saisissait pas, qui fuyaient devant toutes les recherches, on voyait errer autour de soi une multitude de fantômes. L'épouvante devint générale au camp du roi....En face, on avait une quarantaine de captifs muets; mais par derrière, savait-on ce qui s'agitait?"3
Then, because of this great fear, was devised that devilish scheme whereby all classes of society should be made to share in the bloodshed of that fatal day. It was suggested that if the responsibility for the doom of the captives rested solely on the Sháh, the Prime Minister, or the ordinary administrators of the law, these would become thereafter targets for the vengeance of the Bábís. If, on the other hand, a partition of the prisoners were made amongst the different classes; if a representative body of each of these classes were made responsible for the execution of one or more Bábís; and if it were further signified to the persons thus forced to act the part of executioners that the Sháh would be able to estimate their loyalty to himself by the manner in which they disposed of their victims4, then all classes, being equally partakers in the blood of the slain, would be equally exposed to the retaliation of the survivors, from whom they would be therefore effectually and permanently alienated, while at the same time the Sháh himself would avoid incurring the odium of the massacre. Such were the "Machiavellian means"5 adopted for the extirpation of the supposed conspirators.
Of the victims of that day the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh
1 Lady Sheil's Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia, p. 276.
2 Polak's Persien, vol. I. p. 352.
3 Gobineau, p. 290.
4 Gobineau, p. 292
5 Polak's Persien, vol. I. p. 352.
gives a complete list, which I here append. This list I read over to Subh-i-Ezel. The comments thereon made by him are added in square brackets.
(1) Mullá Sheykh 'Alí ("Jenáb-i-'Azím") was killed by the 'Ulamá.
(2) Seyyid Hasan Khurásání was hacked in pieces by the Princes.
(3) Mullá Zeynu'l-'Ábidín of Yezd was killed by the Mustawfís. [The Mustawfí'ul-memálik (Secretary of State), unwilling to shed blood, shut his eyes and fired his gun in the air, while another Mustawfí named Ibrahím of Núr only touched the prisoner with his penknife, leaving the bloody work to others less scrupulous. Mullá Zeynu'l-'Ábidín had succeeded once in escaping from his pursuers at Kum by throwing a handful of dust in their eyes]
(4) Mullá Huseyn of Khurásán was killed by the Nizámu'l-Mulk, Mírzá Sa'íd Khán, and the employés of the Foreign Office. [He had held no communication with Hájí Suleymán Khán or the other chief Bábís at Teherán, where he had but recently rented a house. A fragment of Bábí writing found in his house was the sole ground whereon he was convicted.]
(5) Mírzá 'Abdu 'l-Wahháb of Shíráz ['a youth of good understanding'] was killed by Ja'far-Kuli Khán the Prime Minister's brother, and his sons Mírzá 'Alí Khán, Músá Khán, and Zú'l-Fikár Khán.
(6) Mullá Fathu'lláh of Kum, the son of Mullá 'Alí Sahháf, who had fired the shot which wounded the King, was killed by Hájí 'Alí Khán the Hájibu'd-Dawla and his farráshes. Several incisions were made in his body, and in these lighted candles were inserted. After he had been tortured in this fashion for some time, the Hájibu'd-Dawla shot him in the back, and he was then hacked in pieces by the farráshes with knives. His execution took place at Niyávarán. [Subh-i-Ezel confirmed the fact that he suffered torture by lighted candles inserted in wounds inflicted on his body, but asserted that he, together with Hájí Suleymán Khán, was sawn in two.]
(7) Sheykh 'Abbás of Teherán was killed by the Kháns and nobles. [According to Subh-i-Ezel, however, he was suffered to escape privily.]
(8) Muhammad Bákir of Najafábád (near Isfahán), who had, on his own confession, taken an active part in the insurrections of Mázandarán and Zanján, was killed by the písh-khidmats (pages in waiting).
(9) Muhammad Takí of Shíráz was delivered over to the Mír-ákhúr (Master of the Horse) and the attendants of the Royal Stables. These first nailed iron horse-shoes on his feet, and then, in the words of the Musulmán historian, "broke up his head and body with clubs and nails."
(10) Muhammad of Najafábád was killed by the Eshik-ákásí-báshí, the Járchí-báshí, the Nasakchí-báshí, and their attendants.
(11) Mírzá Muhammad of Níríz, who had fought for the Bábí cause at Níríz, Sheykh Tabarsí, and Zanján1, was killed by Mírzá Muhammad Khán the Sar-kishík (captain of the guard) and the Yúz-báshís (centurions).
(12) Muhammad 'Alí of Najafábád was delivered over to the artillerymen. They first plucked out his eyes, and then blew him from the mouth of a gun.
(13) Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd (see preceding note, pp. 319-322) was killed by 'Azíz Khán Ajúdán-báshí, and the brigadier-generals, colonels, captains, and other officers.
(14) Áká Mahdí of Káshán (see note 1 on p. 46 supra) was slain by the farráshes.
(15) Mírzá Nabí of Damávand [a youth about twenty-one years of age] was sent to the College (Dáru'l-funún) of Teherán, by the professors and students of which he was torn to pieces.
(16) Mírzá Rafí' of Núr [a relation of Subh-i-Ezel's, aged about fifty years, and noted for his skill in calligraphy] was killed by the cavalry.
(17) Mírzá Mahmúd of Kazvín was hewn in pieces with daggers and knives by the men of the camel-artillery (zambúrakchíyán).
(18) Huseyn of Mílán, called by the Bábís "Abú 'Abdi'lláh," was slain by the soldiers with spears. [According
1 As the risings at Zanján and Níríz were almost simultaneous, though the former was not suppressed for two months after the termination of the latter, it would appear very improbable that any one person could have taken an active part in both.
to Subh-i-Ezel, Huseyn of Mílán acted most discreditably, being at once the most turbulent and eager for mischief and the most pusillanimous of those who professed to follow the Báb. When he came to Teherán from Tabríz, he took up his abode in the house of Hájí Suleymán Khán. While resident there, he began to advance various claims to spiritual authority, first declaring himself to be a reincarnation of the Imám Huseyn, and then "He Whom God shall manifest," whose coming the Báb had foretold. A considerable number of persons became his disciples, and, encouraged by this success, he seems to have meditated some act of violence, which was, however, discovered and frustrated by Subh-i-Ezel. He had a brother named Ja'far, who gave himself out as "King of Baghdad." Huseyn of Mílán, when arrested, would have saved himself by recanting and disclaiming all fellowship with the Bábís, but, while he was under examination, a child came in, and mockingly greeted him with the words "Es-selámu 'aleykum, yá Imám Huseyn" ("Peace be upon you, O Imám Huseyn!"). This sufficed to secure his conviction. It is worth noting that three other persons1 besides Huseyn of Mílán advanced vain claims to supreme authority in the Bábí church, to wit, Mírzá Asadu'llah of Tabríz surnamed Deyyan (see Gobineau, pp. 277-278); Seyyid Huseyn of Hindiyán near Muhammara, who gathered round him about forty disciples, and who, though not recognised or accredited by the Bábí chiefs, continued to send greetings to them while they were in exile at Baghdad; and Sheykh Isma'íl, believed to be still alive, who subsequently withdrew the claim which he had advanced.]
(19) Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of Kazvín (called by the Bábís "Mírzá Ahmad-i-Kátib"; see note 2 on p. 41 supra) was killed by the artillerymen.
(20) Lutf-'Alí of Shíráz was put to death by the royal footmen.
(21) Najaf of Khamsa was delivered over to the people of the city, who "with sticks and stones crimsoned the earth with his blood."
1 But see Note W infra, where, on the authority of the Ezelí controversial work called Hasht Bihisht, other pretenders are mentioned.
(22) Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshán, the merchant, was delivered over to Áká Mahdí the chief of the merchants (Maliku't-tujjár), and the other merchants and shop-keepers of the city, "each of whom inflicted a wound on him until he perished." [According to Subh-i-Ezel, Hájí Mírzá Jání took refuge in the sanctuary of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, which is situated about four miles south of Teherán. The sanctuary was, however, not respected in his case, and he was dragged forth. In compensation for this violation of the holy place the Sháh plated or replated the roof of the shrine with gold. Of Hájí Mírzá Jání's death Subh-i-Ezel gave a different version, according to which he was strangled with the bowstring. After he was let down, being supposed to be dead, he half raised himself, opened his eyes, gazed at his executioners, and then fell back dead. He had three brothers, two of whom were also Bábís. Of these two, one, Hájí Mírzá Ismá'íl, died in Teherán. The other, Hájí Mírzá Ahmad, was killed in Baghdad by certain Behá'ís1, he being one of those who refused to transfer their allegiance from Subh-i-Ezel to Behá. The Táríkh-i-Jadíd makes frequent mention of Hájí Mírzá Jání, and repeatedly quotes from a history of the Bábí movement which he wrote.]
(23) Hasan of Khamsa was slain by Nasru'lláh Khán the superintendent of the royal kitchen and his myrmidons.
(24) Muhammad Bákir of Kuhpáyé was slain by the Kájár chiefs with their swords.
(25) The body of Sádik. of Zanján, who was slain, as above narrated, while attacking the Sháh, was cut into several pieces, which were suspended from the different gates of Teherán.
(26) Hájí Suleymán Khán, the son of Yahyá Khán of Tabríz, and -
(27) Kásim of Níríz, who regarded himself as the successor of Seyyid Yahyá of Dáráb, were, by command of Áká Hasan the deputy-chief of the farráshes, wounded in many parts of their bodies, and in these wounds lighted candles were inserted. The two unfortunate men were thus paraded through the streets and bazaars of the city to
1 See Note W infra.
the sound of minstrelsy, while dust and ashes were hurled upon them by the spectators. After being made to traverse a great distance in this fashion, they were led out of the city, and sawn asunder into four quarters outside the Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím gate by the farráshes of the gaol. Their mangled remains were then attached to the city gates. [Vámbéry (Wanderungen und Erlebnisse in Persien, Pest, 1867, p. 299) gives a quite different account of Suleymán Khán's martyrdom, which runs as follows:- "Suleiman Chan, ein wohl-beleibter Mann, hatte zuerst vier Schnitte in die Brust bekommen, in welche brennende Kerzen gesteckt wurden und man führte ihn so lange im Bazar herum, bis das Wachs der Kerzen von den Flammen verzehrt war und der Docht sich später am herausfliessenden Fett des Delinquenten nähren musste. Darauf wurde ihm glühende schwere Hufeisen auf die nackten Fusssohlen angeschlagen und aufs Neue wurde er herum geführt, bis man ihm endlich alle Zähne vom Munde herausriss und in der Form eines Halbmondes auf den Schädel einschlug. Da starb er erst." The extraordinary heroism with which Suleymán Khán bore these frightful tortures is notorious, and I have repeatedly heard it related how he ceased not during the long agony which he endured to testify his joy that he should be accounted worthy to suffer martyrdom for his Master's cause. He even sang and recited verses of poetry, amongst them the following:-
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"I have returned! I have returned! I have come by the way of Shíráz!
I have come with winsome airs and graces! Such is the lover's madness!"
"Why do you not dance," asked the executioners mockingly, "since you find death so pleasant?" "Dance!" cried Suleymán Khán-
[page 334]
Gobineau (pp. 301-302) and Vámbéry (op cit., pp. 299-300) both assert that amongst the martyrs of that day were women and children, who rivalled the men in the fortitude wherewith they met death; but of this assertion (except as regards Kurratu'l-'Ayn) I have been unable to obtain any corroborative evidence from Musulmán or Bábí tradition. The crimes and cruelties which that day beheld are black enough without going beyond even the Muhammadan chronicles, and one would be reluctant to add to them, unless compelled to do so by convincing evidence. The wife of Hájí Suleymán Khán would appear from Subh-i-Ezel's account to have been in imminent peril, but by eating flies she induced so violent an attack of vomiting that her gaolers, believing her to be stricken with a mortal sickness, released her. Two women related to Subh-i-Ezel were arrested and imprisoned for a while in the house of Mahmúd Khán the Kalántar, but were subsequently sent back to their homes at Núr. A large reward was offered for the apprehension of Subh-i-Ezel (then residing at Núr), who actually conversed for some time with one of those sent out to arrest him without being recognized.[+CHAPTER22]
WRITINGS OF THE BÁB AND SUBH-I-EZEL.
On October 11th, 1889, I received a letter from Captain Young (dated September 30th) enclosing a letter and sundry other documents from Subh-i-Ezel. Amongst these documents was a list of some of the writings of the Báb and Subh-i-Ezel written out by the latter. Although this list does not profess to be complete, comprising only such works as were carried by the Bábí exiles to Baghdad, and although, in the absence of detailed information about the works enumerated therein, it is incapable of affording much help in the identification of Bábí MSS., I here append a translation of it, in the hope that it may serve in some measure to throw light on the very imperfectly explored bibliography of the sect. Explanatory notes of my own are added in square brackets.
"What was collected of the books of the Beyán of the remnant left from Persia, which was taken away in Baghdad, carried off by the relations of this humble one [i.e. Subh-i-Ezel].
[1] Commentary on the Kur'án in the style of the Kur'án, complete, 1 vol.
[2] Answers and Commentaries ~~~, 1 vol.
[3] Commentary on the Kur'án in the fashion of the verses of the Kur'án, complete, 1 vol.
[4] The Five Grades ~~~, 1 vol. [A MS. of this work was forwarded to me by Subh-i-Ezel with the letter above referred to. It comprises 395 pages of 14 lines each, and contains selections of pieces in each of the "five
grades" or "styles" employed by the Báb, the nature of which will be briefly discussed at the end of this note.]
[5] Verses ~~~, 2 vols.
[6] The Book of Recompense ~~~, 2 vols. [A small fragment of this work, transcribed by Subh-i-Ezel, is in my possession. One peculiarity thereof is the occurrence of groups of verses differing from one another only in one or two words. By combining the first letters of the divergent words or clauses proper names are formed, so that the book would appear to be in part a cabbalistic register of the names of believers. In the following specimen, which will render the nature of this procedure more clear, the catch-words are indicated by a line drawn over them:-
[ten lines of Persian/Arabic text]
[nine lines of Persian/Arabic text]
By combining the first letters of the catch-words in the above extract (after discarding the definite article, in cases where this is prefixed) we get the name ~~~ Hájí 'Abdu'l-Muttalib. Similarly the verses immediately succeeding these give the name ~~~ Hájí Muhammad Mahdí.]
[7] Supplications and Visitations~~~, 1 vol. [In my second article on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889, I described one of these "Visitations" under the name Ziyárat-námé (pp. 894-902, 1000), and attempted to prove its identity with Gobineau's "Journal du P≤lerinage" and with a Bábí MS. described by Mirza Kazem-Beg (ii, pp. 498-502). At that time I was not aware that the Báb had composed more than one work
of this character. I subsequently enquired of Subh-i-Ezel as to the authenticity of this work. In reply he wrote as follows:- "The 'Book of Visitation' (Kitáb-i-ziyárat) which you alluded to is from His Highness the Point (i.e. the Báb), and was after the 'Manifestation,' as its contents testify. He wrote many 'Visitations': it is not limited to one. But there is also a 'Book of Visitations' by myself. That is in another style, but there is in this land but a small portion thereof." Some of these 'Visitations' are included in the MS. of the 'Five Grades' mentioned above, amongst them being one designed for the use of pilgrims visiting the graves of the martyrs who fell at Sheykh Tabarsí. This, according to Subh-i-Ezel, was also composed by the Báb.]
[8] Prayers (~~~), 1 vol.
[9] Various Grades (~~~), unbound, 1 [vol.].
[10] Writings of the Scribe [probably Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd or Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of Kazvín] comprising what was revealed at Shíráz and Isfahán and during the journey of the Pilgrimage [to Mecca], 3 vols.
[11] The Best of Stories (~~~), 1 vol. [This work, better known as the 'Commentary of the Súra of Joseph,' is so called in allusion to Kur'án xii, 3, where the history of Joseph is thus characterized. Specimens of it have been published by Baron Rosen in vol. i of the Collections Scientifiques de l'Institut des Langues Orientales (St Petersburg, 1877), pp. 179-191. Some description of it, based on the extracts published by Baron Rosen, is given at pp. 904-909 of my second article on the Bábís. See also p. 3 supra, and note 3 thereon.]
[12] The Book of Names (~~~), comprising 361 Names, amongst which is the Name 'Musakkin' ('the Calmer'), incomplete, 2 vols. [The extracts from a Bábí MS. in the St Petersburg collection published by Dorn in the Bulletin de l'Académie Impériale de St Pétersbourg of Dec. 22nd, 1864, were pronounced by Subh-i-Ezel, to whose inspection I submitted them, to belong to this work.]
[13] Writings of the deceased Áká Seyyid Huseyn [of Yezd], original copy, 2 vols.
[14] Various Grades (~~~), 1 vol.
[15] The Book of Figures (~~~), 1 vol. [See note 1 on p. 42 supra, Mirza Kazem-Beg, ii, p. 498, and Gobineau, p. 498, note 1.]
[16] Sundry (~~~), 1 vol.
[17] Things appertaining to Jenáb-i-Sheykh-i-'Azím [Mullá Sheykh 'Alí, see Note T, p. 329 supra], 3 vols., together with his effects.
[18] Copies and originals of writings (~~~), tied up together in four bundles.
[19] Beyán, 1 vol. [Concerning the application of this name see below.]
[20] Prayers (~~~), 1 vol.
[21] Prayers and Visitations (~~~), 1 vol.
[22] The Best of Stories [see No. 11 supra], and another Beyán which is missing (~~~), 2 [vols.].
[23] The Five Grades [see No. 4 supra], 1 vol.
[24] Sundry (~~~).
[25] Another Book, 1 vol.
"Besides what was destroyed in Persia, some of which never reached [my] hand, and what went to foreign lands and was therefore ignored in [making out the catalogue of] the trust. What was promulgated [by the Báb] at first in Shíráz and other places [included] the Book of seven hundred Súras (~~~); the Book of the Proof (~~~, sic); the Book of the two Sanctu-
Êuaries (~~~); the [Book of] Justice (~~~); the Prayer of the two alifs (or, of the two thousand, ~~~); Epistles of the earlier period of the dispensation (~~~), each of which was sent to a different destination; the Commentary on the 'Bismi'lláh' (~~~); and the Commentary on [Súra ciii of the Kur'án beginning] 'Wa'l-'asr' (see supra, p. 11).
"As to what appertained to [i.e. was composed by] the 'Name of the Last' (~~~) [by which title, as Subh-i-Ezel explained elsewhere, Mullá Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh, called by the Bábís Jenáb-i-Kuddús, is intended], but little remained in [my] hands. All the rest passed into the hands of strangers. Amongst other things the Commentary on [the opening chapter of the Kur'án entitled 'Al-]Hamd,' [the eloquence of] which was beyond the power of man, was entirely destroyed, and no copy remained in [my] possession."
"What appertaineth to this humble one [i.e. Subh-i-Ezel], apart from that whereof the existence in Persia is unknown [i.e. besides what may exist in Persia unknown to me].
[1] The Book of Light (~~~), 1 vol. [See Gobineau, pp. 312-313; B. ii. pp. 939-942; and M. C. Huart's Note sur trois ouvrages Bâbis in the Journal Asiatique for 1887 (série viii, tome x, pp. 133-144). M. Huart identified the first of the three works which he described with the Book of Light mentioned by Gobineau, but did not fail to observe the discrepancy in size between the "assez gros in-folio" of the latter writer and the small volume which was the subject of his own description. The solution of the difficulty appears to be that there are two separate works bearing the same name, both composed by
Subh-i-Ezel. I forwarded an abstract of M. Huart's description of the supposed Book of Light to Subh-i-Ezel, who replied as follows:- "The Book of Light is by this humble one [i.e. by myself], but there are two Lights, a first and a second. If it be the second, it will be worthy of attentive perusal, and will be a voluminous work. Some of the names of the súras which you wrote are from the Book of Light, provided that there be not therein interpolations of enemies, such as my relatives have effected in some cases, inserting their own calumnies in certain epistles; though to him who hath knowledge of God this will be apparent." The Book of Light mentioned in this list is, as I ascertained during my sojourn at Famagusta, the larger of the two works bearing this name.]
[2] The Highest Heaven (~~~), 1 vol. [Of this work Subh-i-Ezel mentioned two copies, one in Persia, and one (the same here mentioned) in the hands of the Behá'ís at Acre.]
[3] Miscellaneous (~~~), 1 vol.
[4] The Wakeful, &c (~~~), 1 vol. [A copy extant in Persia.]
[5] Writings of the Scribe (~~~), 2 vols. [By "the Scribe," as subsequently explained by Subh-i-Ezel, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of Kazvín is intended. See note 2 on p. 41 supra.]
[6] Tracts, &c., of [the nature of] Visitations (~~~), 1 large vol.
[7] Another book, miscellaneous, 1 vol.
[8] Commentary on the Kasída, and other miscellaneous writings (~~~), unbound, 1 vol.
[9] [Book of] Light, unbound, 1 vol. [The same as No. 1 supra.]
[10] Verses (~~~), 1 vol.
"Besides what may exist unknown [to me] in other
lands, and entirely apart from [what exists in] the prison of this land. All these books and epistles have disappeared, save what have remained in other countries and the few which remain in this land."
In the letter accompanying this list Subh-i-Ezel wrote as follows concerning the fate of the Báb's works generally and of those above enumerated in particular:-
"As to what you asked concerning the existence of certain epistles, it is even as you have heard, leaving out of account that which from first to last passed into the hands of strangers, whereof no copy was preserved. At the time of the martyrdom [of the Báb] at Tabríz, as they wrote from thence, many of the original writings passed into the hands of persons belonging to the country of your Excellency or to Russia, amongst these being even autograph writings of His Highness the Point [i.e. the Báb]. Search is necessary, for to read the originals is difficult. If this humble one be applied to, copies thereof will be sent. What I myself arranged and copied out while at Baghdad, and what was commanded to be collected of previous and subsequent [writings] until the Day of Martyrdom [of the Báb], was nigh upon thirty volumes of bound books. I myself wrote them with my own hand, and up to the present time I have written many. The originals and copies of these, together with what was in the writing of others, sundry other [books] written in proof of this religion by certain learned friends1, and what I myself wrote and compiled, amounted to numerous volumes, as [recorded in] the list thereof [which] I have sent. For some years all of these were in a certain place in the hands of a friend as a trust. Afterwards they were deposited in another place2.
1 In answer to a question as to the nature and authorship of the works here alluded to, Subh-i-Ezel informed me that the Báb declared it to be a meritorious action for each of his followers who was competent thereunto to compose a treatise in defence of the Faith. Many such treatises were accordingly composed by the more learned Bábís, amongst them being one by Jenáb-i-'Azím (Mullá Sheykh 'Alí), and one called ~~~ ('The seven hundred') by Jenáb-i-Táhira (Kurratu'l-'Ayn)
2 One of these depositaries, as I subsequently learned from [footnote goes onto page 343] Subh-i-Ezel, was Áká Seyyid Jawád, who died lately at Kirmán. The other was a certain merchant of great wealth whom I cannot more particularly designate.
Eventually I entrusted them to my own relatives1, [in whose keeping] they were preserved for a while; for, inasmuch as the friends of this recluse [i.e. myself] had attained unto martyrdom through the equity and justice of the oppressors of the age, who consider themselves as seekers after truth and just men, there was no resource but that this humble one [i.e. myself] should make his relatives his trustees. So did this humble one; and whatever [was mine] of books and epistles was [deposited] in their house. The vicissitudes of the world so fell out that these also unsheathed the sword of hatred and wrought what they would. They cruelly put to the sword the remnant of [my] friends who stood firm2, and, making strenuous efforts, got into their hands such of the books of His Highness the Point as were obtainable, with the idea of destroying them, and [thereby] rendering their own works more attractive. They also carried off my trust [i.e. the books above referred to committed to their care], and fell not short in anything which can be effected by foes."
As to the meaning of the word Beyán, Subh-i-Ezel writes in another passage of the same letter as follows:- "But in the Beyán different grades (~~~) are observed. The first grade is like [i.e. in the style of] previous [sacred] books; the second [is] of the nature of supplications and prayers (~~~); the third [is] the grade of homilies (~~~), wherein he had regard to clearness and eloquence; the fourth [comprises] scientific treatises (~~~), commentaries, and answers to en-
1 By his 'relatives' Subh-i-Ezel means his half-brother Behá'u'llah and those of his kindred who followed him. I never heard Subh-i-Ezel allude to Behá'u'llah and his followers by name. When he spoke of them at all (which he did but rarely) it was as his 'relatives,' the 'people at Acre,' or the 'Mírzá'ís'
2 See Note W infra.
quirers; the fifth [comprises what is written] in the Persian language, which is [in substance] identical with the aforementioned grades, 'for that all this is watered with one water'."
This statement of what is meant by the term Beyán is (with the exception of some slight differences in the arrangement of the 'grades') fully corroborated by the Persian Beyán, which, at the beginning of Váhid iii, ch17, has the following passage:-
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"The substance of this chapter is this, that all the writings of the Point [i.e. the Báb] are named Beyán. But this name is, in its primary nature, peculiar to verses [i.e. verses written in Arabic in the style of the Kur'án]; then it is uttered in its secondary nature in regard to supplications; then in its tertiary nature in regard to commentaries; then in its quaternary nature in regard to scientific treatises; then in its quinary nature it is used in regard to Persian words [i.e. writings and discourses]. But properly speaking this name [of Beyán] is peculiar to verses, and [is applicable] to nought else."
Again in Váhid vi, ch. 1, the following passage occurs:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic text]
[seven lines of Persian/Arabic text, with one footnote]
"The name Beyán is, in its primary nature, applied to verses alone, for they are the chiefest proof and greatest argument, which point not save unto God alone. But in its secondary nature it is applied to supplications; in its tertiary [nature] to commentaries; in its quaternary [nature] to scientific treatises; and in its quinary [nature] to Persian words. But all [these] are mentioned in the shadow of [i.e. as subsidiary or subordinate to] verses, for, although that mysterious eloquence which is apparent in the first [grade] is also observable [or, if we adopt B's reading, latent] in the last, yet, since all cannot understand, they [i.e. the lower grades] are not mentioned [as a proof]."
From all this it follows that, although the book generally known as the Persian Beyán is a definite work of limited extent, we can no longer employ the term Arabic Beyán in an equally definite sense. As Subh-i-Ezel states in another letter, as a rule only those books which were composed by the Báb during the earlier part of his mission received special names, while at a later date all that he 'uttered' or 'revealed' was named collectively Beyán ('Utterance' or 'Revelation'). Some of these 'utterances' (such as the
'verses' recited by the Báb before his judges at Tabríz, concerning which see Gobineau, pp. 261-262) can hardly have been preserved at all, much less were all ever collected into a single work, though, according to Subh-i-Ezel, a selection in nineteen volumes was compiled, or ordered to be compiled, during the Báb's lifetime. Gobineau, with his usual acumen, appears to have clearly apprehended this peculiar and elastic use of the term Beyán, for he says (p. 311):- "Le mot Biyyan, une fois employé par le Bâb, lui parut convenir tr≤s-bien pour désigner la sph≤re d'idées dans laquelle sa pensée se mouvait, et il le donna d≤s lors pour titre ˆ tout ce qu'il composa." When, therefore, he speaks of "a Beyán written in Persian, which is not the commentary on the first Beyán written in Arabic," and of "a third Beyán, likewise composed by the first Báb," he apparently intends merely to signalize certain specially noteworthy parts of that almost limitless mass of religious literature emanating from the Báb which is known collectively as the Beyán.
From what has been said it is evident that the short list of the Báb's works which I gave at the end of my second article on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889 (pp. 1000-1002) requires much alteration both in the way of correction and extension. The sum total of the Báb's writings would appear, both from the Persian Beyán and from the Táríkh-i-Jadíd, to have been enormous; and, though much of this mass of literature perished, much is still preserved in Persia and elsewhere in the East. Quite recently I received from Subh-i-Ezel MSS. of the Commentary on the Súratu'l-'asr (see supra, p. 11, and B. ii. p. 912) and the Commentary on the Súratu'l-Bakara (see B. ii, pp. 902-903, 912), which had been brought from Persia to Cyprus during the present year (1890). Of the genuineness of these MSS. I entertain no doubt. Four other MSS. of different works composed by the Báb (amongst which are included the Commentaries on the Súras called Kawthar and Yúsuf) were brought to Cyprus at the same time, but of these I have not yet obtained copies1. Of the Súra-i-
1 Since writing the above I have received two of these four MSS. One of them is the commentary on the Súratu'l- Kawthar [footnote goes onto page 347] above mentioned. It contains 227 pages, and is dated Zi'l-Hijjé 4th, A.H. 1296 (Nov. 19, A.D. 1879). The other, a much larger work, is named by Subh-i-Ezel "Commentary on the Names" (~~~).
Yúsuf at least two copies are preserved in Europe, one (numbered Or. 3539) in the British Museum, and one (fully described by Baron Rosen at pp. 179-191 of vol. i of the Collections Scientifiques &c.) at St. Petersburg.[+CHAPTER23]
TEXTS FROM THE PERSIAN BEYÁN ILLUSTRATING THE BÁB'S VIEW OF HIS RELATION TO 'HIM WHOM GOD SHALL MANIFEST.'
(1) The whole Beyán revolves round the saying of
'Him whom God shall manifest.'
[Váhid iii, ch. 3.]
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text, with five footnotes]
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text, with two footnotes]
"The third chapter of the third Váhid. Concerning this, that the Beyán and whosoever is therein revolve round the saying of Him whom God shall manifest, even as the Alif [i.e. the Gospel, Injíl] and whosoever was therein revolved round the saying of Muhammad the Apostle of God, and as that which God revealed unto him at first and whosoever was therein revolved round that which he said at the period of his later manifestation. The quintessence of this chapter is this, that the gaze of the Beyán is not extended save towards Him whom God shall manifest, for none but He hath raised or doth raise it up, even as none but He hath sent or doth send it down. And the Beyán and such as are believers therein yearn more after Him than the yearning of any lover after his beloved."
[four lines of Persian/Arabic text, with two footnotes]
"I swear by the Most Holy Essence of God (Glorious and Splendid is He!) that in the day of the manifestation of Him whom God shall manifest if one should hear a single verse from Him and recite it, it is better than that he should recite the Beyán a thousand times."
[The same assertion is repeated in slightly different words in Váhid vi, ch. 6.]
[Váhid ii, ch. 7. The passage referred to will be found in Note C at pp. 224-225].
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text, with one footnote]
"All the splendour [Behá] of the Beyán is He whom God shall manifest. All mercy be on him who believeth, and all chastisement on him who believeth not in Him."[+CHAPTER24]
MÍRZÁ YAHYÁ "SUBH-I-EZEL."
After the Báb himself, Behá'u'lláh and Subh-i-Ezel are without doubt the most important figures in the history of Bábísm. To the words and deeds of the former a large
portion of the present work is devoted, while the latter, when mentioned, is spoken of slightingly as a mere "man of straw." One whose knowledge of Bábí history should be limited to the account given in this Traveller's Narrative would, therefore, by no means properly apprehend the importance of the part actually played by Subh-i-Ezel. In my opinion it is proved beyond all doubt that the Báb ere his death chose him as his successor, duly appointing him as such by the form of words which I published at pp. 996-997 of my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889, and that during the period which elapsed from the Báb's death till the advancement of Behá'u'lláh's claim to be "Him whom God shall manifest" (i.e. from 1850 to 1864 at any rate) he was recognized by all the Bábís as their spiritual chief. Even now the number of his followers, though small in comparison to that of the Behá'ís, is considerable; and since, in addition to all this, the old Bábí doctrines and traditions, which have undergone considerable modification at the hands of Behá'u'lláh, are preserved intact by Subh-i-Ezel, I have considered it incumbent on me to embody in a separate note all the more important facts relating to him which I have been able to ascertain, together with a complete account of the Bábís exiled to Cyprus based on the most authentic documents.
The sources from which my information is derived are, broadly speaking, four in number, as follows:-
(1) Letters received from Subh-i-Ezel himself between August 1889 and the present time, the correspondence still continuing. In only one or two of these letters, however, does he speak of his own adventures and circumstances with any approach to freedom.
(2) Conversations between Captain Young or myself on the one hand and Subh-i-Ezel or his sons on the other. In the numerous and protracted interviews which I had with Subh-i-Ezel between March 22nd and April 4th, 1890, I was able to recur for my own satisfaction to almost every point which the preliminary enquiries kindly undertaken by Captain Young had first elicited.
(3) Offical documents relative to the exiles preserved in the archives of the Cyprus government. Sir Henry Bulwer, with a kindness and courtesy for which I cannot
sufficiently express my gratitude, permitted me freely to inspect and copy all the more important of these documents, and, with one exception, to make use of the information therein contained, as has been set forth in detail in the Introduction.
(4) A bulky MS. of a hitherto unknown Ezelí controversial work entitled Hasht Bihisht ("The Eight Paradises"), which I was fortunate enough to obtain a few days ago (February 2nd, 1891) from a learned Ezelí resident in Constantinople. The whole of this work is not at present in my possession, 10 fasciculi (160 pp.) out of the middle having unfortunately fallen into the hands of the Philistines after they had been written out by the scribe. The original MS. is, however, in safe keeping, and in the course of a month or two I hope to receive a fresh transcript of the missing portion, which extends from p. 128 to p. 329 inclusive1. The whole work contains nearly 450 pp., and deals chiefly with the philosophical basis of Bábíism, its superiority to other religions, and the proofs of its divine origin; but a great deal of information is also given about the history, especially the later history, of the movement. The account given of the schism which separated the Behá'ís from the Ezelís is, especially when taken in conjunction with the version given in this present work, extremely instructive; and the polemical portion, wherein the claims of Behá are attacked, and those of Subh-i-Ezel defended, is full of interest. At some future date I hope to give a fuller notice of this valuable work, but for the present I must needs content myself with extracting from it the chief facts recorded concerning the life of Subh-i-Ezel.
How best to deal with the information scattered through these numerous documents, notes, and letters in manner which shall combine reasonable brevity with sufficient fullness is a matter which has cost me considerable thought. The plan which I have finally decided to follow is to give firstly, a full and literal translation of a short section of the Hasht Bihisht entitled Sharh-i-hál-i-Hazrat-i-Thamara-i-
1 The fresh transcript of the missing portion reached me on March 23rd, 1891.
Beyán ("Elucidation of the circumstances of His Highness the Fruit of the Beyán"); secondly, a brief abstract of the account given in the same work of the origin and progress of the schism; thirdly, an epitome of the information derived directly from Subh-i-Ezel, either by letter or in conversation; and lastly, a resumé of the official documents preserved in the archives of the Cyprus government.
"Now during the two last years [of the Báb's mission], when the five years' cycle1 of the 'Minor Resurrection' had come to an end, the manifestation of His Highness the Eternal (Hazrat-i-Ezel) took place. And he, being then nineteen years of age, appeared in the hamlet of Takúr in [the district of] Núr of Mázandarán, and began with untaught tongue (lisán-i-ummí) to utter the Innate Word (kalima-i-zátí) and spontaneous verses (áyát-i-fitrí). When the first letter from him was conveyed by means of Mírzá 'Alí Sayyáh. to His Highness the Point [i.e. the Báb], the latter instantly prostrated himself to the earth in thankfulness, saying, 'Blessed be God for this mighty Luminary which hath dawned and this noble Spathe which hath arisen in the night2,' testifying of him that he spoke spontaneously and by the Self-Shining Light, which is the Innate Word, the Natural Reason ('akl-i-fitrí), the Holy Spirit, the Immediate Knowledge ('ilm-i-laduní), the Suffi
1 A passage in the Dalá'il-i-sab'a ("Seven Proofs"), to which I referred at p. 913 of my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889, affords confirmatory evidence of what is here alleged concerning the date of Subh-i-Ezel's first appearance. This passage runs as follows: [six lines of Persian/Arabic text].
2 [one line of Persian/Arabic text]
cing Light (núr-i-mustakfí), or, after another manner of speech, by Inspiration (wahy), Revelation (tanzíl), and Illumination (fardáb ú fartáb).
"At this time His Highness the Point was imprisoned on the mountain of Makú, and he therefore sent the writings of His Highness the Eternal for each of the Letters of the Living and the chief believers, testifying to his [i.e. Hazrat or Subh-i-Ezel's] innate capacity (fitrat), and calling him by the names of 'Fruit of the Beyán' (Thamara-i-Beyán), 'Morning of Eternity' (Subh-i-Ezel), 'Countenance' (Wajh), 'Splendour of God' (Behá'u'lláh), 'Mirror' (Mir'at), 'Crystal' (Bellúr), 'Essence of Sweet Perfume' (Jawhar-i-Káfúr)1, 'Sun of Eternity' (Shams-i-Ezel), 'Second Point' (Nukta-i-thání), 'One' (Wahíd)2, 'the Living, the Speaking' (Hayy3, see Gobineau, p. 320. Subh-i-Ezel's name Yahyá not only contains the root hayy (indeed by merely altering the vowel-points it becomes Yuhyí, "he quickens," or "gives life"), but is also, as has just been pointed out, numerically equivalent to Wahíd "One," another word of singular virtue.]-i-Nátik), and sundry other titles. Having designated Hazrat-i-Ezel as his successor, he made over to him generally and particularly all the affairs of the Beyán, even transferring to him the [right of] disclosing the eight 'paths' (manhaj) of the Beyánic ordinances4 which had [hitherto] remained con-
1 Cf. Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, Book i, part vii, p. 2622, col. 3, s. v. ~~~, and Kur'án, lxxvi, 5. For an instance of the employment of this expression (which occurs repeatedly in the Báb's writings), see Mirza Kazem-Beg's last article in the Bábís in the Journal Asiatique for 1866 (sixième série, vol. viii) p. 501, last line.
2 The numerical equivalent of Wahíd (28) is the same as that of Yahyá. [See my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S for 1889, pp. 996-997.]
3 Concerning the sacred nature of the word ~~~.
4 By these 'eight paths' of the Beyán are evidently intended the unrevealed Váhids. Gobineau, whose penetration suffered nothing to escape him, has not failed to notice that the Beyán - or rather Beyáns, for, as has been pointed out, there are several - are purposely left incomplete. I cannot do better than quote his own words (p. 332):- "Le Biyyan étant le livre divin par excellence, doit nécessairement être constitué sur le nombre divin, [footnote goes onto page 354] c'est-à-dire sur le nombre 19. Il est donc composé, en principe, de 19 unités ou divisions principales, qui, à leur tour, se subdivisent chacune en 19 paragraphes. Mais le Bâb n'a écrit que onze de ces unités, et il a laissé les huit autres au véritable et grand Révélateur, à celui qui complétera la doctrine, et à l'égard duquel le Bâb n'est autre chose que ce qu'était saint Jean-Baptiste devant Notre-Seigneur."
cealed within the Divine Volition (whereon their disclosure depended), in case the time should demand this.
"In short, during the two last years [of the Báb's life and mission] all that emanated from the Supreme Pen bore reference to His Highness the Fruit [of the Beyán], whom he [i.e. the Báb] recommended to all the people of the Beyán, saying that should they bring sorrow, even to the extent of the mention of aught, on his holy heart, all their good works and devotions would become as scattered dust. Of the words of His Highness the Point [i.e. the Báb] still extant at the present day, what bears reference to the Fruit [of the Beyán, i.e. Subh-i-Ezel] exceeds 20,000 verses, not counting what has disappeared. And for ten years after [the death of] His Highness the Point all the people of the Beyán were unanimous and agreed as to the bestowal of the successorship on His Highness the Eternal [i.e. Subh-i-Ezel]. And he abode for more than two years in Teherán and Shimírán, whence he departed into Mázandarán, whence again (because men had been stirred up on behalf of the government to seek him out) he set out disguised in the garb of a dervish for Hamadán and Kirmánsháhán1. Thence he proceeded to the Abode of Peace of Baghdad2, and in reference to this the 'Tongue of the Unseen' [i.e. the poet Háfiz] says:-
1 Cf. pp. 51-52 supra.
2 Dáru's-salám ("the Abode of Peace") is the official title of Baghdad, just as Teherán is called Dáru'l-khiláfat ("the Abode of the Caliphate"), Isfahán Dáru 's-saltanat ("the Abode of the Sovereignty"), Shíráz Dáru 'l-'ilm ("the Abode of Knowledge"), Yezd Dáru 'l-'ibádat ("the Abode of Worship"), Kirmán Dáru 'l-amán ("the Abode of Security"), and the like. The Bábís, so prone to regard such coincidences, attach great importance to this title of Baghdad (which for eleven or twelve years was their head-quarters and rallying-point and the home of their chiefs), and quote as prophetic Kur'án vi, 127:- ~~~ [footnote goes onto page 355] ~~~ ("Theirs is an Abode of Peace beside their Lord, and He is their Protector by reason of that which they have done").
Here ends that section of the Hasht Bihisht which I deemed it desirable to translate in full. It is followed by a section entitled Sharh-i-hál-i-'ijl ú Sámirí ("Elucidation of the circumstances of the Calf and Sámirí")2, which in
1 This verse I have generally heard somewhat differently quoted; see B. ii, pp. 993-994 and note 2 at foot of former page. My MS. of the Hasht Bihisht puts "Ahwáz" in the margin as an alternative reading for "Shíráz." The couplet is not to be found in the Díván of Háfiz. - at least in any of the copies which I have seen.
2 Allusion is made to the Golden Calf which the Children of Israel were misled by Sámirí into worshipping. (See Kur'án, vii, 146; xx, 87, et seq.; and numerous other passages.) By 'the Calf' the Ezelí controversialist, of course, means Behá'u'lláh (or, [footnote goes onto page 356] as he calls him throughout, Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí), and by 'Sámirí,' Áká Mírzá Áká Jan (abusively designated as the "scald-headed soap-seller of Káshán"), to whom he attributes a rôle similar to that wherewith Seyyid Muhammad of Isfahán is credited by the Behá'ís at pp. 93-98 of the present work. Concerning Áká Mírzá Áká Ján (called by the Behá'ís Jenáb-i-Khádimu 'lláh, "His Excellency the Servant of God") see Introduction, and also B. i, p. 519.
turn is succeeded by another entitled Sharh-i-hál-i-fitné-i-saylam ("Elucidation of the Direful Mischief"), by which is meant the succession (according to the Ezelí view) of Behá and his followers. These sections occupy many pages, are of a violently polemical character, and contain grave charges against the Behá'ís and vehement attacks on their position and doctrines. The gist of their contents is given in the following abstract.
Subh-i-Ezel having retired into a seclusion inviolable save to a chosen few, his elder brother Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí [Behá'u'lláh] found the practical direction of affairs in his own hands. Now he was a man who from his youth upwards had associated and mixed with men of every class, whereby he had acquired a certain "breadth of disposition" (was'at-i-mashrab) and "religious pliability" (rakháwat-i-maz-hab) which attracted round him men of like mind, to whom some slackening of the severer code of the Beyán was not unwelcome. Certain of the old school of Bábís, such as Mullá Muhammad Ja'far of Nirák, Mullá Rajab 'Alí "Kahír," Hájí Seyyid Muhammad of Isfahán1, Hájí Seyyid Jawád of Kerbelá, Hájí Mírzá Ahmad-i-Kátib2, the Mutawallí-báshí (Chief Custodian of the Shrine) of Kum, Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Rizá, and others, perceiving this tendency to innovation and relaxation, remonstrated so vigorously with Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí that he left Baghdad in
1 See pp. 93-98 supra.
2 Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of Kazvín is generally designated by this title (see supra, pp. 41-42, and footnote to former), but, as he was killed at Teherán in 1852, either this must be a mistake, or some other person bearing the same name must be intended.
wrath and went towards Suleymániyyé, in the neighbourhood of which he abode amongst the Kurds for nearly two years1 During all this period his whereabouts was unknown to the Bábís at Baghdad. When at length it became known, Subh-i-Ezel wrote a letter to him inviting him to return.
About this time Mírzá Asadu'lláh entitled "Deyyán2" (one of the second group of "Letters of the Living" or "Second Unity"), called by the author of the Hasht Bihisht "the Judas Iscariot of this people," who had been appointed by the Báb amanuensis to Subh-i-Ezel, and who was learned in the Hebrew and Syriac languages, declared himself to be "He whom God shall manifest"; and one Mírzá Ibráhím forthwith believed in him. Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí [Behá'u'lláh], after a protracted discussion with him, instructed his servant Mírzá Muhammad of Mázandarán to slay him, which was accordingly done. Shortly after this, Mírzá 'Abdu'lláh called Ghawghá ["Conflict"] advanced the very same claim; and he in turn was followed by Huseyn of Mílán, commonly known as "Huseyn Ján," who made the same pretension in Teherán4 The matter did not end even here, for these pretenders were followed by Seyyid Huseyn of Isfahán4, and Mírzá Muhammad "Nabíl" of Zarand, called "the tongue-tied" (akhras)5;
1 Cf. pp. 64-65 supra, and verse 6 of Nabíl's chronological poem at pp. 983 and 987 of my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889. Subh-i-Ezel also mentioned that Behá'u'lláh withdrew for some while from Baghdad because he "got angry" (kahr kard).
2 See Gobineau, pp. 277-278. The passage is quoted in full on p. 365 infra.
3 See supra, pp. 330-331. If Huseyn of Mílán was killed at Teherán in 1852, it is evident that whatever claim he advanced was long anterior to this period, for, according to Nabíl's chronological poem (B. ii, pp. 983-984 and 987, verses 6 and 7), Behá'u'lláh was 40 years old when he returned from Kurdistán to Baghdad, which, as he was born in A.H. 1233, must have been in A.H. 1273 (= A.D. 1856-7).
4 Or of Hindiyán. See p. 331 supra, and cf. Gobineau, p. 278.
5 The same Nabíl who is now at Acre, and who wrote the chronological poem referred to in the last footnote but one. Some poems attributed to him and written apparently during the [footnote goes onto page 358] period of his claim are in my possession. In one of them the following verse occurs:-
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"I am the uplifted Tree of Life; I am the hidden and apparent Fruit;
I am the King of Kings of the Beyán, and by me is the Beyán exalted."
until, to quote verbatim from the Hasht Bihisht, "the matter came to such a pass that everyone on awakening from his first sleep in the morning adorned his body with this pretension."
Now when Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí beheld matters in this disordered state, he bethought himself of advancing the same claim himself (considering that from the prominent position which he had long held as practical director of affairs, he stood a better chance of success than any previous claimant), and in this idea he was greatly encouraged by Áká Mírzá Áká Ján of Káshán. Little by little his resolution took more definite shape, and he fell to thinking how he might compass the destruction of such of the Bábís as were likely to oppose his contemplated action.
About this time the Muhammadan clergy of Baghdad, Kerbelá, and Nejef began to complain loudly because of the large number of Bábís who continued to flock thither from Persia, and the Persian Government accordingly instructed Mírzá Huseyn Khán Mushíru'd-dawla, its representative at the court of the Ottoman Sultan, to petition the Turkish authorities for the removal of the Bábís to some part of their dominions remote from the Persian frontier1. To this request the Turkish authorities, anxious to put a stop to the quarrels which were continually arising between the Bábís and Muhammadans, acceded. The Bábís were summoned to Constantinople; whence, four months after their arrival, they were sent to Adrianople. On their arrival in that city, Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí, still instigated and
1 Cf. pp. 82-89 supra.
encouraged by Áká Mírzá Áká Ján, gradually made public his claim to be, not only "He whom God shall manifest," but an Incarnation of the Deity Himself, and began to send letters and epistles in all directions. And now, according to the Ezelí historian, began a series of assassinations on the part of the Behá'ís. All prominent supporters of Subh-i-Ezel who withstood Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí's claim were marked out for death, and in Baghdad Mullá Rajab 'Alí "Kahír" and his brother, Hájí Mírzá Ahmad, Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Rizá, and several others fell one by one by the knife or bullet of the assassin1. But the author of the Hasht Bihisht brings a yet graver charge against Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí, and asserts that he caused poison to be placed in one side of a dish of food which was to be set before himself and Subh-i-Ezel, giving instructions that the poisoned side was to be turned towards his brother. As it happened, however, the food had been flavoured with onions, and Subh-i-Ezel, disliking this flavour, refused to partake of the dish. Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí, fancying that his brother suspected his design, ate some of the food from his side of the plate; but, the poison having diffused itself to some extent through the whole mass, he was presently attacked with vomiting and other symptoms of poisoning. Thereupon he assembled his own followers and intimates, and declared that Subh-i-Ezel had attempted to poison him2.
Shortly after this, according to the Ezelí writer, another plot was laid against Subh-i-Ezel's life, and it was arranged that Muhammad 'Alí the barber should cut his throat while shaving him in the bath. On the approach of the barber, however, Subh-i-Ezel divined his design, refused to allow him to come near, and, on leaving the bath, instantly
1 Cf. B. i, p. 517, and B. ii, pp. 995-6.
2 The Behá'ís reverse this story as well as the following in every particular, declaring the Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezelattempted to poison Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí Behá'u'lláh, and after his failure spread abroad the report that the attempt had been made on himself. Behá'u'lláh's version will be found in the Súra-i-Heykalat pp. 154-155 of Baron V. Rosen's forthcoming work. The text and translation of this passage, which Baron Rosen has most kindly permitted me to copy from the proof-sheets of his still unpublished work, will be found a few pages further on.
took another lodging in Adrianople and separated himself entirely from Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí and his followers.
Some while after this, says the author of the Hasht Bihisht, Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí devised a new stratagem. A number of letters were written in different handwritings by Áká Mírzá Áká Ján, Mushkín Kalam, 'Abbás Efendí, and other partisans of Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí to sundry Turkish statesmen and officials to the following effect:- "About thirty thousand of us Bábís are concealed in disguise in and around Constantinople, and in a short while we shall rise. We shall first capture Constantinople, and, if Sultán 'Abdu'l-'Azíz and his ministers do not believe [in our religion], we shall depose and dismiss them from their rule and administration. And our King is Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezel." These letters were left by night at the Sultán's palace and the houses of the different ministers by Mushkín Kalam and other partisans of Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí resident in Constantinople. When next day these letters were discovered, the Turkish Government, which had treated the Bábís with kindness, and afforded them shelter and hospitality, was naturally greatly incensed. The letters were forthwith laid before the Persian Ambassador, and, at a joint assembly of Turkish and Persian officials, it was decided to exile the Bábí chiefs to some remote island or fortress on the coast1.
Meanwhile Hájí Seyyid Muhammad of Isfahán, a philosopher of note, and Áká Ján Bey, nicknamed Kaj-kuláh ("Skew-cap")2, who held the rank of lieutenant-colonel (ká'im-makám) in the Turkish army, discovered how matters stood, and made known to the Ottoman authorities the hostility which existed between the two brothers at Adrianople. The only good result which followed from their intervention was that it was decided by the Turkish government to exile Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezel and Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí Behá'u'lláh not to the same but to two different places; the former was ordered to be sent with his
1 Cf. the Behá'í account of the events which led to the removal of the Bábí chiefs from Adrianople at pp. 98-99 supra, and Subh-i-Ezel's account in note 1 at the foot of the latter page.
2 See B. i, p. 517, and note 1 at foot of p. 99 supra.
family and four of Behá'u'lláh's followers, to wit Mushkín-Kalam1, Mírzá 'Alí Sayyah, [Muhammad] Bákir, and 'Abdu'l-Ghaffár, to Famagusta [Mághúsá] in Cyprus; the latter, with his family, about 80 of his adherents, and four of Subh-i-Ezel's followers, to wit Hájí Seyyid Muhammad of Isfahán, Áká Ján Bey, Mírzá Rizá-Kulí of Tafrísh, and his brother Áká Mírzá Nasru'lláh, to Acre ['Akká] in Syria. Before the transfer was actually effected, however, Mírzá Nasru'lláh was poisoned by Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí at Adrianople. The other three Ezelís were assassinated shortly after their arrival at Acre in a house which they occupied near the barracks, the assassins being 'Abdu'l-Karím, Muhammad 'Alí the barber, Huseyn the water-carrier, and Muhammad Jawád of Kazvín.
After remarking that Adrianople is called "the Land of the Mystery" (~~~)2 because therein took place the separation between the Light and the Fire, the People of the Right Hand and the People of the Left Hand, the Good and the Evil, the True and the False, the Ezelí historian proceeds to describe, with much censure and animadversion, the propaganda by letters and missionaries set on foot throughout Persia by Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí, the extravagant claims advanced by him, and the high-sounding titles conferred on his wives, sons, and chief followers. Amongst the titles so conferred are enumerated the following:- (on his wives) Mahd-i-'Ulyá("the Supreme Cradle" - a title reserved for the Queen-mother in Persia); Waraka-i-'Ulyá ("the Supreme Leaf"); (on his sons) Ghusn-i-A'zam ("the Most Mighty Branch"); Ghusn-i-Akbar3 ("the Most Great Branch"); Ghusn-i-At-har ("the Most Pure Branch"); (on Áká Mírzá Áká Ján of Káshán) Avvalu man ámana ("the First to believe") and Jenáb-
1 See B. i, p. 516, and B. ii, p. 994. Fuller particulars concerning all of these will be found at the end of this Note.
2 Moreover the sum of the letters in the word (~~~) (Mystery) is the same as in the word (~~~) (Adrianople), viz. 260.
3 See B. i, p. 518.
i-Khádimu'lláh ("His Excellency the Servant of God")1; (on others of his followers) Mushkín-i-Iláhí("Divinely Fragrant"); Zeynu'l-Mukarrabín2 ("the Ornament of the Favoured"); Ghulámu'l-Khuld ("the Servant of Paradise"); Jabrá'íl-i-Amín ("Gabriel the Trusty"); Kannádu's-Samadániyyat ("the Confectioner of the Divine Eternity"); Khabbázu'l-Wáhidiyyat ("the Baker of the Divine Unity"); Dalláku'l-Hakíkat ("the Barber of the Truth"); Malláhu'l-Kuds ("the Sailor of Sanctity"); and the like.
The author of the Hasht Bihisht, after indulging in a good deal of strong invective, garnished with many allusions to Pharaoh, the Golden Calf, and Sámirí, brings forward further charges against the Behá'ís. Certain persons, he says, who had at first been inclined to follow Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí, subsequently withdrew and separated themselves from him. Some of these, such as Áká 'Abdu'l-Ahad, Áká Muhammad 'Alí of Isfahán, Hájí Áká of Tabríz, and the son of Hájí Fattáh, fled from Acre; but the Khayyát-báshí (chief tailor) and Hájí Ibrahím were assassinated in the Caravansaray of the corn-sellers (Khán-i-gandum-firúshán) and buried in quick-lime under the platform, which was duly mortared up over their bodies. After a while, however, the smell of the decomposing corpses became so offensive that the other inhabitants of the caravansaray complained to the local authorities, who instituted a search and discovered the bodies. Without mentioning what further action was taken by the Turkish government in the matter (a point certainly demanding elucidation, for we cannot suppose that, if what the Ezelí historian relates be true, they took no action at all to punish the murderers) the author proceeds with his indictment. Hájí Ja'far, says he, had a claim of 1200 pounds against Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí, and demanded the payment of this debt with some violence and importunity. Mírzá Áká Ján of Káshán thereupon instructed one 'Alí of Kazvín to slay the old man and throw his body out of the window of the upper room which
1 See Introduction, and B. i, p. 519.
2 The writer of the MS. from which the fac-simile forming vol. i of the present work is taken. See Note Z, infra.
he occupied into the courtyard of the caravansaray. It was then put about that he had "cast himself out and died, yielding up his life to the Beloved." Another disappointed creditor, a native of Khurásán, is said to have gone mad in Acre from chagrin and deferred hope. Other assassinations in other places are alleged, the following being specially notified:- Áká Seyyid 'Alí the Arab, one of the original "Letters of the Living," was killed in Tabríz by Mírzá Mustafá of Nirák. and Sheykh [name omitted] of Khurásán; Mullá Rajab 'Alí Kahír, also one of the "Letters," was killed at Kerbelá by Násir the Arab; his brother Áká 'Alí Muhammad was killed in Baghdad by 'Abdu'l-Karím; and, in short, if we are to believe the Ezelí writer, most of the more prominent Bábís who withstood Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí's pretensions were sought out and slain wherever they chanced to be, amongst these being Hájí Áká of Tabríz.
The indictment does not stop here. Amongst those who had at first inclined to follow Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí was, according to the Hasht Bihisht, a merchant named Áká Muhammad 'Alí of Isfahán, who at this time resided in Constantinople. Owing to certain discoveries which he had made, however, his faith had undergone considerable abatement, and signs of coolness had been observed in him. Mírzá Abú'l-Kásim the Bakhtiyárí robber was consequently despatched from Acre with instructions to "bleed that block of heedlessness whose blood is in excess." On his arrival in Constantinople he took up his lodging with the unsuspecting merchant in the Khán-i-Sharkí. Here he remained till one day he found opportunity to break open his host's private safe and abstract therefrom £350. A part of this sum he retained for himself; with the remainder he bought clothes, stuffs, and other goods which he sent to Acre. In return for this service he received the following epistle:- "O phlebotomist of the Divine Unity! Throb like the artery in the body of the Contingent World, and drink of the blood of the 'Block of Heedlessness' for that he turned aside from the aspect of thy Lord the Merciful1!" Here
1 The original text of this epistle stands as follows in the Hasht Bihisht:- [footnote goes onto page 364] ~~~
ends the list of charges alleged against the Behá'ís by the Ezelís, and what follows is of a purely controversial nature, consisting of refutations of the claims advanced by Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí Behá'u'lláh, and arguments to prove the rights of Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezel. This controversial portion, interesting as it is, I am forced to omit here for lack of space.
It is with great reluctance that I have set down the grave accusations brought by the author of the Hash Bihisht against the Behá'ís. It seemed to me a kind of ingratitude even to repeat such charges against those from whom I myself have experienced nothing but kindness, and in most of whom the outward signs of virtue and disinterested benevolence were apparent in a high degree. Yet no feeling of personal gratitude or friendship can justify the historian (whose sole desire should be to sift and assort all statements with a view to eliciting the truth) in the suppression of any important document which may throw light on the object of his study. Such an action would be worse than ingratitude; it would be treason to Truth. These charges are either true or false. If they be true (which I ardently hope is not the case) our whole view of the tendencies and probable influences of Behá's teaching must necessarily be greatly modified, for of what use are the noblest and most humane utterances if they be associated with deeds such as are here alleged? If, on the other hand, they be false, further investigation will without doubt conclusively prove their falsity, and make it impossible that their shadow should hereafter darken the page of Bábí history. In either case it is of the utmost importance that they should be confronted, and, to this end, that they should be fully stated. Inasmuch as the Hasht Bihisht only fell into my hands as I was beginning to write this note, and as several of the charges alleged in it against the Behá'ís are new to me, I regret that I cannot at present offer any important evidence either for their support or
their refutation. Certain points, however, which are connected with the narrative of the Ezelí controversialist and can be checked by other testimony are as follows:-
(1) For the claim advanced by Mírzá Asadu'lláh "Deyyán" of Tabríz, and the fate which it brought down upon him, we have Gobineau's testimony, given (at pp. 277-278 of his work) in the following words:- "L'élection [c-à-d. de Hezret-è-Ezel] avait été toute spontanée et elle fut reconnue immédiatement par les bâbys. Cependant, un des membres de l'Unité, qui n'était pas à Téhéran au moment où elle eut lieu, et qui se nommait Mirza-Asad-Oullah, de Tebriz, surnommé Deyyân, ou 'le Juge suprème,' personnage très-important et membre de l'Unité prophétique, entreprit de se faire reconnaître lui-même pour le nouveau Bâb. Il courut dans l'Arabistan et cheracha à y réunir un parti. Mais les religionnaires se mettant sur ses traces, l'atteignirent près de la frontière turke, et lui attachant des pierres au cou, le noyèrent dans le Shât-el-Arâb. Cette tentative malheureuse n'encouragea pas les dissidents." From Gobineau's account we are led to infer that this episode occurred very soon after the death of the Báb and the election of Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezel, that is to say some time before the Baghdad period.
(2) For the claim advanced by Huseyn of Mílán we have Subh-i-Ezel's evidence (see Note T, p. 331 supra), but since, as has been already pointed out, this Huseyn was amongst the Bábís killed at Teherán in 1852, this event has no more connection than the last with the Baghdad period.
(3) That Nabíl advanced a similar claim which he subsequently withdrew is a statement which I have heard made once if not oftener by Bábís (of the Behá'í sect) in Persia. Some of the poems attributed to him, if really his, afford confirmatory evidence, as has been already observed (p. 357, note 5, supra).
(4) The assertion that Behá'u'lláh alleges against Subh-i-Ezel an attempted fratricide, of which, according to the Ezelí writer, he was in reality himself the author, is fully borne out by the following passage in the earlier part of the Súra-i-Heykal, which Baron Rosen has most kindly permitted me to quote from his still unpublished work:-
[one page of Persian/Arabic text]
[one page of Persian/Arabic text]
[three lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"Then tell them that we chose out one from amongst our brethren, and sprinkled upon him drops from the depths of the Ocean of Knowledge; then we arrayed him in the raiment of one of the [Divine] Names1, and upraised him unto [such] a station that all arose to praise him; and we preserved him from the hurt of every hurtful thing in such wise as [even] the powerful cannot do. We were alone against the dwellers in the heavens and the earth in the days when all men arose to slay me, and we were in their midst, speaking in commemoration of God and His praise, and steadfast in His affair, until the Word of God was realized amongst His creatures, and its tokens became public, and its power waxed high, and its dominion shone forth; whereunto testify favoured servants. Verily my brother, when he saw that the matter had waxed high, discovered in himself pride and error; then he came forth [from] behind the veils, and warred with me, and contended with my signs, and denied my proof, and repudiated my tokens; neither was the belly of the glutton sated till that he desired to eat my flesh and drink my blood, whereunto bear witness those servants who fled into exile with God, and beyond them those brought nigh. And herein he took counsel with one of my attendants, tempting him unto this. Then God helped me with the hosts of the Invisible and the Visible, and preserved me by the truth, and revealed unto me that which withheld him from what he purposed, and brought to naught the device of those who denied the signs of the Merciful [God]: are they not a people unbelieving? And when that whereunto his passion [had] seduced him was divulged, and those who [had] fled into exile became aware thereof, outcry arose from these,
1 Cf. pp. 95-96 supra, and footnotes thereon.
and attained such a pitch that it was within a little of being published throughout the city. Then we restrained them, and revealed unto them the word of patience, that they might be of those who are patient; and by God, than whom there is none other god, we were assuredly patient in this, and enjoined patience and self-restraint on [God's] servants, and went out from amongst these, and dwelt in another house, that the fire of hatred might be quenched in his bosom and he might become of those rightly directed. Neither did we interfere with him nor see him afterwards; we sat alone in the house watching for the Grace of God, the Protector, the Self-subsistent. But he, when he became aware that the matter had become publicly known, took the pen of falsehood, and wrote unto the people, and attributed all that he had done to my peerless and wronged Beauty, seeking mischief in himself, and the introduction of hatred into the breasts of those who [had] believed in God the Mighty, the Loving. By Him in whose hand is my soul, we are amazed at his device, nay rather all being, invisible and visible, is amazed! Yet withal he rested not in himself till be committed that which the pen cannot set down, that whereby he dishonoured me, and God, the Potent, the Mighty, the Praised. Should I describe that which he did unto me, the seas of the earth would not complete it were God to make them ink, neither would all things exhaust it were God to turn them into pens. Thus do we reveal that which hath befallen us, if ye [will] know it."
I never heard Subh-i-Ezel himself allude to the events in question, for he is little addicted to complaints, and reticent as to all that concerns his brother Behá'u'lláh, but his son 'Abdu'l-'Alí gave me the same account as is set forth in the Hasht Bihisht.
(5) The account of the forged letters circulated by the Behá'ís is improbable in itself (for the catastrophe which they were intended to produce was bound to involve all the Bábís at Adrianople), and is at variance with the versions given by Behá'u'lláh (supra, pp. 98-99) and Subh-i-Ezel (supra, pp. 99, note 1).
(6) The names of the Behá'ís exiled with Subh-i-Ezel to Famagusta are stated correctly, as proved by the documents of the Cyprus Government shortly to be cited.
(7) As to the assassination of the three Ezelís, Áká Ján Bey, Hájí Seyyid Muhammad of Isfahán, and Mírzá Rizá-Kulí of Tafrísh, by some of Behá's followers at Acre, there can, I fear, be but little doubt; for the account of this event which I published at p. 517 of my first paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889 was given to me by a Behá'í who had during his visit to Acre seen, and, I think, conversed with some of the perpetrators of this deed. It is curious that he, so far from attempting to minimize the matter, raised the number of the victims and assassins from three and four to seven and twelve respectively. Subh-i-Ezel's account (B. ii, pp. 995-6) agrees with that contained in the Hasht Bihisht. There is, however, no evidence to prove that the assassins acted under orders, though the passage in the Kitáb-i-Akdas alluding (apparently) to Hájí Seyyid Muhammad's death, which is quoted at the foot of p. 93 supra, proves that Behá'u'lláh regarded this event with some complaisance. His son 'Abbás Efendí would also seem to have interceded for the murderers (B. i, p. 517). Mr Oliphant in his work entitled Haifa (see supra, pp. 209-210), after speaking of the mystery which surrounds Behá'u'lláh and the difficulty of seeing him, says, in a passage which appears to bear reference to these assassinations (op. cit., p. 107):-
"Not long ago, however, public curiosity was gratified, for one of his [i.e. Behá'u'lláh's] Persian followers stabbed another for having been unworthy of some religious trust, and the great man himself was summoned as a witness.
"'Will you tell the court who and what you are?' was the first question put.
"'I will begin,' he replied, 'by telling you who I am not. I am not a camel-driver' - this was an allusion to the Prophet Mohammad - 'nor am I the son of a carpenter' - this in allusion to Christ. 'This is as much as I can tell you to-day. If you will now let me retire, I will tell you tomorrow who I am.'
"Upon this promise he was let go; but the morrow never came. With an enormous bribe he had in the interval purchased an exemption from all further attendance at court."
Since these assassinations took place within the last
23 years, it is not too much to hope that further investigation may serve to throw fuller light on the matter. The examination of Turkish official records (should this be possible) would probably do more than anything else to elicit the truth.
Of the other assassinations alleged by the author of the Hasht Bihisht, those of the following persons were independently mentioned by Subh-i-Ezel:- Mullá Rajab 'Alí Kahír; Áká 'Alí Muhammad of Isfahán, brother of the above; Mírzá Nasru'lláh; Hájí Mírzá Ahmad, brother of Mírzá Jání (see Note T, p. 332 supra); Hájí Ibrahím. The last was stated to have been at first a fanatical Behá'í, and to have cruelly beaten Hájí Seyyid Muhammad of Isfahán the Ezelí on board the ship which bore the exiles to Acre, of which action he subsequently repented sincerely. The following three persons, not mentioned in the Hasht Bihisht, were also stated by Subh-i-Ezel to have been assassinated:- Huseyn 'Alí and Áká 'Abdu'l-Kásim of Káshán; Mírzá Buzurg of Kirmánsháh. This raises the total number of alleged assassinations of Ezelís to sixteen (unless, as appears probable, one of the last three be identical with the "Khayyát-báshí" mentioned in the Hasht Bihisht), which agrees pretty well with Subh-i-Ezel's statement to Captain Young (B. ii, p. 996) that about twenty of his followers were killed by the Behá'ís1.
It should be borne in mind, however, that the removal of persons inimical to a religious movement by violent means, or in other words religious assassination, is a thing far less repugnant to the Eastern than to the Western mind. Since the first beginning of Islám (not to go further back) it has been freely practised; and the Prophet Muhammad gave to it the sanction of his example on numerous occasions. Nothing can illustrate in a more striking manner the difference between the Oriental and the Occidental attitude of mind than a narrative given by
1 The words "at Acre" added to this statement are clearly due to a misapprehension of the interpreter, and should read "of Acre," for Subh-i-Ezel distinctly and repeatedly alluded to the majority of these assassinations as having taken place at Baghdad and elsewhere.
Ibn Hishám in his Life of Muhammad (ed. Wüstenfeld, pp. 553-555) to which my attention was first called by my friend Mr A. A. Bevan. This narrative is briefly as follows. There were in the time of Muhammad two brothers, of whom the younger, named Muhayyisa, had embraced Islám, while Huwayyisa, the elder, still remained a pagan. Muhayyisa, at the command of the Prophet, assassinated a Jewish merchant named Suneyna (or Subeyna) with whom Huwayyisa was on terms of friendship. Huwayyísa, on hearing of this, fell upon his younger brother with blows and reproaches, saying, "O enemy of God, hast thou slain him? By God, many a fat morsel of his wealth has gone into thy maw!" To this the other replied, "By God, I was ordered to kill him by one at whose command I would smite off thy head were he so to direct me!" "Would'st thou indeed slay me if Muhammad should order it?" asked Huwayyisa. "Yes," answered the other, "by Alláh, were he to command me to cut off thy head I would assuredly do so." "By Alláh," said the elder brother, "a religion which hath brought thee to this is assuredly a marvellous thing!" and he thereupon adopted the Muhammadan faith. The legend of Khizr and Moses in the Kur'án (súra xviii, v. 64-81), and the first story in the Masnaví of Jalálu'd-Dín Rúmí (well styled by Jámí "the Kur'án in the Persian language"), which describes with the utmost nonchalance how a poor goldsmith is slowly poisoned by a saintly personage to gratify the ignoble passions of a king, afford further illustration of this attitude of mind, which also revealed itself to me very clearly in a conversation which I had with a Bábí Seyyid of Shíráz with whom I was disputing about the divine origin of Islám. In the course of the discussion I animadverted on the bloodshed and violence resorted to by Muhammad and his followers for the propagation of their religion. "Surely," replied the Seyyid, with a look of extreme surprise, "you cannot pretend to deny that a prophet, who is an incarnation of the Universal Intelligence, has as much right to remove anyone whom he perceives to be an enemy to religion and a danger to the welfare of mankind as a surgeon has to amputate a gangrened limb?"
I have insisted thus strongly on this point because we
cannot properly estimate the probability or improbability of an action alleged but not proved to have been committed by a given body of men unless we are in a position to form a just judgement on their opinions as well as their character. The idea of secret assassination is so repugnant to us, and so incompatible with our notions of virtue and moral rectitude, that we naturally shrink from imputing it without the clearest evidence to a man or body of men of whose character and qualities we have otherwise formed a high opinion. But in Asia, where human life is held cheap, and religious fervour runs high, a different standard of morality prevails in this matter; and we must beware of being unduly influenced in our judgement by our own sentiments.
Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Ezel is the son of Mírzá 'Abbás (better known as Mírzá Buzurg) of the district of Núr in Mázandarán, and the half-brother of Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí Behá'u'lláh (see note 2 on p. 56 supra), to whom he is junior by 13 years1. He was born in Teherán about the year A.D. 18302. His father died when he was 7 years old.
1 This is according to the first statement made to Captain Young, but on another occasion the difference was stated as 11 or 12 years. Since, however, Behá'u'lláh was, according to Nabíl (see B. i, p. 521, and B. ii, pp. 983 and 986), born in the year A.D. 1817, and since Subh-i-Ezel would seem to have been born in A.D. 1830 or 1831, thirteen years is the probable difference between their ages.
2 The Persians are, as a rule, very careless about dates, and even well-educated men are often unable to state their exact age. To this rule Subh-i-Ezel is no exception. Thus in November 1884 (according to official documents) he gave his age as 56, while in October 1889 he informed Captain Young that he was 58 or 59 years old. Perhaps, however, the former figure may be due to a misunderstanding on the part of the official engaged in drawing up the report on the exiles, for several remarks which Subh-i-Ezel made to me point to the correctness of the latter. Thus on one occasion he said, pointing to his son 'Abdu'l-Wahíd (a youth of apparently about 17 years of age), "I was quite young [footnote goes onto page 374] like him when I left Persia" (in A.D. 1852). "About seventeen?" I enquired. "No," he answered, "more than that; about 20 or 21." A Turkish dervish who, impelled by curiosity to see so celebrated a heresiarch, visited him soon after his arrival in Cyprus, remarked with surprise ~~~ "He is still but a child!" Gobineau (p. 277) makes his age only 16 at the time of the Báb's death (A.D. 1850), but it is more probable that this was his age when he was designated by the Báb as his successor, in which case he would be about 19 when he actually succeeded. Bearing in mind the extraordinary virtue attributed by the Bábís to this mystical number, we may well believe that such a coincidence would strongly influence the choice of the faithful in his favour.
When and how he was brought to embrace the Bábí doctrines I have not been able to ascertain, but he was appointed by the Báb as his successor after the deaths of Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh and Mullá Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh (who was killed in the summer of A.D. 1849), the appointment (for text and translation of which see B. ii, pp. 996-997) being written from Chihrík. From that time until A.D. 1852 he generally resided during the summer at Teherán or Shimrán, and during the winter in the district of Núr in Mázandarán, being continually occupied in teaching and diffusing the Bábí doctrines. At the time of the Báb's martyrdom (July 1850) he was residing at the village of Zargandé near Teherán. Mírzá Áká Khán of Núr, who succeeded Mírzá Takí Khán as Prime Minister at the end of A.D. 1851 under the title of Sadr-i-A'zím, was related to Subh-i-Ezel. Although formerly, when living in retirement at Káshán, he had pretended to be favourably disposed towards the Bábís, and had even had several interviews with Mullá Sheykh 'Alí Jenáb-i-'Azím, he now shewed the utmost hostility towards them especially towards Subh-i-Ezel. Indeed his brother, Ja'far-Kulí Khán, who was on extremely had terms with him, strongly advised Subh-i-Ezel to keep out of his power, and, if possible, to avoid both Teherán and Núr.
When the attempt on the Sháh's life was made in August 1852, Subh-i-Ezel was at Núr, and so escaped arrest, though the Sháh offered a reward of 1000 túmáns
for his capture, and though on one occasion he actually met and conversed with an Arab who had been sent to apprehend him but failed to recognize him. It was probably immediately after this that he set out, disguised as a dervish (pp. 51-52 and p. 354 supra), for Baghdad, where he arrived, according to his own statement, "in the year A.H. 1268, a few days after the arrival of Behá'u'lláh" Since, however, Behá'u'lláh was imprisoned in Teherán for four months after the attempt on the Sháh's life, i.e. till December 1852, and since the year A.H. 1268 ended on October 14th, 1852, this date would appear to be erroneous.
Forty days after the attack on the Sháh, after Subh-i-Ezel had fled in disguise as above described, a raid was made on Núr by two regiments of soldiers under the command of Mírzá Abú Tálib Khán. It appears that the Sháh was induced to sanction this raid by representations made by Mírzá Áká Khán the Sadr-i-A'zam to the effect that Subh-i-Ezel had "arrived there, declared himself to be the Imám-Mahdí, and collected about a thousand followers." Mírzá Abú Tálib Khán, though related to Subh-i-Ezel by marriage (his sister being wedded to Subh-i-Ezel's eldest brother), shewed no compunction in carrying out the designs of his uncle the Sadr-i-A'zam with the utmost rigour, and, indeed, totally disregarded the remonstrances and pleas for mercy which some of his subordinate officers ventured to advance on its appearing that, so far from there being any rising, such of the inhabitants of the doomed village as had not fled into the mountains were unarmed and entirely unprepared for resistance. The village (containing some sixty houses) was sacked and plundered; two of its inhabitants, who were Bábís, were killed; Subh-i-Ezel's house was occupied by the principal officers; and his female relatives were confined to the upper rooms. A day or two after this a pursuit of the fugitives was organized; a shepherd betrayed their retreat; and the soldiers, falling upon them unawares, killed some (including Mírzá Muhammad Taki Khán), wounded others (including Mullá Fattáh, who subsequently died in prison), and carried off 26 or 27 (amongst whom were two women) to Teherán as captives. These captives, except the two women, were compelled to perform the journey on foot and in chains. On their
arrival at Teherán they happened to meet the Russian Ambassador, who was moved with compassion at the sight of their misfortunes, and addressed a remonstrance to the Sháh. He, finding on enquiry that there had been no insurrection at all, ordered them to be set at liberty; but the Sadr-i-A'zam contrived to detain them in prison on various pretexts, and there most of them died of erysipelas, gaol-fever, and other diseases which rage in Persian prisons, or were secretly made away with. The ravaged district of Núr was made over to the Sadr-i-A'zam, and one of the two houses possessed by Subh-i-Ezel in Teherán was confiscated by the Sháh, the other being sold by Behá'u'lláh.
As I have embodied in previous footnotes all the more important particulars which I learned from Subh-i-Ezel relative to the expulsion of the Bábís from Baghdad (p. 84, note 2 supra), the journey from Baghdad to Constantinople (p. 90, note 1 supra), and the expulsion of the Bábís from Adrianople (p. 99, note 1 supra); and as the Ezelí version of the state of things which prevailed in the Bábí community at Baghdad and Adrianople is sufficiently set forth in the earlier portion of this note, I may now pass on to consider the evidence afforded by the state archives preserved in Cyprus.
These documents, to which, as explained in the Introduction, the kindness and courtesy of Sir Henry Bulwer allowed me so free an access during my stay in Cyprus, are very numerous, and range from August 1878 (the year of the English occupation) to June 1889. The majority of them are written in English, and to those written in Turkish English translations are always appended. All the papers of importance bearing on the subject, with the exception of certain despatches, were placed at my disposal, and during the four days for which they remained in my hands I was able to make a complete transcript of them. This transcript occupies 32 pages of foolscap.
With these documents a desire to avoid undue prolixity compels me to deal as briefly as may be. Many of them,
indeed, would not be worth reproducing in full in any case, while others are abrogated by fuller and later reports, and there are naturally a good many repetitions, besides discussions of the basis whereon the pensions of the exiles are to be calculated, which may well be omitted or abbreviated; but, were space of no object, there are several which I would fain have inserted in full. As it is, I can only give the substance and not the form of the papers; while, to save explanations and prevent confusion, I have normalized the spelling of names in accordance with the system adopted throughout this work, besides correcting obvious errors. With these preliminary observations I proceed to the examination of the documents in question.
When the Turks evacuated Cyprus in 1878 they left behind them certain prisoners who had been interned in the fortress of Famagusta. In August of that year the Chief Secretary requested the Commissioner of that town to report on the number of these prisoners, their terms of imprisonment, their offences, and the like. The Commissioner of Famagusta stated in a brief reply (dated August 8th, 1878) that the prisoners in question were five in number, to wit (1) a Greek named Kátirjí Yání, sentenced for life for robberies committed in Syria; (2) a Bosnian named Mustafá, (3) a Turk named Yúsuf, sentenced for life for "speaking against the Turkish religion," and two Persians, (4) Subh-i-Ezel, and (5) Mushkín Kalam, whose crime and punishment are described as follows:- "They wished to invent some new religion, and, when pressed, fled from Persia and settled in Turkey. After a time they again tried to carry out their madness, and were consequently condemned by the Turkish authorities to imprisonment for life."
Nearly three months after this date further information concerning the prisoners was demanded by the Chief Secretary, with the especial object of determining the amounts of the pensions or allowances which they were drawing. In his reply (dated November 5th, 1878) the Commissioner of Famagusta states that he "cannot get any official information about them. The Kází says if there were any papers about them the late Ká'im-makám destroyed them, or his secretary lost them, for there are none forthcoming
now." He then proceeds to speak of the two Persian prisoners as follows, premising that all the information which he has been able to obtain was "gathered from the men themselves":-
"1st, Subh-i-Ezel. Handsome, well-bred looking man, apparently about 50. In receipt of pias. 1193 per month (the Kází only gets pias. 1020). States that he was for a long time at the Persian Court, where his brother1 was next officer in rank to the vizier. He afterwards went to Stamboul and then to Adrianople, where he was accused of plotting against the Porte and the religion of Islám. Sentence - for life. Been here for 11 years.
"2nd, Mushkín Kalam. From Khurásán. Allowed pias. 660 per month. Sentence - for life. Been here 11 years. Came here at same time as Subh-i-Ezel. Sentenced for religious offence against Porte. Is 53 years old. Has two families, one here, and one in Persia. In appearance is a dried-up, shrivelled old man, with long hair almost to the waist." Similar accounts of the other prisoners follow, and the report concludes with the statement that the late Ká'im-makám had left some old books, which, being alleged to contain only accounts for past years, were used in the office as Account and Military Police books, but that some old books still left would be searched for further particulars.
The next document of interest is a petition from Mushkín-Kalam addressed to "His Excellency the High Commissioner of Cyprus" and dated August 15th, 1879. The original of this petition (apparently written by Mushkín Kalam himself) is in Turkish, but an English translation is appended. In it Mushkín Kalam states that he is a native of Khurásán; that, having proceeded to Mecca by way of Diyár Bekr, he had extended his journey to Adrianople to see his "Sheykh" Mírzá Huesyn 'Alí [Behá'u'lláh]; that, after accomplishing this object, he was arrested in A.H. 1284 ("A.D. 1867")2 and exiled to Famagusta, where he had now
1 Probably this is a mistake for "father," as Subh-i-Ezel repeatedly described the position of his father Mírzá Buzurg in these very words.
2 A report from the Muhásébéjí's (Accountant's) Office dated December 10th, 1884, states that, although the original fermán of [footnote goes onto page 379] banishment cannot be found, an unofficial copy of it, received at the time, gives the date of their banishment as Rabí'ul-Ákhir 5th A.H. 1285 (July 26th, A.D. 1868), and there is no doubt that this is the correct date. The reckoning called Rúmí (Turkish), which is more than a year behind the hijra, was probably used by Mushkín Kalam, and misapprehended by the translator.
resided for 12 years; and that he has suffered much grief by reason of his long banishment and separation from his family. In conclusion, he begs the High Commissioner "to pity his position, deprived so long of his family, and to deliver him from such a hard punishment." The immediate effect of this petition was to call forth another demand for fuller information from the Chief Secretary, who desired especially to be informed on what authority Mushkín Kalam had been permitted to reside outside Famagusta (his petition having been sent in from Nicosia). The Commissioner of Famagusta replied that the permission in question had been granted by a letter from the Chief Secretary dated June 20th, 1879, and that, in the absence of any official Turkish register, a report based on the statements of the prisoners themselves and information supplied by the Turkish Ká'im-makám had been compiled by the Local Commandant of Military Police. This report discusses the cases of seven "prisoners," to wit those five previously mentioned, a woman named Khadíja charged with incendiarism, and an old blind man named Khudáverdí, formerly in the Turkish artillery, who proved not to be a prisoner at all but a pensioner! That portion of the report which deals with the cases of Subh-i-Ezel and Mushkín Kalam is as follows:-
"No. 3. Subh-i-Ezel of Írán. Trade? Nil. Crime? Falsely accused of preaching against the Turkish religion. Where? Adrianople. Who was charge made by? A man of Írán. By whom tried? Came from Baghdad and went to Adrianople where charge was made. Válí of Adrianople ordered him to Constantinople, where he was examined by Kámil Páshá (Prime Minister). When? Twelve years ago. Previous imprisonment before coming here? Five months in Constantinople, before coming here under arrest, five years at Adrianople. Undergone here? Twelve years.
Pension? 38½ piastres a day current. Do. before? 38½ piastres a day Government exchange. Has a family of 17. His father was Chief Secretary of State to the present Sháh of Persia (Násiru'd-Dín Sháh).
"No. 4. Mushkín Kalam Efendí. Trade? Writer. Crime? Being in company with a preacher against Mahometanism who came from Persia and Acre in Syria. Where? Constantinople. Punishment? Transported for life, and to be imprisoned in Famagusta fortress. By whom? Authority of Sultán 'Azíz. Date? November A.H. 1284 (A.D. 1868)1 [In the original document the corresponding Christian year is erroneously given as "A.D. 1876"]. Previous Imprisonment? Six months in Constantinople. Has undergone? Twelve years. Any lodging? The fermán ordering banishment stated that he was to get free lodging, but he has not had any [sc.free] lodging. This man has sent a petition to government about a week ago. 23/6/'79."
A document based on records of the Temyíz Court and dated March 8th, 1880, first mentions Bábíism ("i.e." it explains, "communism") as the crime with which Subh-i-Ezel and Mushkín Kalam were charged. It is further stated that they were deported under Imperial Fermán, and not sentenced by a judicial tribunal. The next document (undated), embodying the results of further enquiries at Famagusta, gives the date of their arrival in the Island as August 24th, A.H. 1284. [As the month and year are seemingly given according to the Turkish style, this would correspond to September 5th, A.D. 1868.] In this document mention is first made of Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh, who arrived as an exile at Famagusta, accompanied by his wife and five children, in A.H. 1285 (A.D. 1869-70)[footnote 1 repeated]. He died2 on July
1 See preceding footnote.
2 According to a statement made to me by Subh-i-Ezel, Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh. (who was only about 35 years old) died very suddenly as though from poison, scarcely having time to summon his wife to his side ere he expired. He was arrested in company with 'Abdu'l-Ghaffár and Muhammad Bákir (immediately to be mentioned), and banished with them to Famagusta. He continued till his death to profess friendship towards Subh-i-Ezel, declaring that his only object in keeping on good terms with the [footnote goes onto page 381] Behá'ís was to endeavour to bring about a reconciliation and heal the schism. Subh-i-Ezel, however, held aloof from him, and disregarded his overtures. From the Hasht Bihisht (see p. 352, supra) it would appear that the first communications between the Báb and Subh-i-Ezel passed through him.
22nd, A.H. 1287 ("August 4th, A.D. 18711"), and an allowance of 2½ piastres a day to his widow and each of his children was made by the government. Mushkín Kalam subsequently married the widow, and drew her pension in addition to his own. At the end of this document it is mentioned that "a note in the Register of Orders in the Muhásebéjís[Accountant's] office states that an allowance of 4 piastres a day for 14 persons in all, and 2 servants at 5 piastres the two" was granted to Subh-i-Ezel, Sheykh 'Alí Sayyah. Mushkín Kalam, and their respective families.
The next document of importance is a report in Turkish, dated March 11th, 1880, from the Muhásebéjí's office, to which an English translation is appended. From this it appears that the original number of Bábí exiles sent to Famagusta was 14; that these were accompanied by 2 servants; that to each of the former 4 piastres a day and to each of the latter 2½ piastres a day (making a total of 61 piastres a day) were allowed; that 'Abdu'l-Ghaffár succeeded in effecting his escape from the Island on September 17th, A.H. 1286[footnote 1 repeated] ("Sept. 29th, A.D. 1870"); that [Sheykh] 'Alí Sayyáh of Kára-Bágh died on July 22nd, A.H. 1287 (see preceding paragraph); that Fátima, one of Subh-i-Ezel's daughters, died on August 17th, A.H. 1287 ("Aug. 29th, A.D. 1871"); and that Muhammad Bákir died on November 10th, A.H. 1288 ("Nov. 22nd, A.D. 1872"); that in consequence of this diminution in the number of the exiles a deduction of 16 piastres a day was made, thus reducing the daily allowance to 45 piastres; but that subsequently, by an order dated September 25th, A.H. 1289 (?Oct. 7th, A.D. 1873), 2½ piastres a day were allowed to
1 In this and the succeeding dates wherein Christian months are combined with Muhammadan years the Turkish reckoning (which, as already noted, is more than a year behind the normal Muhammadan reckoning) seems to be employed. The Christian dates here given in inverted commas are derived from another document dated October 13th, 1884.
the widow and each of the five children of Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh, thus raising the daily allowance of the exiles again to 60 piastres1.
The following document in Mr Cobham's handwriting, dated March 11th, 1880, gives some additional statements made by Mushkín Kalam about himself:-
"It appears that in 1867 Mushkín Kalam Efendí came from Mesh-hed in Khurásán to Constantinople. His fame as a scribe had preceded him, and Fu'ád and 'Alí Páshás asked him to remain in Constantinople. He refused both pension and presents offered him by [Sultán] 'Abdu'l-'Azíz, for whom he executed some illuminations.
"Presently he was accused by one Subh-i-Ezel, a Persian then at Adrianople, himself a member of some schismatic sect, of heresy. He had lived six months at Constantinople, where he was imprisoned, without question or trial, for another six months, and then sent to Famagusta.
"Subh-i-Ezel was exiled at the same time on a similar charge of heresy."
The next document of importance is a petition in Turkish addressed by Subh-i-Ezel to the Commissioner of Famagusta, bearing the date April 27th, A.D. 1881. From this it appears that on the 24th of the preceding month Subh-i-Ezel had been informed that he might consider himself free to go where he pleased. For this permission he expresses the warmest gratitude, and further prays that, if it be possible, he may become an English subject, or be taken under English protection, so that he may with safety return to his own country or to Turkey. To this request, however, the Government did not see fit to accede.
The next group of documents belong to the latter part of the year 1884, when a fresh attempt was made to
1 It appears that Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh's wife and five children (or such of them as were then born) joined him in Cyprus some time subsequently to his banishment, and hence were not included in the enumeration of the original exiles, and were not entitled to a pension. But in any case the rule appears to be that, unless specially continued by the Government, pensions to the families of exiles cease on the death of their head.
establish the amount of the pension paid to the exiles on a definite basis. To this end it became important to discover (1) who were the original exiles; (2) which of them had died or quitted the island, and when; (3) which of their children had been born previously to and which subsequently to their banishment. For the elucidation of these points several lengthy reports were compiled in the Muhasebéjí's (Accountant's) office. As it was also decided that any one of the exiles entitled to a pension lost that pension on quitting the island, but might recover it on returning thither, their subsequent movements were carefully recorded. The details of apportionment of these pensions are of little historic interest, and I therefore omit them; but it is a most fortunate circumstance that they were apportioned in this way, inasmuch as the full record of facts embodied in these documents is entirely due to this circumstance. These various reports and tables I have striven to combine in the following tabular form, wherein is incorporated also information derived from Captain Young and Mr Houston independently of the reports. The names of the original exiles (described as 14 "masters" and 2 servants) are printed in italics, and after each of these is placed in heavier type the number which they bear on the pension-roll. The names of those who subsequently settled or were born in the island are printed in ordinary type. To the names of all alike ordinal numbers are prefixed.
Order. | Name. | Original number. | Relation to head of family. | Age in 1884. | Remarks. |
1. | Subh-i-Ezel | 1. | Head. | 56 | |
2. | Fátima. | 9. | Wife. | -- | Died, apparently soon after arrival. |
3. | Rukayya. | 10. | " | 48 | Appears also to bear the name of Badr-i-Jihán, since a petition written in Greek to the Commissioner of Famagusta on September 13th, 1886, is signed "[Greek text]." In this petition the writer asks leave for herself and her two daughters Tal'at and Safiyya to go to Constantinople. In reply she is informed that only her husband [Subh-i-Ezel] is a State prisoner, and that she is free to go where she pleases. |
4. | Núru'lláh | -- | Son. | -- | Was residing in Persia in 1889, and seems never to have been included amongst the exiles (probably because he parted from Subh-i-Ezel previously to 1868), as his name nowhere appears. It is only from information given to Captain Young by Subh-i-Ezel that his existence is known to me. He has thrice visited his father in Cyprus, once before, and twice since the English occupation. The last time is said to have been in 1878. |
Order. | Name. | Original number. | Relation to head of family. | Age in 1884. | Remarks. |
5. | Hádí. | -- | Son. | -- | Also lives in Persia. The first portion of the preceding remarks applies to him also. |
6. | Ahmad. | 2. | Son. | 31 | Left for Constantinople on May 3rd 1884. Seems to have visited his father since then. |
7. | 'Abdu'l-'Alí. | 3. | " | 27 | Resident in Famagusta. See Introduction. |
8. | Safiyya. | 5. | Daughter. | 23 | Named in some of the documents "Rekié" (~~~) and "Refié" (~~~), but, as it would seem, incorrectly. She went to Constantinople on September 21st 1886, married a man named Hasan 'Abdu'r-Rahmán Efendí, and returned without her husband to Cyprus on December 12th 1888. |
9. | Behjat Raf'at | 6. | " | 22 | Also called in some documents "Bákir," on which the following comment is made by the Local Commandant of Police:- "Bákir" means in Turkish a virgin or girl. Subh-i-Ezel has no daughter called Bákir." |
10. | Rizván 'Alí. | 4. | Son. | 21 | Resident in Famagusta. See Introduction. |
11. | Tal'at | 7. | Daughter. | 20 | Accompanied her sister Safiyya to Constantinople, and returned thence with her (see above). Described as "either a widow, or left by her husband." |
Order. | Name. | Original number. | Relation to head of family. | Age in 1884. | Remarks. |
12. | Fátima. | 8. | Daughter. | -- | Died on August 29th 1871. |
13. | Muhammad. | -- | Son. | 17 | Though the names of these occur on nearly all the lists, I could discover no |
14. | Fu'ád. | -- | " | 15 | other trace of their existence. |
15. | 'Abdu'l-Wahíd | -- | " | 13 | Called in some of the documents 'Abdu'r-Rashíd. |
16. | Maryam. | -- | Daughter. | 11 | |
17. | Takiyyu'd-Dín | -- | Son. | 8 | Called in some of the documents Ziyá'u'd-Dín. From an undated Turkish document preserved at Famagusta it appears that the last three are the children of Badr-i-Jihán (see No. 3 supra). From this document the following particulars are also derived. |
18. | Fátima. | -- | Daughter-in-law. | 21 | Wife of Ahmad (see No. 6 supra). |
19. | 'Ádila. | -- | Grand-daughter | 4 | Daughter of Ahmad and Fátima. |
20. | Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh, of Kára-Bágh | 11. | Head. | See p. 380 supra. | Died August 4th 1871. See pp. 380-381 supra, and note 2 on former. |
Order. | Name. | Original number. | Relation to head of family. | Age in 1884. | Remarks. |
21. | Fátima. | -- | Wife. | 47 | After the death of Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh. married Mushkín Kalam, and was with him at Nicosia in 1884. It does not appear that she accompanied him to Acre in 1886. |
22. | Jalálu'd-Dín. | -- | Son. | 25 | Was employed as Land Registry clerk at Kyrenia in 1889. |
23. | Jamálu'd-Dín. | " | 23 | Was employed as a trooper in the Cyprus Military Police in 1889. | |
24. | Kamálu'd-Dín. | " | 21 | Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh's family are described as having arrived "from Babylon" in a | |
25. | Jamáliyya. | -- | Daughter. | 16 | state of destitution. No allowance seems |
26. | Rukayya. | -- | Servant. | 47 | to have been made to them till two years after his death, i.e. in October 1873. This allowance was stopped in the case of the sons on April 1st 1884, but the allowance to the widow and daughter was continued, and thus went to increase Mushkín Kalam's pension, which, in 1884-5, amounted to £58.17.0. As the estimates for 1889-90 still shew a sum of £20.13.0 payable to Mushkín Kalam's family, and as he lost his pension on leaving Cyprus for Acre in September 1886, while his sons' pensions ceased in 1884, it would appear certain that Fátima, Jamáliyya, and the servant Rukayya. remained in Cyprus. |
Order. | Name. | Original number. | Relation to head of family. | Age in 1884. | Remarks. |
27. | Mushkín-Kalam, of Khurásán. | 12. | Head. | -- | From the colophon of a MS. transcribed by Mushkín Kalam and presented by him to Mr Cobham on his departure for Acre, it appears that in the year [A.H. 12]91 (=A.D. 1874) he was still, to use his own phrase, "imprisoned for the love of God" (~~~) at Famagusta. He subsequently went to Nicosia, and thence to Larnaca, where he was in 1884. His final departure from Cyprus is notified by Mr Cobham in a letter dated September 18th 1886:- "The Persian heresiarch and calligraphist Mushkín Kalam left Cyprus for St. Jean d'Acre on the night of Tuesday September 14-15, renouncing his pittances and the protection of the Island Government. He found an unwonted opportunity in a Syrian vessel going direct to Acre, the head quarters of the Báb [sc Behá'u'lláh]... I am extremely sorry to lose him as a Persian munshí." He was still in April 1890 at Acre, where I met him (see Introduction). |
28. | (Name not given). | -- | Servant. | After his marriage with Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh's widow, Mushkín Kalam obtained |
Order. | Name. | Original number. | Relation to head of family. | Age in 1884. | Remarks. |
possession of both the servants allotted to the exiles. "It is not clear," observes the Receiver General, "why Mushkín Kalam should have both the servants, but Government need not, I think, object to the arrangement if Subh-i-Ezel consents, which I doubt his doing." | |||||
29. | 'Abdu'l-Ghaffár. | 13. | Head. | -- | Escaped from Cyprus on September 29th 1870, during the fair held at Famagusta, in company with two other prisoners. According to Subh-i-Ezel he went to Acre, but, though a Behá'í, was somewhat coldly received. He subsequently settled in Beyrout and changed his name. |
30. | Muhammad Bákir, of Isfahán. | 14. | Head. | -- | Died at an advanced age on November 22nd 1872. |
TRANSLATION OF THE SUPERSCRIPTION AND EXORDIUM OF
THE EPISTLE TO THE KING OF PERSIA.
My original purpose was to give in this note nothing more than a translation of that portion of the "Epistle to the King of Persia" which is omitted in the text, but the permission so generously accorded to me by Baron Rosen to make full and free use of the proof-sheets of his still unpublished work enables me to add the text and translation of the instructions given to the bearer of the missive. [See p. 102 supra, and footnote.] The text of these instructions is as follows:-
[ten lines of Persian/Arabic text]
[ten lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"This is a copy of what was written on the back of the
Epistle to the King.
'He is God, exalted is He.
'We ask God to send one of His servants, and to detach him from Contingent Being, and to adorn his heart with the decoration of strength and composure, that he may help his Lord amidst the concourse of creatures, and, when he becometh aware of what hath been revealed for His Majesty the King, that he may arise and take the Letter, by the permission of his Lord, the Mighty, the Bounteous, and go with speed to the abode of the King. And when he shall arrive at the place of his throne, let him alight in the inn,
and let him hold converse with none till he goeth forth one day and standeth where he [i.e. the King] shall pass by. And when the Royal harbingers shall appear, let him raise up the Letter with the utmost humility and courtesy, and say, "It hath been sent on the part of the Prisoner1." And it is incumbent upon him to be in such a mood that, should the King decree his death, he shall not be troubled within himself, and shall hasten to the place of sacrifice saying, "O Lord, praise be to Thee because that Thou hast made me a helper to Thy religion, and hast decreed unto me martyrdom in Thy way! By Thy Glory, I would not exchange this cup for [all] the cups in the worlds, for Thou hast not ordained any equivalent to this, neither do Kawthar and Salsabíl2 letteth him [i.e. the messenger] go, and interfereth not with him, let him say, "To Thee be praise, O Lord of the worlds! Verily I am content with Thy good pleasure and what Thou hast predestined unto me in Thy way, even though I did desire that the earth might be dyed with my blood for Thy love. But what Thou willest is best for me: verily Thou knowest what is in my soul, while I know not what is in Thy soul; and Thou art the All-knowing, the Informed."'"
Baron Rosen, after quoting the version of Mírzá Badí''s mission and martyrdom which I published at pp. 956-957 of my second paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889, observes that, considering the text of the above instructions, and the minute obedience yielded by Behá'u'lláh's followers to his slightest wish, this version is extremely improbable. He says:- "S'adresser au souverain de la Perse, en lui disant 'j'ai un fermân pour vous' etc., - cela n'est certes pas l'humilité parfaite dont parle l'hérésiarque." The opinion thus expressed by Baron Rosen is entirely borne out by the present work (see pp. 102-105 supra), and I am now quite convinced that it is correct. He further adds, "Quant à la date de l'événement, j'ai toutes raisons de croire qu'il s'est passé au mois de Juillet de l'année 1869, indiquée par M. Browne."
1 Cf. p. 104 supra.
2 The names of two rivers in Paradise.] rival it!" But if he [i.e. the King
[Persian numbers]1, Behá.]
"This is what was revealed in the 'Heykal2." The original from which the Kirmán text and the glosses appended to it (which agree almost exactly with those given by Baron Rosen) were derived would therefore appear to have been communicated to the Bábís in Persia by Áká Mírzá Áká Ján ("Jenáb-i-Khádimu'lláh") at the command of Behá'u'lláh's eldest son 'Abbás Efendí. [See Introduction; Note W, p. 361 supra; and b. i, pp. 518-519.]' for His Majesty the King. 'He is God, exalted is His state [in] Might and Power.
'O King of the earth, hear the voice of this servant. Verily I am a man who hath believed in God and His signs, and I have sacrificed myself in His way; to this do the afflictions wherein I am (the like of which none amongst mankind hath borne) testify, and my Lord the All-knowing is the witness to what I say. I have not summoned men unto aught save unto thy Lord and the Lord of the worlds. In love for Him there hath come upon me that whereof the eye of creation hath not beheld the like: in this will those servants whom the veils of humanity have not withheld from confronting the Chiefest Outlook bear me out, and beside them He with whom is the knowledge of all things in a Preserved Tablet. Whenever the clouds of fate rain down the darts of affliction in the way of God the Lord of the Names, I advance to meet them; to this testifieth
1 These numerals, as remarked by Baron Rosen (pp. 146-147), clearly stand for the equivalent letters ~~~.
2 Concerning the Súra-i-Heykal (of which the Epistles to the Kings collectively form only a portion) see note 1 at the foot of p. 108 supra; B. ii, p. 954; and p. 149 of Baron Rosen's forthcoming work. My Kirmán MS. lacks this heading, for which the following is substituted:- "This Epistle was revealed in Adrianople specially for His Majesty the King. This servant, the confidential attendant of their Excellencies [apparently Behá-'u'lláh and his sons], sends it for you to peruse. The meanings of sundry Arabic phrases which were in my mind have been written down agreeably to the command of God's Most Mighty Branch [Ghusnu'lláhi'l-a'zam].
every fair and rightly-informed person. How many are the nights wherein the wild beasts rested in their lairs, and the birds in their nests, while this servant was in chains and fetters, and found for himself none to succour, nor any helper! Remember the grace of God towards thee when thou wast in prison with sundry others, and He brought thee out thence, and succoured thee with the hosts of the Invisible and the Visible, until the King sent thee to 'Irák[i.e. Baghdad] after that We had disclosed to him that thou wast not of [the number of] the seditious. Verily such as follow [their] lusts and turn aside from virtue, these are in evident error. And as for those who work sedition in the earth, and shed blood, and falsely consume men's wealth, we are quit of them, and we ask God not to associate us with them either in this world or in the world to come, unless they repent unto Him; verily He is the Most Merciful of the merciful. Verily it behoveth him who turneth towards God to be distinguished in all actions from what is apart from Him, and to conform to that which is enjoined upon him in the Book: thus is the matter decreed in a Perspicuous Book. As for such as cast the command of God behind their backs and follow after their lusts, they are in grievous error.
'O King, I conjure thee by thy Lord the Merciful to regard [His] servants with the gaze of pitiful eyes1, and to rule with justice in their midst, that God may award His favour unto thee: verily thy Lord judgeth as He pleaseth. The world shall perish with whatsoever of glory and abasement is therein, while dominion remaineth unto God, the Supreme and All-knowing King. Say, Verily He hath kindled the Lamp of the Beyán2, and He will continue it with the oil of ideas and expression: exalted is thy Lord the Merciful beyond this, that created beings should withstand His command. Verily He will shew forth what He pleaseth by His authority, and will guard it with a cohort of the Proximate Angels. He controlleth His handiwork and compelleth His creation: verily He is the All-knowing, the Wise.
1 Literally, "with the glances of the eyes of thy clemency."
2 Or "of Utterance" or "Revelation."
'O King, verily I was as [any] one amongst mankind, slumbering upon my couch. The gales of the All-Glorious passed by me and taught me the knowledge of what hath been. This thing is not from me, but from One [who is] Mighty and All-knowing. And He bade me proclaim betwixt the earth and the heaven, and for this hath there befallen me that whereat the eyes of those who know overflow with tears. I have not studied those sciences which men possess, nor have I entered the colleges: enquire of the city wherein I was, that thou mayest be assured that I am not of those who speak falsely. This is a leaf which the breezes of the Will of thy Lord the Mighty, the Extolled, have stirred. Can it be still when the rushing winds blow? No, by the Lord of the Names and Attributes! Rather do they move it as they list, [for] Being belongeth not to Nonentity in presence of the Eternal. His decisive command did come, causing me to speak for His celebration amidst the worlds. Verily I was not save as one dead in presence of His command, the hand of thy Lord the Merciful, the Clement, turning me. Can any one speak on his own part that for which all men, whether low or high, will persecute him? No, by Him who taught the Pen eternal mysteries, save him who is strengthened by One Mighty and Strong.
'The Supreme Pen addresseth me, saying, "Fear not; [but] relate unto His Majesty the King what hath come upon thee. Verily his heart is between the fingers of thy Lord the Merciful: perchance He will cause the sun of justice and kindness to dawn from the horizons of his heart." Thus was the command revealed from the All-Wise.
'Say, "O King, look with the gaze of justice upon thy servant; then decide according to the right concerning what hath befallen him. Verily God hath appointed thee His shadow amongst [His] servants1, and the sign of His Power to the dwellers in the land: judge between us and those who have oppressed us without proof or clear warrant. Verily those who surround thee love thee for their own sakes, while [thy] servant loveth thee for thine own sake;
1 See footnote on p. 156 supra.
nor doth he desire aught save that he may bring thee nigh unto the station of Grace and turn thee unto the right hand of Justice: thy Lord is witness unto that which I say."
'O King, of thou wouldest hear the cry of the Supreme Pen, and the murmur of the Dove of Eternity on the branches of the Lote-tree beyond which there is no passing1 in praise of God, the Maker of the Names, the Creator of the earth and the heaven, verily this would cause thee to attain unto a station whence thou wouldest behold in existence naught save the effulgence of [God] the Adored, and [whence] thou wouldst regard dominion2 as a thing of least account in thine eyes, leaving it to him who desireth it, and turning toward a horizon illumined with the lights of [God's] countenance; neither wouldst thou ever endure the burden of dominion, unless [it were] to help thy Lord, the High, the Supreme. Then would the people of the Supreme Concourse magnify thee [saying], "How good is this most glorious state," if thou wouldest [but] ascend thereunto by authority accorded unto thee in the Name of God.
'Amongst mankind are some who say that this servant desireth naught save the perpetuation of his name, and others who say that he desireth the world for himself, notwithstanding that I have not found during the days of my life a place of safety such that I might set my feet therein, but was ever [overwhelmed] in floods of affliction, whereof none wots save God: verily He knoweth what I say. How many were the days wherein my friends were disquieted for my distress, and how many the nights wherein the sound of wailing arose from my family in fear for my life! None will deny this save him who is devoid of truthfulness. Doth he who regardeth not [his] life [as assured] for less than a moment desire the world? [I] marvel at those who speak after their lusts, and wander madly in the desert of passion and desire. They shall be questioned as to that which they have said; on that day they shall not find for themselves any protector nor any
1 See Kur'án, liii, 14.
2 Or, "the world," for the word ~~~ bears this meaning also.
helper. And amongst them are those who say, "Verily he denieth God," notwithstanding that all my limbs testify that there is no God but Him, and that those whom He quickened with the truth and sent for [men's] guidance are the manifestations of His Most Comely Names, the day-springs of His Supreme Attributes, and the recipients of His revelation in the realm of creation; by whom the Proof of God unto all beside Himself is made perfect, the standard of the [faith of the] Unity is set up, and the sign of renunciation becomes apparent; and by whom every soul taketh a course towards the Lord of the Throne. We bear witness that there is no God but Him; everlastingly He was, and there was nothing beside Him; everlastingly He will be, even as He hath been. Exalted is the Merciful One above this, that the hearts of the people of wisdom should ascend unto the comprehension of His Nature, or that the understanding of such as inhabit the worlds should rise to the knowledge of His Essence. Holy is He above the knowledge of all save Himself, and exempt is He from the comprehension of what is beside Him: verily in Eternity of Eternities was He independent of the worlds.
'Remember the days wherein the Sun of Bat-há1 shone forth from the horizon of the Will of thy Lord, the High, the Supreme, [how] the doctors turned aside from him, and the cultured found fault with him; that thou mayst understand what is now hidden within the Veil of Light. Matters waxed so grievous for him on all sides, until those who were [gathered] round him were dispersed by his [own] command2: thus was the matter decreed from the Heaven of Glory. Then remember when one of them came in before the Nejáshí3 and recited unto him a súra of the Kur'án. He said to those around him, "Verily it hath been revealed on the part of One All-knowing and Wise. Whosoever accepteth what is best, and believeth in that which Jesus brought, for him it is impossible to turn aside from what
1 i.e. Muhammad. Bet-há is here synonymous with Mecca.
2 Allusion is made to the flight of the persecuted and unprotected Muslims from Mecca in the fifth year of Muhammad's mission.
3 Nejáshí is a generic name for the Kings of Abyssinia, as Kisra is for the Persian, and Kaysar for the Roman emperors.
hath been read: verily we testify unto [the truth of] it, even as we testify unto [the truth of] what is with us of the books of God2 the Protecting, the Self-Subsistent."
'By God, O King, if thou wouldest hear the strains of the dove which cooeth in the branches with varied notes by the command of thy Lord the Merciful, thou wouldest assuredly put away dominion behind thee and turn unto the Chiefest Outlook, the station from the horizon of which the Book of the Dawn is seen, and wouldest spend what thou hast, seeking after that which is with God. Then wouldest thou find thyself in the height of glory and exaltation, and the zenith of greatness and independence: thus hath the matter been written in the primaeval revelation1 by the Pen of the Merciful One. There is no good in what thou dost possess to-day, for another shall possess it to-morrow in thy stead. Choose for thyself that which God hath chosen for His elect: verily He will bestow upon thee a mighty dominion in His Kingdom. We ask God that He may help thy Majesty to hearken unto the Word whereby the world is illumined, and preserve thee from those who are remote from the region of nearness.
'Glory be to Thee, O God! O God, how many heads have been set up on spears in Thy way! How many breasts have advanced to meet arrows for Thy good pleasure! How many hearts have been riddled for the exaltation of Thy Word and the diffusion of Thy Religion! How many eyes have overflowed [with tears] for Thy love! I ask Thee, O King of kings, Pitier of thralls, by Thy Most Great Name, which Thou hast made the day-spring of Thy Most Comely Names and the manifestation of Thy Supreme Attributes, to lift up the veils which intervene between Thee and Thy creatures, withholding them from turning towards the horizon of Thy revelation; then draw them, O God, by Thy Supreme Word from the left hand of fancy and forgetfulness to the right hand of certainty and know-
1 i.e. the Sacred books which we now possess, the Gospel.
2 Literally "the Mother of Revelation" or "of the Beyán," a phrase evidently copied from the expression ~~~, which occurs in several places in the Kur'án (súras iii, 5; xiii, 39; xliii, 3, &c.).
ledge, that they may know what Thou, in Thy bounty and grace, desirest for them, and may turn towards the Manifestation of Thy religion and the Day-spring of Thy signs. O God, Thou art the Gracious, the Lord of great bounty; withhold not Thy servants from the Most Mighty Ocean, which Thou hast made to produce the pearls of Thy Knowledge and Wisdom, neither repel them from Thy Gate, which Thou hast opened unto all who are in Thy heaven and Thy earth. O Lord, leave them not to themselves, for they know not, and flee from what is better for them than whatsoever hath been created in Thine earth. Look upon them, O Lord, with the glances of the eyes of Thy favours and bounties, and free them from passion and lust, that they may draw nigh unto Thy Supreme Horizon, and may discover the delight of remembering Thee, and the sweetness of the table1 which hath been sent down from the heaven of Thy Will and the air of Thy Bounty. Everlastingly hath Thy Grace encompassed [all] contingent beings, and Thy Mercy preceded2 [all] creatures: there is no God but Thee, the Forgiving, the Merciful.
'Glory be to Thee, O God! Thou knowest that my heart is melted about Thy business, that my blood boils in my veins with the fire of Thy love, and that every drop thereof crieth unto Thee with dumb eloquence3), which, as contrasted with "the tongue of utterance" (~~~), signifies the words wherewith the state of an inarticulate thing may appropriately be described.] [saying], "O Lord Most High, shed me on the earth in Thy way," that there may grow from it what Thou desirest in Thy books, but hast concealed from the sight of Thy servants, save such as have drunk of the Kawthar4 of knowledge from the hands of Thy grace, and the Salsabíl of wisdom from the cup of Thy bounty. Thou knowest, O God, that in every action I desire nothing save Thy business, and that in every utterance I seek naught but Thy celebration, neither doth my pen move except I desire therein Thy
1 Cf. Kur'án v, 112, 114.
2 See note 1 on p. 113 supra.
3 Literally, "the tongue of [its] state" (~~~).
4 Kawthar and Salsabíl, the names of two rivers in Paradise.
good pleasure and the setting forth of what Thou hast enjoined upon me by Thy authority. Thou seest me, O God, confounded in Thine earth: if I tell what Thou hast enjoined on me, Thy creatures turn against me; and if I forsake what Thou hast enjoined on me on Thy part, I should be deserving of the scourges of Thy wrath, and far removed from the gardens of nearness to Thee. No, by Thy Glory, I advance toward Thy good pleasure, turning aside from what the souls of Thy servants desire: and accept what is with Thee, forsaking what will remove me afar off from the retreats of nearness to Thee and the heights of Thy Glory. By Thy Glory, for Thy love I flinch not from aught, and for Thy good pleasure I fear not all the afflictions in the world: this is but through Thy Strength and Thy Might and Thy Grace and Thy Favour, and not because I am deserving thereof.'"
The Epistle then continues as in the text (pp. 108-151 supra).[+CHAPTER26]
THE MARTYRS OF ISFAHÁN, THE MARTYRDOM OF MÍRZÁ
ASHRAF OF ÁBÁDÉ, AND THE PERSECUTIONS OF SI-DIh.
(1) The Martyrs of Isfahán.
Of the martyrdom of Seyyid Hasan and Seyyid Huseyn (called by the Behá'ís Mahbúbu'sh-shuhadá "the Darling of Martyrs" and Sultánu'sh-shuhadá "the King of Martyrs"), with which the present history concludes, I gave the substance of what I had heard at Isfahán and Shíráz at pp. 489-592 of my first paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889. That account will be found to agree in all material details with the version contained in this work, and, as regards the actual facts of the case, I have but little to add, except that, according to Subh-i-Ezel, one of his followers named Mullá Kázim (of whose martyrdom the Behá'ís make no mention) was put to death in Isfahán at or about the same time (see B. ii, p. 995, note on p. 490).
During my stay in Kirmán, however, I became intimate with a certain Sheykh S----- (not the Bábí courier whom, in Note Z, I have designated by the same abbreviation), a dervish endowed with considerable intellectual gifts not yet wholly destroyed by excessive indulgence in narcotics and stimulants, who had spent the greater part of his life in that eager and restless search after religious novelties called by such as pursue it seyr-i-kulúb (an expression which I can render but clumsily as "spiritual sight-seeing"), and who, so far as the prevailing antinomianism of his character can permit one to describe him as holding any definite religion at all, was an adherent of the Bábí faith, for which in his youth be but narrowly escaped martyrdom. One evening this Sheykh S-----, being in a communicative mood, gave me an account of a conversation alleged to have taken place between himself and the Sháh's eldest son, the Prince Zillu's-Sultán, relating in part to the martyrdom of these two Seyyids. That Sheykh S-----'s story is substantially true I see no reason to doubt, inasmuch as many other things which he related to me have subsequently been confirmed by other testimony, and, so far as I could judge, untruthfulness was not one of his faults. At all events his narrative is too characteristic to be consigned to oblivion, and I therefore give it for what it is worth as nearly as I can remember in his own words.
"When I was at Isfahán," said Sheykh S-----, "I was for some time living on the bounty and in the house of one of the Zillu's-Sultán's attendants, just as I am now living at the expense of Mírzá -----. This man was himself one of the 'Friends' (i.e. the Bábís). Through him, as I suppose, the Zillu's-Sultán learned that I had visited Acre. At any rate, one evening he summoned me into his presence. On entering the room where he was sitting, I halted near the door and made my obeisance. 'Come nearer,' said he. I advanced a few paces, and again halted. 'Nearer,' said he again. In short he continued to bid me approach until I was close to him, when he commanded me to be seated. 'Now,' said he, 'I hear that you have been to Acre. I do not ask whether you are a Bábí or not. A man may go amongst the Jews or the Christians or the Guebres out of curiosity without becoming one of them, and I will suppose
that you went amongst the Bábís for the same reason. I ask you, then, being myself curious, what you saw and heard from the time that you entered Acre to the time when you left it two stages behind you?' Seeing his humour, I perceived no better course than to relate to him all that I saw and heard, even as I have related it to you1. When I had finished, the Prince said, 'Stand up.' I did so, and he cast over my shoulders a costly shawl, exclaiming as he did so, 'Bravo! You have told me the truth without exaggeration or suppression.' Then he asked me to let him see the epistle (~~~) with which I had been honoured. I gave it to him, and he read it attentively. When he had finished it he laid it down and remained silent for a while wrapped in thought. Then he said, 'Let me keep this by me to-night: I will return it to you to-morrow.' I accordingly withdrew, leaving the epistle in his hands. On the morrow, when I went to receive it back, the Prince said, 'You have heard, of course, how I killed those two Seyyids here because they were Bábís?' 'I was not in Isfahán at the time,' I answered, 'but of course I heard about it.' 'Well,' said the Prince, 'I will tell you how it happened. The Imám-Jum'a and Sheykh Bákir owed those two Seyyids money, and coveted their wealth and possessions, wherefore they fell to compassing their death, so that they might plunder their houses and recover the bonds which they had given to them. On their information and complaint I arrested the two Seyyids and cast them into prison, for I feared these doctors of religion, and they had said to me, "Either you will slay these two Seyyids, or you will cease to be governor of Isfahán." On the second or third day after this, in the evening, I, being alone with the Binánu'l-Mulk and my secretary, caused the two Seyyids to be brought before me, and thus addressed them:- "I do not wish to kill you. I would not willingly shed the blood of a Seyyid. But I fear Sheykh Bákir and the Imám-Jum'a. If you will but curse that Seyyid of Shíráz1, I will at
1 The substance of Sheykh S----'s narrative, which I heard him repeat several times, will be found at p. 519 of my first paper on the Bábís in the J. R. A. S. for 1889.]
2 i.e. Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb.
once release you, and thenceforth neither I nor the clergy will have any right to interfere with you further." "We cannot," they replied, "do this thing which you ask of us." I then said, "Look at the matter in another way; either you regard this Seyyid as God, or you do not. If you do not, then curse him. If you do, then he is a boundless sea of light, and your cursing him will no more harm him than casting a dog into the ocean would render it impure." When I had said this, the younger of the two brothers, Seyyid Huseyn, raised his head and answered, "You are a prince and the King's son; such words beseem you not." On hearing these words I was overcome with anger, and, standing up, smote the speaker on the face. Directly I had done so I was sorry, and ordered them to be taken back to prison. As they still refused to recant, they were executed in the Maydán-i-Sháh. Afterwards their bodies were dragged by the feet through the streets and bazaars, and cast out of the gate beyond the city walls.' When the Prince Zillu's-Sultán had concluded his narrative he swore thrice 'by the death of Jalálu'd-Dawla' ('bi-marg-i- Jalálu'd-Dawla')1 saying, 'for three days after this I could neither sleep nor eat for thinking of those Seyyids.' There was a third brother, younger than the two who were killed, who cursed the Báb, abjured the Bábí faith, and was released."
1 To swear by the death of any one presumably dear to one's self is a very common form of asseveration amongst the Persians. The oath implies "may So-and-so die if I speak falsely." Hence the dearer the friend whose death is sworn by, the more binding and solemn the oath. This is why a Persian always swears "bi-marg-i-khudat" ("by thy death"), never "bi-marg-i-khudam" ("by my own death"), for, since one is bound to regard one's own life as of little value, the latter oath would be considered far less solemn. Jalálu'd-Dawla is the title of Prince Zillu's-Sultán's eldest son, who was, till March 1888, governor of Shíráz and the province of Fárs.
Concerning this event, which occurred very shortly after I left Persia, but of which I heard for the first time from General Houtum-Schindler at the meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society on April 15th, 1889, before which I read my first paper on the Bábís, I received on August 3rd a letter from one of my Persian friends at Shíráz dated July 3rd, 1889. Of this letter I published a translation at pp. 998-999 of my second paper. As the matter is of considerable interest and is not likely to be chronicled elsewhere, I think it will not be out of place to reproduce here the original text of the letter, which runs as follows:-
[half page of Persian/Arabic text]
[one page of Persian/Arabic text]
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text]
On August 4th, the day after I received the above letter, I wrote to a friend at Isfahán, on whose kindness I felt sure I might rely, for information which no one was better qualified than himself to give. On October 8th, just a year after Mírzá Ashraf's martyrdom, I received his answer, which bore the date September 6th, 1889. "Yes," he wrote, "it is quite true that Aga Mirza Ashraf of Ábâdé was put to death for his religion in the most barbarous manner in Ispahan about October last. The hatred of the Mullas was not satisfied with his murder, but they mutilated the poor body publicly in the maidan in the most savage manner, and then burnt what was left of it."
The same letter from which the above extract is quoted continues immediately as follows:- "Since then we have had two other persecutions of Bábís, one in Sihdih and the other in Nejifabad. In Sihdih, where the Bábí community is small, their houses were burned and their wives and children ill-treated. The men saved themselves by flight to Tehran, and I am told that about 25 of them have just returned to Ispahan and are in the Prince's Stables in bast1. In Nejifabad there are about 2000 Bábís. They
1 Sanctuary.
tried the same game with them, but some hundreds of them took refuge in the English Telegraph Office in Julfa, and the Prince [Zillu's-Sultán] took their part and banished from Nejifabad to Kerbela the Mujtahid who persecuted them. So the result is that they are freer now than they have ever been. I take very great interest in the poor people, not only for their own sakes but for the sake of Persia also, as if liberty is gained for them it will be a great step towards shaking the power of the Mullâs and getting liberty for all. Just before the last persecution of the Bábís the Mujtahids in Ispahan, especially Hájí Nejifi, tried a persecution of Jews also, and threatened Christians with the same. The 13 rules of Omar (I believe, at least, most of them may be traced to him) were enforced for a short time:- (1) That no Jew should wear an `abá1. (2) That they should wear a mark on their dress. (3) Not to ride any beast of burden in the city. (4) Not to leave their houses on a wet day2. (5) Not to purchase merchandize from a Moslem. (6) That when a Jew meets a Moslem he is to salute him and walk behind him. (7) Not to return abuse. (8) Not to build a house higher than a Muslim neighbour. (9) Not to eat in presence of a Muslim during the Ramazán, &c."
On May 16th, 1890, I received from one of my friends in Teherán a letter dated April 13th. Knowing the interest which I took in the Bábís, he was kind enough to include in this letter a brief account of these persecutions, which runs as follows:-
"You have doubtless heard of the late Bábí massacre at Isfahan, and I will only therefore tell you, in case you have not, the principal points. They are inhabitants of a district called Seh-deh, and last summer a number of
1 A kind of cloak worn over the kabá.
2 All non-Muhammadans are regarded by the Persian Shi'ites as unclean (najis), but, as is the case with other impurities, the true believer is only defiled by touching them or their garments when they are moist, for what is dry does not pollute. Hence this enactment, which is generally enforced against Zoroastrians at Yezd. I have heard of a Zoroastrian being punished with the bastinado for venturing into the bazaars with wet clothes on a rainy day.
them, owing to constant persecution, left their villages and came to Isfahan, whence after a time they returned home, with the exception of a certain number who came to Tehran. On the return of these men to their homes about six weeks ago they were attacked by a mob headed by a man called Agha Nedjefy, and seven or eight of them were killed and their bodies burnt with oil. They then took refuge at the Telegraph Office, and finally, after persistent representations from this [i.e. the British] Legation, have been received by the Deputy Governor. It is hoped that on the Zil's1 return in a few days they will be able to go home. Agha Nedjefy has been summoned to Tehran and well received. Of course they are said to be Bábis, though there seems to be no real proof that they are of that persuasion. When the murders took place they were under the care of an escort which was intimidated by the mob and left them."
From a comparison of the above extracts it would appear that the Bábís of Si-dih and Najafábád were subjected to two separate persecutions. The first of these, which took place previously to September 1889, seems to have been limited to the destruction of property, and not to have resulted in actual bloodshed. The second, which, according to the last extract cited, must have taken place about March 1st, 1890, was brought about by the return of the fugitive Bábís to their homes, and resulted in the death of seven or eight persons.
Almost at the very time when the second letter from which I have quoted was being written, I heard at Acre some account of the latest phase of this episode. On the last day of my sojourn there (April 20th, 1890) Áká Mírzá Áká Ján "Khádimu'lláh" came into the room where we were sitting, bearing in his hand a letter which had just arrived from Persia. From this letter he read out what purported to be an exact copy of a telegram sent from Teherán by the Prince Zillu's-Sultán to his deputy at Isfahán. The message was a long one and I had no
1 i.e. the Zillu's-Sultán, the Sháh's eldest son, till February 1888 Prince-Governor of the greater part of Southern Persia, and still Governor of Isfahán and the surrounding districts.
opportunity of copying it, but its general tenour I remember perfectly well, while some of the expressions contained in it were too remarkable to be forgotten. It contained the most positive orders couched in the most emphatic language to put an effectual stop to these unprovoked molestations of the Bábís. "If you do not instantly restore order and quiet, silence these mischief-makers who disturb the peace of my government, and give efficient protection to quiet law-abiding folks, I will come myself, post, and give you a lesson." Then followed a string of threats and reproaches, ending in these most significant words - "After all you know me. It is not necessary for me to introduce myself1." That the contents of a telegram sent from the Prince-Governor of Isfahán to his deputy should be known at Acre may appear astonishing, but I have more than once been amazed at the rapidity and completeness with which the Bábís become informed of all that concerns their interests.
The intercession of the British Minister with the Persian Government on behalf of the persecuted Bábís called forth a violent protest from the Teherán correspondent of the Akhtar2. Of a portion of this article, which was dated Sha'bán 9th, A.H. 1307 (= March 31st, 1890) from Teherán, and appeared in the issue of Shawwál 8th (= May 26th) of the same year, I append a translation.
"Some little time ago troubles arose in Isfahán by reason of an assault made by a party of Jews on a [Musulmán] student [of theology], and the towns-folk attacked the Jews, with whom it went ill. After that again a disturbance occurred in Si-dih of Isfahán, and several of the innovators3, who were wont to disparage the conduct of the Musulmáns, suffered injury and loss.
1 ~~~
2 The Akhtar (Star) is the chief Persian newspaper, and almost the only one which contains any news as we understand the word. It is published weekly at Constantinople, and has a large circulation throughout the East. Lately, however, it has for some reason been suppressed.
3 A euphuism for the Bábís, whom other Persians are as a rule very loath to mention by name.
The Imperial Government made strenuous efforts to put a stop to the mischief, and did not allow the flame of that disturbance to spread; but the most astonishing thing is the interference of the English Embassy in such matters, and the submission of the ministers of the Persian Government to such conduct, which oversteps the rights of states and nations, on the part of the afore-mentioned Embassy. What has come to the English Embassy that, in face of the autonomy of the Persian Empire of eternal duration, it should send a special representative to Isfahán for the investigation of this matter, take down the names of these mischievous and seditious innovators, and thus embolden these misleaders of men, who are hostile alike to Church and State, and are, indeed, enemies to the whole human race, in their sedition?
"All these things are the result of the heedlessness of that day when the ministers of state first admitted the interference of foreigners under the guise of benevolent intercession in such contingencies, until now they have changed intercession into arrogance, and benevolence into hostility, and have carried intervention to such a pitch that within the Persian dominions they meddle in a quarrel between two subjects of the Sháh between whom and themselves no sort of connection or relation subsists, and send thither the second secretary of the Embassy to conduct investigations. Yet no one asks of them, 'Sir Ambassador, what concern of thine is it? Should such an event happen in your country, would you allow another to meddle with it? Show us then by what right you have been led to interfere in this matter?'"
On the whole, however, the Bábís are much less liable to suffer molestation now than they were formerly, and not uncommonly the malicious attempts of their inveterate foes the Mullás to inaugurate a persecution prove abortive, as is shewn by the following translation from a letter written to me from Shíráz on October 19th, 1888, by the correspondent whose account of Mírzá Ashraf's martyrdom I have already quoted.
"You have asked me concerning the trouble about the Bábís in Shíráz. It was not of such consequence as to be worth writing about. A black maid-servant had stolen sundry
articles from the house of K----- Khán, and, out of mere enmity towards her master, had got possession of a copy of the Íkán which was amongst his books. This she laid before Seyyid 'Alí Akbar, one of the 'Ulamá of Shíráz notorious for boundless fanaticism. He attempted to induce the authorities of Shíráz to put K----- Khán and several other persons to death, but the Government paid no heed to his representations, and, indeed, censured and upbraided him. A telegram also came from Teherán sternly forbidding him. When he perceived that he was not supported or countenanced by the Government authorities, he was discomfited and reduced to silence.
"In Bushire also one of the Mullás wished to act ill towards several persons of this sect. Sa'du'l-Mulk, the Governor of Bushire, promptly issued an order for the expulsion of the Mullá himself; though at length, by much intercession, it was decreed that he might remain on condition of never [again] meddling in such matters."
An event which took place still more recently in the Russian dominions may perhaps have a salutary effect in checking the ferocious intolerance of the Mullás, at any rate outside Persia. Baron Rosen has described this occurrence, from notes made on the spot by M. Toumansky, in connection with two epistles from Behá to the "revelation" of which it gave rise. This account, together with the text of these epistles, will be found at pp. 247-250 of the forthcoming sixth volume of the Collections Scientifiques &c. Availing myself of Baron Rosen's generous permission to make full use of his still unpublished work, I conclude this note with a translation of his narrative.
"At 7 a.m. on September 8th (August 27th, old style) 1889, two fanatical Persian Shi'ites, Mash-hadi 'Alí Akbar and Mash-hadí Huseyn, threw themselves, dagger in hand, on a certain Hájí Muhammad Rizá of Isfahán, who was peaceably traversing one of the most frequented streets of 'Ishkábád, and inflicted on him 72 wounds, to which he succumbed. Hájí Muhammad Rizá was one of the most respected of the Bábís of 'Ishkábád. The crime was perpetrated with such audacity that neither the numerous witnesses of the occurrence, nor the constable who was on the spot could save the victim of this odious attack. The
assassins yielded themselves up to the police without any resistance; they were placed in a cab and conveyed to the prison. During the transit they fell to licking up the blood which was dripping from their daggers. The examination, conducted with much energy by the military tribunal, gave as its result that Muhammad Rizá had fallen victim to the religious bigotry of the Shi'ites. Fearful of Muhummad Rizá's influence, the Shi'ites of 'Ishkábád, acting in accordance with the orders of Mullás who had come expressly for this purpose from Khurásán, resolved to cut short the Bábí propaganda by killing Hájí Muhammad Rizá. Knowing well, however, that the crime would not remain unpunished, they left it to chance to determine what persons should sacrifice themselves for the Shi'ite cause. Thus it was that the individuals named above became the assassins of Muhammad Rizá, who had never injured them in any way. The sentence of the tribunal was severe: 'Alí Akbar and Huseyn, as well as two of their confederates, were condemned to be hanged, but the penalty of death was commuted by His Majesty the Emperor to hard labour for life.
"This sentence was hailed by the Bábís with an enthusiasm easy to understand. It was the first time since the existence of the sect, i.e. for nearly fifty years, that a crime committed on the person of an adherent of the new religion had been punished with all the rigour of the law. The impression produced on the chief of the sect, Behá, appears to have been equally profound. The two revelations which we shall submit to the reader sufficiently prove this. They are also interesting from another point of view: they are almost the only Bábí documents of which we can understand all the meanings, all the allusions."[+CHAPTER27]
ZEYNU'L-MUKARRABÍN, HIS COLOPHONS, AND THE LIGHT THROWN BY THESE ON THE BÁBÍ METHOD OF RECKONING TIME.
The information which I possess about Zeynu'l-Mukarrabín the Behá'í scribe (or, as he prefers to call himself,
Harfu'z-Zá "the Letter Z") is, unfortunately, very scanty. Before I visited Acre, I had heard his fame in Kirmán, but all that I learned definitely about him was that his real name was Zeynu'l-'Ábidín; that he had resided for many years at Mosul; that all the best and most correct manuscripts of the sacred books were written or revised by him; and that Sheykh S*****, the Bábí courier mentioned at pp. 496-498 of my first paper in the J. R. A. S. for 1889, visited him yearly on his return journey from Acre to Southern Persia.
During my stay at Acre in April 1890 I learned that he had resided there for some years, but I did not see him, at any rate to my knowledge. Many manuscripts were, however, lent to me to read while I was there, and all of these, so far as I remember, were written by his hand. From some of these I transcribed the colophons of which I shall speak directly. Two manuscripts written by him were given to me on my departure from Acre, viz. the present history, whereof the text is now offered to the public in fac-simile, and a copy of the Íkán. His industry must be prodigious, the aforesaid MS. of Íkán, for instance, being, as stated in the colophon, the 67th copy which he had transcribed! The present history, being written to some extent for general circulation, is dated only in the Muhammadan fashion; but all MSS. of the sacred books proper are also dated according to the Bábí method. Though I have not ascertained exactly when Zeynu'l-Mukarrabín came from Mosul to Acre, it appears from the colophons directly to be quoted that in A.H. 1296 (A.D. 1879) he was still at the former place, and that in A.H. 1305 (A.D. 1887-8) he was already at the latter.
Of the Bábí system of reckoning time, and of the names applied to the days and months, I gave an account at pp. 921-922 of my second paper in the J. R. A. S. for 1889. Being uncertain as to whether these names had been fixed by the Báb himself or by the Behá'ís, I was careful to enquire about them from Subh-i-Ezel, not telling him, of course, what I had heard previously. He wrote down their names for me, and this list which he gave me I here reproduce. It will be found to correspond with the
information obtained from the Behá'ís, save that the 8th and 9th months are transposed; and from this I assume that these names were fixed previously to the schism, probably by the Báb himself. Gobineau also, in his translation of the Kitáb-i-Ahkám, mentions the month "Alâ" as the last of the 19 months of the year.
[seven lines of Persian/Arabic text]
As the year contains 19 months, so does the month contain 19 days, and the same names therefore serve for both1. Provisionally, however, the following new nomenclature has been applied to the old week of seven days:-
Sunday, | [~~~] | Wednesday, | [~~~] |
Monday, | [~~~] | Thursday, | [~~~] |
Tuesday, | [~~~] | Friday, | [~~~] |
Saturday, | [~~~] |
Of this arrangement Subh-i-Ezel said nothing, so that it may possibly have originated with the Behá'ís. I now proceed with the transcription and translation of three colophons copied by myself at Acre from manuscripts written by Zeynu'l-Mukarrabín, concluding with a fourth appended to the MS. of the Íkán above mentioned.
1. Colophon from a MS. written at Mosul in A.H. 1296 (= A.D. 1879).
[eight lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"There ceased from the transcription of this its poor writer the Letter Zá on the day of Istijlál [Thursday], the day of Kudrat [the 13th day] of the month of 'Azimat [the 4th month] of the 36th year, [that is the year] Bahí [the seventeenth] of the second Váhid after the manifestation of the Point of Revelation [i.e. the Báb] (may the life of all beside him be his sacrifice), corresponding to the 7th of the month Jemádí II of the months of the year 1296, six and ninety and two hundred after the Millennium of the Flight of the Prophet (upon its fugitive be a thousand
salutations and greetings). And I was [at this time resident] in [Mosul] al-Hadbá1. And this is the seventh copy which God hath helped me to write according to this arrangement. Praise be to God first and last, inwardly and outwardly."
2. Colophon from a MS. written at Acre in A.H. 1305 (= A.D. 1887).
[four lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"There ceased from the transcription of this perspicuous book its poor writer the Letter Zá on the day of Kemál [Monday] the day of 'Ilm [the 12th day] of the month of 'Izzat [the 10th month] of the 44th year [that is the year] Váv [the sixth] of the third Váhid, corresponding to the Mustahall2 [first] of the month of Muharram the sacred [A.H.] 1305 in the city of 'Ayn ['Akká or Acre]. Praise be to God as beseems Him."
3. Colophon from a MS. written at Acre in A.H. 1306 (= A.D. 1889).
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]
1 See note 2 on p. 139 supra.
2 This word I misread and transcribed as [~~~] which gives no appropriate meaning. To the kindness of Baron Rosen I am indebted for the correction here made, which is evidently needed.
[four lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"There ceased from the transcription of this perspicuous book its poor writer the Letter Zá on the day of Jemál [Sunday] the day of 'Alá [the 19th day] of the month of Mulk [the 18th month] of the 45th year [that is the year] Abad [the seventh] of the third Váhid, corresponding to the twenty-third of the month of Jemádí II in the year 1306 after the Flight of the Prophet (upon its fugitive be a thousand salutations and greetings). Praise be to God who hath helped me to complete it, such praise as is worthy of the court of His sanctity.
4. Colophon from my MS. of the Íkán written at Acre in A.H. 1306 (= A.D. 1889).
[six lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"There ceased from the transcription of this its poor writer the Letter Zá on the night of Jemál [Sunday] the night of Masá'il [the 15th day] of the month of Sharaf [the 16th month] of the 45th year [that is the year] Abad [the seventh] of the third Váhid, corresponding to the eleventh of the month of Jemádí I of the months of the year 1306 after the Flight of the Prophet (upon its fugitive be a thousand salutations and greetings). Praise be to God who hath helped me to complete it, such praise as is worthy of the Court of His sanctity.
For the further elucidation of the matter I here reproduce the single Bábí colophon which I was able to cite in my second paper in the J. R. A. S. for 1889 (p. 922).
5. Colophon from a Commentary on the Kitáb-i-Akdas seen at Shíráz in April 1888.
[two lines of Persian/Arabic text]12
"He wrote it on the day of Kemál [Monday] the day of 'Alá [the 19th day] of the month of Núr [the 5th month] of the year Badí [which would be the 16th year, but, for the reason given in the footnote, there can be no doubt that this is a mistake for Bahí, the seventeenth year] of the second Váhid, A.H. 1296."
From the above colophons we perceive that, besides the division of the year into 19 months of 19 days each, the years elapsed since the 'Manifestation' are also arranged
1 sic in copy, but from analogy the word [~~~] appears redundant
2 This is evidently a mistake for [~~~], for, as we see from the first colophon quoted in this note (supra, p. 415), the 13th day of the 4th month of the year Bahí (i.e. the 36th year of the 'Manifestation,' or the 17th year of the second Váhid of nineteen years) fell in A.H. 1296, the same year in which this colophon was written; and in all that relates to the Bábí method of reckoning time Zeynu'l-Mukarrabín's authority is incontrovertible.
in Váhids or cycles of 19, and that to each year is given a name1 which, by the sum of its component letters, indicates the position of the year in its own Váhid, e.g.-
The 36th year after the Manifestation is called "the year Bahí [[~~~] = 10 + 5 + 2 = 17] of the second Váhid" [19 + 17 = 36].
The 44th year after the Manifestation is called "the year Váv [ = 6] of the third Váhid" [(2 x 19) + 6 = 44].
The 45th year after the Manifestation is called "the year Abad [[~~~] = 4 + 2 + 1 = 7] of the third Váhid" [(2 x 19) + 7 = 45].
The general arrangement of the Bábí calendar is now sufficiently clear, and, inasmuch as all Bábí colophons would appear to give the Muhammadan date as well as the Bábí date, this is perhaps all that we need know. Nevertheless, since MSS> may subsequently be discovered in which the date is given according to the Bábí method only, and since the matter is one calculated to arouse our curiosity, I feel impelled to discuss two questions which must be solved ere we can feel that we have fully mastered the problem before us.
These questions are:-
(1) From what fixed point does the reckoning begin?
(2) Does the year consist of 361 (i.e. 19 x 19) days only, or is any system of intercalation adopted to keep it in correspondence with the solar year?
1 That some special method of enumerating years was employed by the Bábís I conjectured in my second paper in the J.R.A.S. for 1889 (p. 922, note 1), but, having only one colophon before me, I altogether failed to understand its application, or to perceive that the numerical value, not the meaning, of the name of each year was the true guide to its position in the Váhid or cycle of years. Hence I failed to see that Badí (~~~) was a mere numerical expression of chronogram, and, imagining that it meant "first," vainly perplexed myself over the chronological difficulties involved in this supposition. However, as I have already pointed out, Badí in this colophon is clearly a mistake for Bahí (~~~), so that I might have failed to deduce the truth even if I had guessed it.
Before discussing these questions further, let us see what is said on the matter (1) by the Báb in the Persian Beyán, and (2) by Behá'u'lláh in the Kitáb-i-Akdas.
[From the Persian Beyán.]
[thirteen lines of ~~~]
[eight lines of Persian/Arabic text]
"The third chapter of the fifth Váhid. In explanation of the knowledge of the years and the months. The quintessence of this chapter is this, that the Lord of the Universe hath created all the years by His command, and by the manifestation of the Beyán hath appointed 'the Number of All Things' [361 = 19 x 19] as the number of every year, and hath appointed it [to consist of] nineteen months, and hath appointed each month nineteen days; that all may advance through the nineteen degrees of the 'Letters of the Unity' from the point of entrance into [the sign of] the Ram to the limit of its course which terminates in [the sign of the] Fish. And He hath called the first month Behá and the last 'Alá. . . . . .
"And the first month is the month of the 'Point,' and around it revolve the months of 'the Living' [~~~ = 18]; and it is like unto the sun amidst the months, the other months being like mirrors wherein shineth forth the light of that month, and wherein naught is seen save that month. And it hath been named by the Lord 'the month of Behá'
[i.e. splendour or brightness] in this sense, that the brightness of all the months is in that month. And [God] hath set it apart for 'Him whom God shall manifest,' and hath assigned every day of it to one of the 'Letters of the Living.' And the first day [thereof], which is the Nawrúz, is the day of 'there is no god but God'; the like of that day is as the 'Point' in the Beyán, from which all are created, and unto which all return. And He hath made the manifestation thereof in the 'Point of the Beyán,' the 'Person of the Seven Letters,'1 and hath made it the throne of 'Him whom God shall manifest' in this manifestation."
The fourteenth chapter of the sixth Váhid is entirely devoted to the glorification of the Nawrúz and the description of the ceremonies and rejoicings with which it should be observed. This ancient festival, here called 'the day which the Lord of the Universe hath set apart for himself amidst the days, and hath named 'the Day of God'" (Yawmu'lláh), is defined as "the day when the sun passes from the sign of the Fish into the Ram," and it is ordained that the actual moment of this passage "whether it occur during the night or during the day" shall be the signal for the inauguration of these ceremonies.
[From the Kitáb-i-Akdas.]
1 See p. 230 supra.
[fourteen lines of ~~~]
"O Supreme Pen! Say, 'O concourse of creation, We have ordained unto you the fast during [a] limited [number of] days, and We have appointed the Nawrúz as a festival unto you after the completion thereof; thus doth the Sun of Revelation shine forth from the horizons of the Book on the part of the Lord of origin and return. Place the days
which are in excess over the months1 before the month of fasting; verily We have made them types of the [letter] Há [= 5] amongst the nights and the days, therefore were they not included within the limits of the year and the months. In them it is incumbent on those who are in Behá to feed themselves and [their] relatives, then the poor and the needy, and to confess and magnify and glorify and praise their Lord with joy and gladness. And when the days of giving before [the days of] abstinence are ended, let them enter upon the fast. Thus ordaineth the Lord of men: there is no obligation [to fast] on the traveller, on him who is sick, on the pregnant woman, or on her who giveth suck; these hath God excused as a favour on His part; verily He is the Mighty, the Bountiful. These are the ordinances of God which have been written by the Supreme Pen in the books and the epistles: hold firmly to the commands of God and His ordinances, and be not of those who adopt their own principles and fling God's principles behind them for that they follow imaginations and fancies. Abstain from eating and drinking from dawn till sundown; beware lest lust withhold you from this favour which hath been decreed in the Book.'"
From all this it would seem that the restoration of the old Persian solar year in place of the Arabian lunar year; the solemn sanctioning of the great national festival of the Nawrúz, which corresponds with the beginning of this solar year, the quickening of the earth after its winter's torpor, and the entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries; the division of the year into 19 months of 19 days each; and the nomenclature certainly of some and probably of all of these months were integral portions of the system devised by the Báb; while the provision of the five intercalary days (corresponding to what the Muhammadans call [~~~] "the stolen five") and the enactments relating to their observance were supplementary details introduced by Behá. The fast of one month of 19 days (or, in the case of those who have not reached maturity, 11 days,
1 i.e. the days required to bring the Bábí year of 361 (19 x 19) days into correspondence with the solar year.
"according to the number of [~~~]" is also enjoined in the Persian Beyán (Váhid viii, ch. 18), but the month does not appear to be there specified, though in the Kitáb-i-Ahkám (Gobineau, p. 525) the month of 'Alá, the last in the Bábí year, is appointed for it. The only part of the Bábí calendar as it at present exists with which Behá can be credited (and that not certainly) is the introduction of the intercalary days needed to bring the Bábí year into correspondence with the solar year. It is evident, moreover, that only so many of these five intercalary days are to be used as may be necessary to bridge over the interval between the last day of the month 'Alá and the Nawrúz
Lastly it is clear that the Bábí era commences not, as we might primâ facie have expected, on May 23rd A.D. 1844 (see p. 3 and note, and pp. 221-226 supra), but on the Nawrúz of that year (A.H. 1260), which, according to the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh, fell on Wednesday the last day (salkh) of Safar (Wednesday, March 20th, A.D. 1844). We can easily verify this by working out the dates in the above colophons. Let us take one only, the first, as an example. In it the Bábí date is the 13th day of the 4th month of the 36th year, i.e. (3 x 19) + 13 = 70 days after the Nawrúz, which always falls on or about March 20th. Seventy days from this brings us to May 29th (11 days in March + 30 in April + 29 in May = 70 days). Looking out the Muhammadan date in the colophon (7th of Jemádí II, A.H. 1296) in Wüstenfeld's tables we find that it does actually correspond with May 29th, 1879. The Bábí year being, like our own, solar, is easily calculated by counting the number of complete years which have elapsed since March 20th A.D. 1844, the commencement of the era. In this case, for instance, the 35th year terminated on March 19th, A.D. 1879 (1844 + 35), and the 36th year therefore extends from March 20th, 1879 to March 19th, 1880. [+CHAPTER28]
Abad, the year, 417-419 'Abbás Efendí, Behá'u'lláh's eldest son (entitled Ghusn-i-A'zam and Áká Sirru'lláh), xxxv- xxxvi, 360, 370, 393, n. 2 'Abbás, Mírzá, commonly called Mírzá Buzurg, the father of Behá'u'lláh and Subh-i-Ezel, 56, n. 2, 373 'Abbás, Sheykh, of Teherán, one of the martyrs of 1852, p. 329 'Abbás-kulí Khán of Láriján, 38, 176-8, 190 'Abdu'l-Ahad, secedes from Behá'u'lláh, 362 'Abdu'l-'Alí, Subh-i-Ezel's son, xxiii-xxvi, 369, 385 'Abdu'l-'Azím of Khúy, Seyyid, 307 'Abdu'l-'Azíz, Sultán, 380, 382 'Abdu'l-Ghaffár, one of the Cyprus exiles, 361, 380, n. 2, 381, 389 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán, the dárúghá of Shíráz, 10, 11, 262-3 'Abdu'l-Karím, of Kazvín, Mullá. See Ahmad-i- Kátib 'Abdu'l-Karím, one of those who assassinated the Ezelís, 361, 363 'Abdu'l-Kásim, of Káshán, one of the Ezelís assassinated, 371 'Abdu'lláh, Áká, brother of Áká Muhammad 'Alí of Tabríz, 182 |
'Abdu'lláh, Áká, son of Áká Muhammad Ja'far, acquitted with Behá'u'lláh, 186, 327 'Abdu'lláh, Áká, of Mázandarán, slain in attacking Sheykh Tabarsí, 177 'Abdu'lláh, Mírzá, called Ghaughá, claims to be "Him whom God shall manifest," 357 'Abdu'lláh b. Ubayy, a strenuous opponent of Muhammad, 135 and n. 4 'Abdu'l-Majíd, Hájí, father of Mírzá Badí', 102, n. 1 'Abdu'l-Muttalib of Isfahán, Hájí, 239, 337 'Abdu'r-Rahím, Mírzá, disciple of Jenáb-i- 'Azím, 185 'Abdu'l-Wahháb, Mírzá, of Shíráz, one of the martyrs of Teherán, 185, 271, n.1, 274, 323, n. 1, 329 'Abdu'l-Wahíd, one of Subh-i-Ezel's sons, xxiv, 373, n. 2, 386 Abdús, Ibn, follower of ash-Shalmaghání, 229 Abú 'Abdi'lláh, 330. See Huseyn of Mílán Abu'l-Kásim, Mírzá, the Imám-Jum'a, 185 Abu'l-Kásim, Mírzá, the Bakhti-yárí, earns the title of "Phlebotomist of the Divine Unity," 363 |
Abú Tálib Khán, Mírzá, conducts a raid on Núr, 375 Abú Turáb, Sheykh, of Ashtahárd, 5, 247 Abwáb, pl. of Báb, q.v. Acre, my object in visiting, xx-xxi " account of visit to, xxvii-xliii " Behá'u'lláh and his followers exiled to, 101 and footnotes, 155, n. 1, 361 " called "the most desolate of cities" (akhrabu'l-bilád), xxx, 146 " Laurence Oliphant's account of the Bábí settlement at, 209-210 " Ezelís assassinated at. See Assassination " Mushkín Kalam leaves Cyprus for, 387- 388 " Prince Zillu's-Sultán questions Sheykh S--- concerning his visit to, 401-2 " called in colophons "the City of 'Ayn," 416, 417 'Ádila, Subh-i-Ezel's granddaughter, 386 Adrianople (Edirné), Bábí chiefs exiled to, 73, 92, 112, 358 " causes of removal of Bábís from, 99, n. 1, 360-1, 369 " date of removal of Bábís from, 119, n. 1, 155, n. 1, 378, n. 2 " called "this most remote place of banishment," 146 and n. 1 " Behá'u'lláh's claim advanced in, xvii, 359 " schism begins in, 358-361 " called "the Land of the Mystery," 361 and n. 2 Afcha, a village near Teherán in which Behá'u'lláh was residing in 1852, 51, 52 Ahmad, name of the Báb's son who died in infancy, 250 Ahmad, one of Subh-i-Ezel's sons, 385, 386 Ahmad Ahsá'í, Sheykh, the founder of the Sheykhí school, 30, 184, 197-8, 234- 244 |
Ahmad Ahsá'í, Sheykh, his doctrines, wherein accounted heterodox, 236 " his works, 237-8 Ahmad, Áká Seyyid, of Tabríz, imprisoned with the Báb, 43, n. 1, 320 and n. 1 Ahmad-i-Kátib, Mírzá, (=Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of Kazvín), 41 and n. 1, 42, 62, 320, n. 1, 331, 338, 341, 356 Ahmad, Hájí Mírzá, brother of Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshán, assassinated by Behá'ís at Baghdad, 332, 359, 371 Ahmad, Mírzá, Imám-Jum'a of Tabríz, present at Báb's examination, 19, 278 Ahmad, Mírzá, of the Persian Embassy at Constantinople, 99, n. 1 Ahmad, Mírzá, of Azghand, 5, 245-6 Ahsanu'l-Kisas. See Commentary on the Súra- i-Yúsuf Ajúdán-báshí. See Huseyn Khán Áká, 'Abbás Efendí so called by the Behá'ís, xxxvi Áká, Hájí, of Tabríz, secedes from Behá'u'lláh, 362; is assassinated, 363 Áká Ján Beg "Kaj-Kuláh," one of the Ezelís assassinated at Acre, 99, n. 1, 360-1, 370 Áká Ján Beg of Khamsa, officer in charge of Báb's execution, 44 Áká Ján, Mírzá, of Káshán. See Khádimu'lláh Áká'idu'sh-Shí'a, work of Shi'ite theology, 233, 302, 303-4, 304-6 Áká Khán of Núr, Sadr-i-A'zam, 185, 374- 6 Áká Khán, governor of Yezd in 1850, 255 Áká Sirru'lláh, a title of Abbás Efendí, q.v. Ákáyán, Karím Khán's sons so called by the Sheykhís, 244 |
Akdas, Kitáb-i-, quoted, 79, n. 2, 93, n. 1, 151, n. 1, 152, 249, n. 1, 370, 422-4 Akdas, Kitáb-i-, formerly misnamed Lawh-i- Akdas, 211 Ákhir, Ism-i-, a title of Mullá Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh, 340 Akhtar, Persian newspaper, 409, n. 2, 410 Alfeyn, or Alifeyn, Kitáb-i-, 340 Alfiyya quoted, 288 'Álí Páshá, 382 'Alí, of Kazvín, assassinates Hájí Ja'far, 362 'Alí b. Abí Tálib, the first Imám, 296 'Alí, Hájí Mullá, uncle of Kurratu'l-'Ayn, 197, 310 'Alí, Mírzá (or Hájí) Seyyid, the Báb's maternal uncle, 2, 6, 11, 47, n. 1, 211-218, 250 'Alí, Áká Seyyid, the Arab, one of the "Letters of the Living," assassinated in Tabríz, 363 'Alí, Mullá, of Bistám, called Mukaddas-i- Khurásání, 5, 248-9 'Alí, Mullá Sheykh, called by the Bábís Jenáb-i- Azím, xxi, 53, n. 1, 184-5, 191-2, 261, 271, 274-6, 324, 329, 339, 342, n. 1, 374 'Alí Akbar, Mullá, of Ardistán, 5 'Alí Akbar, Seyyid, of Shíráz, a fanatical divine, 411 'Alí Akbar, Mash-hadi, assassinates a Bábí at 'Ishkábád, 411-412 'Alí Asghar, Mullá (or Hájí Mírzá), Sheykhu'l- Islám, 20, 278 'Alí Asghar, Mullá, a Bábí missionary, 184 'Alí 'Askar Khán, his sons kill Seyyid Yahyá, 184 'Alí Khán, Hájí, Hájibu'd-Dawla, the Farrásh- báshí, 52, 54, 185, 204, 215, 329 'Alí Khán, warden of Mákú, 17, 274-5 |
'Alí Khán, Mírzá, nephew of Prime Minister, takes part in massacre of Teherán, 329 'Alí Khán, Seyyid, of Fírúzkúh, present at siege of Zanján, 180, 190 'Alí Mardán Khán, Castle of, at Zanján, 181 'Alí Muhammad, Áká, of Isfahán, one of the Ezelís assassinated in Baghdad, 363, 371 'Alí Muhammad, Mírzá (or Seyyid). See Báb 'Alí Nakí, the tenth Imám, 297 Alláhu abhá, salutation used by Behá'ís, xxxviii Alláh-Yár, Hájí, recovers Báb's body, 47 'Alláma (Jemálu'd-Dín Hasan b. Yúsuf b. 'Alí of Hilla), a great Shi'ite theologian, 237, n. 2, 284, n. 1 Alwáh-i-Salátín (Behá'u'lláh's Epistles to the Kings), xiv, 69, n. 1, 108, n. 1, 208, 211. See also Corrigenda, p. lv, supra. Amír-Nizám (Mírzá Takí Khán), 32 and n. 3, 40- 41, 48, 50, 62, 181-2, 185, 202, 203, 212, 261, n. 1, 374 Anís, a title given by the Bábís to Suleymán Khán b. Yahyá Khán, q.v. 'Anká, mythical bird, 79, n. 1 Annas, 137 Annihilation in God, defined by Jámí, 114, n. 1 Antichrist and his ass, 26, 304-305 Arbíl, 90 Arz. See Land 'As, mocks the Prophet, 283 Asadu'lláh, Hájí, an aged Bábí killed by ill- usage, 312 Asadu'lláh, Mírzá, of Tabríz. See Deyyán Asfár of Mullá Sadrá, 270 Ashraf, Áká Mírzá, of Ábádé, his martyrdom, 169, n. 1, 404-406 |
Ashraf Khán, governor of Zanján, 272, 273 Aslán Khán, governor of Zanján, 180 Assassination of Ezelís by Behá'ís, 93, n. 1, 99, n. 1, 343, 359-365, 370-1 " of a Bábí at Ishkábád by Muhammadans, 411-412 " of Muhammadans by Bábís, 175, 198, 258, 311 " countenanced by the Prophet Muhammad, 135, n. 4, 371-372 " ethics of, 371-3 Assassins, Bábís compared with, by Lady Sheil, 201 Avicenna cited, 280, n.3 Avvalu-man-ámana (the First to believe), Mullá Huseyn so called by the Báb, 241, 250; Áká Mírzá Áká Ján of Káshán so called by Behá'u'lláh, 361 'Ayn, city of. See Acre Azákir, Ibn Abí, 229 'Azím, Áká Seyyid, the Turk, 129, n. 2 'Azím, Jenáb-i-. See 'Alí, Mullá Sheykh 'Azíz Khán, Ajúdán-báshí, 181, 330 Báb (=Gate, pl. Abwáb), title of, its meaning, 3, |
Báb, Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad of Shíráz:- " birth, date of, 2, 221-2, 249 " parentage, 2, 250, 289 " early life, 2, 249, 250, 253 " character, 217-218 " his mission foreshadowed by Seyyid Kázim, 238-240 " date and manner of his "Manifestation," 3-4, 218-226, 227-228, 240-241, 250-251, 297, n. 1 " pilgrimage to Mecca, 5, 29, 249-253 " arrest at Bushire, 6, 252-263 " imprisonment at Shíráz, 6, 262 " flight to Isfahán, 11, 262-264 " protected by Minúchihr Khán, 11-13, 175, 186, 263-265, 268 " conference at Isfahán, 12-13, 264-268 " sent towards Teherán, 13-16 " sent to Mákú, 15-17, 271-277 " sent to Chihrík, 17-18, 275-277 " first examination to Tabríz, 19-21, 189, 228, 277-290 " claims to be the Imám Mahdí, 20, 24, 25, n. 1, 275, 288-9, 290-295 " his death decided on, 40-41 " his last dispositions, 41-42, 46, n. 1 " his condemnation, 42-3 " his last moments, 319-322 " his execution, 43-45, 182, 190, 321-2 " disposal of his remains, 45-46, 110, n. 3 " accorded only a secondary rank by Behá'ís, xv-xvi, xlv, 230 " other titles of, 229-230 " his writings, 3, 4, 8, 11, 27, n. 1, 41-42, 54- 55, 335-347 Bábu'l-Báb, 230, 241. See Huseyn, Mullá, of Bushraweyh |
Badasht, conference at, 176, 189, 212, 312 Badí, the year, 418, and n. 2, 419, and n. 1 Badí', Mírzá, the bearer of the Epistle to the King of Persia, xlv, 102-5, 390-392 Bad-rá'í, near Baghdad, first Bábí martyr slain at, 248-9 Badr-i-Jihán, name of Subh-i-Ezel's wife, 384, 386 Bághcha, xxxvii. See Behjé Baghdad (generally alluded to as 'Irák-i-'Arab, q.v.), Bábís exiled to, 63-4, 84, n. 2, 85, 89, 90, 111, n. 1, 112, 354-358 Bahí, the year, 415, 418, n. 2, 419 and n. 1 Bahjat-Raf'at, Subh-i-Ezel's daughter, 385 Bahman Mírzá, 271, 273 Bahrám Mírzá, 183 Bákir, Imám Muhammad, 297 Bákirís, a sect of the Imámiyya, 296 Bákir, [Hájí] Mírzá, ratifies Báb's death-warrant, 43, 182 Bákir, Hájí Seyyid Muhammad, mujtahid, of Isfahán, 285, n. 1 Bákir, Muhammad, of Najafábád, one of the Bábís killed in 1852, 185, 323, n. 1, 330 Bákir, Muhammad, of Kuhpáyé, one of the Bábís killed in 1852, 332 Bákir, Muhammad, one of the Cyprus exiles, 361, 380, n. 2, 381, 389 Bákir, Mullá, one of the Báb's associates, 41 Bákir, Sheykh, of Isfahán, 261, n. 1, 402 Bakí'ul-Gharkad, cemetery of, 235 Bakiyyatu'lláh ("Remnant of God"), 3, 297 Balághat, wherein it differs from fasáhat, 284, n. 3 Bálásarís, orthodox Shi'ites so called by Sheykhís, 243 |
Bárfurúsh, execution of Bábís at, 307-309. See also Tabarsí, Sheykh; Muhammad 'Alí, Mullá, of Bárfurúsh; and Huseyn, Mullá, of Bushraweyh Basír, Seyyid, the Indian, 196 Bat-há, a name of Mecca, 140, 397 Beating children forbidden by the Báb, 220 Behá, derivatives of the word, 42, 318- 319 Behá, month of, 421 Behá, Sheykh, a philosopher of note, 269 Behá'u'lláh (Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí of Núr), 42, 51-4, 56-65, 69, 82-4, 89, 91-2, 97-100, 155, 186, 195, 327, 355-373 " birth, date of, 373, n. 1 " parentage, 56, n. 2 " early life, 56-58 " adopts and preaches the Bábí faith, 58- 62 " corresponds with Báb, 62 " position accorded to him by Báb, xvi, 42, 62- 3 " arrested in 1852 at Teherán, 52, 186, 327 " imprisoned for four months, 54, n. 1 " acquitted and released, 53-4 " retires to Baghdad, 54, 63 " retires into seclusion in Kurdistán, 64-65, 356, 357, n. 1 " returns to Baghdad, 65 " at Baghdad, 82-3, 89 " at Constantinople, 90, 91 " at Adrianople, 92-101, 102, 358-360 " at Acre, 101, 155 " personal impressions of, xxxix-xli " seclusion observed by, xxvii, xli " views of his claim and character entertained by Behá'ís, xvi, 59, 65-66, 69, 82-3, 95-6, 107-8, 159 |
Behá'u'lláh, views of his claim and character entertained by Ezelís, 343 and n. 1, 351, 355, n. 2, 356, 358- 364 " writings, 27, n. 1, 69, n. 1, 123, n. 1 " writings or words quoted in original, 57, n. 2, 77, n. 2, 93, n. 1, 96, n. 1, 100, n. 1, 364, 366-8, 390-1 " writings or words quoted in translation, xl, 52-3, 68-9, 70-81, 108-154, 368-9, 370, 391-400 Behá'u'lláh, Subh-i-Ezel so called, 353 Behjé, name of Behá'u'lláh's residence at Acre, xxxvi-xli "Best of Stories" (Ahsanu'l-Kisas). See Commentary on the Sura-i-Yúsuf Beyán, meaning of term, 343-346 Beyán, Persian, when composed, 274, 292 " purposely left incomplete, 353, n. 4 " quoted, 218-220, 222-226, 231-234, 292- 295, 317-318, 344-445, 347-349, 420- 422 Biddulph, Sir Robert, xxii, xxvi Bigotry, its evils exposed, 71, 163-166 Binánu'l-Mulk, 402 Binning (Journal of Two Years' Travel in Persia), 187, 201-202 Biyúk Áká, 261 "Block of Heedlessness" (Jarthúmu'l-ghiflat), 363 "Blow," "Place of the," Tabríz so called, 322 Bondage, Bábís sold into, 129, n. 2 Book, Most Holy. See Akdas, Kitáb-i- " of Fátima, 123, n. 1. See Fátima " of Figures, (Kitáb-i-heyákil), 339 |
Book of Justice (Kitáb-i-'adliyya), 340 " of Light (Kitáb-i-núr), 210, 340-1 " of Names (Kitáb-i-asmá), 202, 318, 338 " of Precepts (Kitáb-i-ahkám), 203, 414, 425 " of Proof (Kitáb-i-hujjatiyya), 339 " of Recompense (Kitáb-i-jezá), 336-7 " of Seven hundred súras (Kitáb-i-haftsad súra), 339 " of Two Sanctuaries (Kitáb-i-harameyn), 339- 340 Bulwer, Sir Henry, xxii, xxvi, 350, 376 Buzurg, Mírzá, father of Behá'u'lláh and Subh-i- Ezel. See 'Abbás, Mírzá Buzurg, Mírzá, of Kirmánsháh, one of the Ezelís assassinated, 371 Buzurg Khán, Mírzá, of Kazvín, Persian consul at Baghdad, 84-5, 88, 110, n. 2, 111, n. 1 Caiaphas, 137 |
Contingent Being (imkán), meaning of term, 115, n. 1 Cyprus, information about Bábís exiled to, how obtained, xviii-xix " object in visiting, xx-xxi " description of visit to, xxii-xxvi " documents relative to Bábí exiles preserved in, xxii, xxvi, 101, n. 3, 350-1, 376- 389 Dalá'il-i-sab'a (Seven Proofs), 27, n. |
Easter, how observed by Syrian Christians, xxxiii-iv Elchek, an instrument of torture, 260, n. 1 England commended, 162-3 Epistles to the Kings. See Alwáh-i- Salátín Essence, identical or not identical with Attributes, 281 Ethé, Dr H, essay on Bábíism, 207 Eyres, Mr, British consul at Beyrout, xxviii- xxxiii Ezel, title of Mírzá Yahyá, 95, n. 1. See Subh-i- Ezel Ezelís, sect of Bábís, xvii-xviii " assassination of. See Assassination Fagnan, M. E., review of |
title earned by one of Behá'u'lláh's followers, 363 and n. 1 Fasting, ordinances of, 424 Fathu'lláh, Mullá, of Kum, one of those who attempt the Sháh's life, 53, n. 1, 185, 323-4, 329 Fátima, Hidden Book of (or Hidden Words), 123, n. 1; quoted, 125-6 Fátima, Subh-i-Ezel's wife, 384 " his daughter, 381, 386 " his daughter-in-law, 386 " Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh's and afterwards Muskín Kalam's wife, 387 Fattáh, Hájí, his son secedes from Behá'u'lláh, 262 Fattáh, Mullá, a Bábí slain at Núr, 375 Fazlu'lláh, Mírzá (Nasíru'l-Mulk), 183 Feyhá, Al- ("the spacious"), Damascus so called, 143, n. 2 First to believe. See Avvalu-manámana Fírúz Mírzá, 183, 257-8 Five Grades (Shu'ún-i-khamsa), 318, 335-6, 338- 9, 343-347 Four Relations, 284, n. 3 Fourth Support (Rukn-i-rábi'), 4, 242-4 Freedom of conscience the right of all, 165 Freemason, a Greek, xxxiv Fu'ád, Subh-i-Ezel's son, 386 Fu'ád Páshá, 382 Gate, Gates. See Báb, |
Ghusn-i-Akbar, Ghusn-i-At-har, Ghusn-i- A'zam, Titles of Behá'u'lláh's sons, called collectively Aghsán, 361, 393, n. 2. See also 'Abbás Efendí Gilbert, M. T, notice on Bábís settled in Kurdistán, 207 Gobineau, M. le Comte de, ix-xi, xlvi, li, 202-3, and throughout the work passim Golden Calf, Behá'u'lláh likened to it by Ezelís, 355, n. 2, 362 Goldsmid, Major-General Sir Frederic, xxii, 261 Gordon, General, Bábí exiles released from Khartúm by, 129, n. 2 Gospels quoted, 137, n. 2 " alluded to in Persian Beyán, 224 " called the Alif (Injíl), 348 Guardians (nukabá), 26, 303 Guard-stars (called in Arabic Farkadán), 125, n. 2 Guebre converted to Bábíism, 34 Guillemard, Dr F. H. H., xix Gurgín Khán, succeeds Minúchihr Khán in government of Isfahán, 13 Há, the letter |
Hamzé Mírzá, 41, 176, 182, 320 Hasan, Imám, 297 Hasan, a young Bábí put to death at Yezd, 256 Hasan, Áká Seyyid, of Yezd, brother of the Báb's amanuensis, 43, n. 1, 271, n. 1, 319- 321 Hasan, Áká, deputy-chief of the farráshes, 332 Hasan of Khamsa, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 332 Hasan Khán, Mírzá, brother of Mírzá Taki Khán Amír-Nizám, 41-3, 181-2, 190 Hasan, Mír Seyyid (or Mírzá), of Núr, the Platonist, 12, 265-8 Hasan, Seyyid, of Khurásán, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 329 Hasan, Seyyid, of Tabátabá. See Isfahán, Martyrs of Hasan 'Abdu'r-Rahman Efendí, husband of Subh-i-Ezel's daughter Safiyya, 385 Hasan 'Alí, Hájí Mullá, of Túsirkán, 265 Hasan 'Askarí, Imám, 297 Hashísh, Bábís charged with making use of, 203 Hasht Bihisht, Ezelí historical work called, 331, n. 1, 351-373 Hayátu'l-kulúb, work on Shi'ite theology, 123, n. 1 Hayy ("the Living"), title of Subh-i-Ezel, 353 and n. 3 Hazár-Jaríb, attack on Bábís at, 176, 189 Hazrat-i-A'lá, 229. See Báb " -i-Ezel. See Subh-i-Ezel " -i-Kuddus. See Muhammad 'Alí Mullá, of Bárfurúsh " -i-Nukté-i-Beyán, 229. See Báb " -i-Nukté-i-Úlá, 229. See Báb " -i-Rabbi-ul-A'lá, 229. See Báb Helpers (nujabá), 26, 303 Hermaphrodite, 284 |
He whom God shall manifest (Man yudh- hiruhu'lláh), xvii, 18, n. 1, 55, 287, n. 1 Heykal, Súra-i-, 69, n. 1, 108, n. 1, 208, 211, 359, n. 2, 365, 393 and n. 2. See also Corrigenda, p. lv, supra Hidden Words (Kalimát-i-maknúna). See Fátima, Hidden Book of Houston, Mr G. L., xix Houtum-Schindler, General, 404 Huart, M. C., 210, 340-1 Hujjatu'l-Islám. See Muhammad, Mullá, Mámákání Hujjatu'lláh, Imám Mahdí so called, 297 Hurúf-i-Hayy. See Letters of the Living Huseyn, Imám, 28, n. 2, 297 Huseyn ibn Rúh. See Ibn Rúh Huseyn of Mílán (called Huseyn Ján and Abú 'Abdi'lláh), 330-1, 357, 365 Huseyn the Water-carrier, takes part in assassination of Ezelís, 361 Huseyn, Áká Seyyid, of Yezd, the Báb's amanuensis, 43, n. 1, 44, 182, 205, 271 and n. 1, 272, 274, 276, 319-322, 327, 330, 338, 339 Huseyn, Áká Seyyid, of Turshíz, one of the Seven Martyrs, 212, 215 Huseyn, Áká, of Ardistán, accompanies Báb from Shíráz to Isfahán, 263 Huseyn, Mírzá, of Kum, 129, n. 2, 186 Huseyn, Mullá, of Bushraweyh (called Jenáb-i- Báb, Jenáb-i-Bábu'l-Báb, Avvalu-man- ámana, Harf-i-avval, Ism-i-avval, &c.), xxi, xliii, 5, 29, 35-8, 95, n. 1, 176-8, 184, 189- 190, 192, 195, 230, 240-1, 245, 250-1, 310, 374 Huseyn, Mullá, of Khurásán, 110, n. 3, 327, 329 |
Huseyn, Seyyid, of Isfahán, or of Hindiyán, 331, 357 Huseyn, Seyyid, of Tabátabá. See Isfahán, Martyrs of Huseyn Khán, Ajúdán-báshí, Governor of Fárs, 10, 11, 175, 189, 262 Huseyn Khán, Mushíru'd-dawla, Persian Ambassador at Constantinople, 85, n. 1, 358 Huseyn 'Alí, Mírzá, of Núr. See Behá'u'lláh Huseyn 'Alí, of Káshán, one of the Ezelís assassinated, 371 Ibn Hishám, narrative |
'Ishkábád, assassination of a Bábí at, 411- 2 Ism-i-Ákhir. See Ákhir, Ism-i- Isma'íl, Hájí Mírzá, of Káshán, brother of Mírzá Jání, 332 Isma'íl, Hájí Mullá, of Kum, one of the Seven Martyrs, 212-213 Isma'íl, Sheykh, 331 Isma'ílís, 296 Iz-háku'l-Bátil ("the Crushing of Falsehood"), attack on Bábí doctrines written by Hájí Karím Khán, 242
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Prince Zillu's-Sultán, 403 and n. 1 Jalálu'd-Dín, son of Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh, 387 Jalíl, Mullá, of Urúmiyya, 5, 248 Jamálu'd-Dín, son of Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh, 387 Jamáliyya, daughter of Sheykh 'Alí Sayyáh, 387 Jámí cited, 114, n. 1 Janayn, name of one of Behá'u'lláh's gardens at Acre, 210 Jání, Hájí Mírzá, of Káshán, 263, 271, 308, 332 Jarthúmu'l-ghiflat ("Block of Heedlessness"), 363 and n. 1 Jawád, a title of the ninth Imám, 267 and n. 1 Jawád, Áká Seyyid [of Kerbelá], an influential Ezelí who died about seven years ago at Kirmán, 342, n. 2 Jawád, Mírzá, of Khurásán, acquitted with Behá'u'lláh, 186, 327 Jemálu'd-Dín Bey of Beyrout, xxx Jemálu'd-Dín Hasan b. Yúsuf b. 'Alí, of Hilla. See 'Alláma Jemálu'd-Dín al-Afghán, Seyyid, 199 Jenáb-i-'Azím. See 'Alí, Mullá Sheykh " -i-Báb, or Bábu'l-Báb. See Huseyn, Mullá, of Bushraweyh " -i-Kuddús. See Muhammad 'Alí, Hájí Mullá, of Bárfurúsh " -i-Mukaddas [-i-Khurásán]. See Sádik, Mullá [Muhammad], of Khurásán " -i-Táhira. See Kurratu'l-'Ayn Jesus Christ, 137, 224-5 " Behá'u'lláh compared to, xvi Jews, persecution of, in Isfahán, 407 John the Baptist, the Báb compared to, xvi Jorjání cited, 303-4 Joseph, Súra of, Commentary on. See Commentary |
Julfá, Christian priest of, 169 Juzghands (candied walnuts) used by the Bábís for conveyance of letters, 276 Ká'ání, his poems cited, 199, 325-326 |
Kázim Khán, Muhammad, Farrásh-báshí, 289 Kázim, Mullá, Ezelí killed at Isfahán, 400 Kázim, Mullá Muhammad, mujtahid of Sháhrúd, 176 Kázim, Seyyid, of Zanján, accompanies Báb to Isfahán, 11, 263 Kázimeyn, shrine of, near Baghdad, 85, n. 2 Kazvíní cited, 299-301 Kerbelá, massacre of, 139, n. 3 Ketmán (concealment of religious convictions), 216 Khabbázu'l-Wáhidiyyat ("Baker of the Divine Unity"), 362 Khadíjé, the Báb's mother, 289 Khádimu'lláh (Áká Mírzá Áká Ján of Káshán), xli, 355, n. 2, 358-362, 393, n. 2, 408 Khán-i-gandum-firúshán, at Acre, 362 Khán-i-sharkí, at Constantinople, 363 Khánlar Mírzá, 176 Khartúm, Bábís exiled to, 129, n. 2 Khayyát-báshí, assassinated at Acre, 362, 371 Khiláfat, office of, how regarded by Sunnís, 296 Khusraw of Kádí-kalá, 36, 37, n. 2, 177 Khutbé-i-Kahriyyé ("the Sermon of Wrath"), 274-5 Kinár-i-gird, 14 Kisasu'l-'Ulamá (Stories of Divines), work of Shi'ite biography, 86, n. 1, 197-8, 235-6, 277-8 Kishlák of Núr, 60 and n. 2 Kitáb-i-Alfeyn or Alifeyn. See Alfeyn, Kitáb-i- " -i-Akdas. See Akdas, Kitáb-i- Kitáb. See Book Kiyá-kalá, in Mázandarán, 178 Kremer, Baron A. von, 206-7, 229, 242 Kuch 'Alí Sultán, one of the Báb's executioners, 182 |
Kuláh-i-Firangí, summer-house at Shíráz, 258 " Kur'án of the Bábís," 198, 202 Kurbán 'Alí, Mírzá, the dervish, one of the Seven Martyrs, 212, 214 Kurdistán, Bábís in, 207 " Behá'u'lláh's retirement into, 64-5, 356, 357, n. 1 Kurratu'l-'Ayn (Zarrín-Táj, entitled also Jenáb-i- Táhira), xxi, 30-32, 175, 186, 189, 196, 197-8, 203-4, 207-8, 247, 309-316, 327, 334, 342, n. 1 Kúrsí, how used in Persia, 309, n. 1 Lahsá'í (more accurately Ahsá'í), 234. See Ahmad |
Letters of the Living (Hurúfát- i-Hayy), xvi, xxiv, 95, n. 1, 353, 357, 421- 2 Leylatu'l-Kadr, 262, n. 1 Lisánu'l-Mulk (Mírzá Takí, Mustawfí, better known as Sipihr, author of the Násikhu't- Tawáríkh, q.v.), 173, 187, 203, 323 Lovett, surveys on the road from Shíráz to Bam, 261 Lutf-'Alí, Mírzá, the chamberlain, 8 Lutf-'Alí, Mírzá, the secretary, 36 Lutf-'Alí of Shíráz, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 331 Madness |
Mahmúd, Mírzá, acquitted with Behá'u'lláh, 186, 327 Mahmúd, Mírzá, of Kazvín, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 330 Mákú (called by Báb "Jabal-i-Básit," q.v.), 15- 17, 271-7 Malláhu'l-Kuds ("the Sailor of Sanctity"), one of Behá'u'lláh's followers so entitled, 362 Ma'mún, the Caliph, his argument with the Imám Rizá, 283, n. 1 Manifestation (zuhúr). See Báb Maryam, Subh-i-Ezel's daughter, 386 Masjid-i-Sháh in Isfahán, 264-5 Masnaví quoted, 23 and n. 1, 287 and n. 2 " illustration from, 372 Mást (curdled milk), letters conveyed in, 276 Mázandarán insurrection. See Tabarsí, Sheykh Mázandarání dialect, history composed in, 202, 205 Mazdakites, Bábís likened to, 201, 209 Merrick quoted, 123, n. 1 Metempsychosis alleged to be a Bábí tenet, 189 Meydán-i-Sháh, in Teherán, 213, n. 1 " in Isfahán, 403 Mihr 'Alí Khán of Núr, Shujá'u'l-Mulk, 183, 257- 260 Mílán, 47, 247, 272-3 Minúchihr Khán, Mu'tamadu'd-Dawla, 11-13, 175, 189, 263-5, 277 Miracles demanded of the Báb, 287-8 Mír Dámád, a philosopher of note, 269- 270 Mír Fandariskí, a philosopher of note, 269- 270 Mírzá Buzurg. See Buzurg, Mírzá Mírzá'ís, Behá'ís so called by Ezelís, 343, n. 1 |
Mochenin, M., his memoir on the Bábís, 205, 276 Months, names of Bábí, 414 Mormons, Bábís compared to, 201 Moses, his dispensation, noticed in Persian Beyan, 224 Mosul, 90, 208, 413 " called al-Hadbá, 139, n. 2, 416 Mu'allim-i-Núrí (Mullá Muhammad), 271 Mubashshir, Hazrat-i-, Báb so called by Behá'ís, 230 Muhammad, Subh-i-Ezel's son, 386 Muhammad b. Maslama, slays Ka'b b. Ashraf at the command of the Prophet, 135, n. 4 Muhammad, Áká, of Isfahán, one of those who conveyed the Báb's remains to Teherán, 110, n. 3 Muhammad Beg, Chápárjí, 16, 271-3 Muhammad of Mázandarán, Behá'u'lláh's servant, 357 Muhammad of Najafábád, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 330 Muhammad, Hájí (or Áká) Seyyid, of Isfahán, mujtahid, 118 and n. 3 Muhammad, Mírzá Seyyid, of Isfahán, Imám- Jum'a, 266 Muhammad Khán, Begler-begi, present at siege of Zanján, 180-1 Muhammad Nabíl, Mírzá, See Nabíl Muhammad b. Suleymán-i-Tanakábuní, Mírzá, author of Kisasu'l-'Ulamá, 197 Muhammad, Mírzá of Níríz, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 53, n. 1, 323 and n. 1, 330 Muhammad, Mullá, Kurratu'l-'Ayn's husband, 311 Muhammad, Mullá, Mámákání, 19, 43, 182, 278, 285-6 |
Muhammad, Mullá, of Núr, See Mu'allim-i- Núrí Muhammad, Mullá, of Núr, avoids discussion with Behá'u'lláh, 60-2 Muhammad, (Hájí) Seyyid, of Isfahán, the Ezelí, 93 and n. 1, 97, 185, 356, 360, 361, 370, 371 Muhammad Sháh, 7, 10, 21, 32, 62, 176, 189, 277 Muhammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh (or Mázandarán), [Hájí] Mullá (or Mírzá), called by the Bábís "Jenáb-i-Kuddús," 5, 29, 95, n. 1, 176-9, 195, 253, 306-9, 374; his writings, 30, n. 1 Muhammad 'Alí of Zanján, Mullá, 9-10, 39, 179- 181 Muhammad 'Alí of Tabríz, Áká (or Mírzá, or Mullá), 43, 46, n. 1, 182, 320-2 Muhammad 'Alí of Isfahán, Áká, secedes from Behá'u'lláh, 362-3 Muhammad 'Alí of Najafábád, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 330 Muhammad 'Alí the barber, one of those engaged in the assassination of the Ezelís, 359, 361 Muhammad 'Alí, Hájí, a Bábí killed at Kazvín, 312 Muhammad 'Alí, Hájí, a Bábí executed after the Zanján rising, 181 Muhammad 'Alí Khán Sháhsívan, present at the Zanján siege, 180 Muhammad Bákir. See Bákir, Muhammad Muhammad Hasan, Áká Mírzá, brother of Mullá Huseyn of Bushraweyh 307 Muhammad Hasan, Hájí Mírzá, of Khurásán, one of the Bábís taken captive at Sheykh Tabarsí, 307 Muhammad Hasan Khán, of Erivan, suspected of complicity |
in the plot against the Sháh, 191 Muhammad Hasan, Mírzá, of Núr, the Platonist, 266-8 Muhammad Hasan, Sheykh, 86, n. 1, 249 and n. 1 Muhammad Huseyn, Áká, of Ardistán, accompanies Báb on journey to Isfahán, 263 Muhammad Huseyn, Mír, Imám-Jum'a of Isfahán (q.v.), 167-169 Muhammad Huseyn, Mírzá, of Tabríz, one of the Seven Martyrs, 212 Muhammad Ja'far, Hájí, of Fárs, one of the clergy of Isfahán, 265 Muhammad Ja'far, Mullá, of Nirák, remonstrates with Behá'u'lláh, 356 Muhammad Jawád of Kazvín, murderer of Ezelís, 361 Muhammad Mahdí, Áká, Kalbásí, one of the clergy of Isfahán, 12, 265-6 Muhammad Mahdí, Hájí, mentioned in Kitáb-i- Jezá, 337 Muhammad Rizá, Hájí, of Isfahán, assassinated by Muhammadans at 'Ishkábád, 411- 412 Muhammad Rizá, Hájí, one of the murdered Ezelís, 356, 359 Muhammad Rizá, Seyyid, the Báb's father, 2, 250, 289 Muhammad Sádik. See Sádik, Mullá [Muhammad], of Khurásán Muhammad Sálih, Hájí Mullá, of Kazvín, father of Kurratu'l-'Ayn, 197, 310-1 Muhammad Takí, Imám, 297 Muhammad Takí Khán, Mírzá, killed at Núr, 375 Muhammad Takí, Mírzá, kills Khusraw of Kádí- kalá, 36, n. 2 Muhammad Takí, Hájí Mullá, of Kazvín, called Shahíd-i-Thá- |
lith, uncle of Kurratu'l-'Ayn, 175, 197- 8, 236, 310-1 Muhammad Takí, Mullá, of Herát, 185 Muhammad Takí of Shíráz, one of the victims of the Teherán massacre, 330 Muhayyisa, assassinates a Jew by command of the Prophet Muhammad, 372 Muhsin, one of the muftís of Baghdad, 249 Muhsin, Hájí, a Bábí executed after the Zanján rising, 181 Mujtahid, meaning of the term, 266, n. 1 Mukallid, meaning of the term, 266, n. 1 Mukaddas-i-Khurásán, 246. See Sadik, Mullá [Muhammad], of Khurásán, and 'Alí, Mullá, of Bistám, both of whom appear to have enjoyed this title Múmin-i-Hindí ("the Indian believer"), 196 Múrché-Khúr, near Isfahán, 13 and n. 1 Murgh Mahalla, in Shimrán, Behá'u'lláh's residence, 81 Murtazá, Sheykh, of Shushtar, an instance of true piety amongst the Shi'ite clergy, 86 and n. 1, 129 Murtazá, Seyyid, 'Ilmu'l-Hudá, 197 Murtazá, Seyyid, accompanies the Báb to Mákú, 271, n. 1, 272 Murtazá-kulí, Hájí [or Mullá], Marandí, 43, 278, 286-7 Músá, brother of Behá'u'lláh, xxxiv, 56, n. 2 Músá Kázim, Imám, 85, n. 2, 297 Músá Khán, takes part in massacre of Teherán, 329 Mushkín Kalam, xxiii, 360, 361, 377-382, 387- 9 Mushkín-i-Iláhí, title conferred on one of Behá'u'lláh's followers, 362 |
Mustafá, Mírzá, of Nirák, one of the murderers of the Ezelís, 363 Mustafá Khán, Kájár, colonel of the Shakáki regiment, 180 Mustafá-kulí Khán Kára-gúzlú, takes part in suppression of Níríz insurrection, 183, 257 Mustagháth, xvii Mu'tamadu'd-Dawla. See Minúchihr Khán and Farhád Mírzá Mutasharri's, sect of, 162 and n. 1 Nabí, Mírzá, of Damávand, one of the victims of |
Násiru'd- Dín Sháh, 20 and n. 2, 151, n. 1, 278, 280, 287, 288 " attempt on life of, xlvi, 49-51, 53, n. 1, 191-2, 201, 323-8 " Behá'u'lláh's epistle to. See Lawh-i- Sultán Nasír, Hájí, of Kazvín, taken captive at Sheykh Tabarsí, 129, n. 2, 307 Nasír the Arab, assassinates Mullá Rajab-'Alí the Ezelí, 363 Násiriyya regiment, 180-1 Nasíru'l-Mulk. See Fazlu'lláh, Mírzá Nasru'lláh, Áká Mírzá, one of the Ezelís assassinated, 361, 371 Nasru'lláh Khán, takes part in Teherán massacre, 332 Nawrúz, ordinances concerning, 422-5 Nejáshí, 397 Ni'matu'lláh, Sheykh, of Ámul, taken captive at Sheykh Tabarsí, 307 Ni'matu'lláh, Sháh, his shrine at Máhán, 244 Níríz, insurrection at, 39-40, 47, n. 1, 183-4, 191, 195, 202, 253-261 Niyávarán, 52 Nizámu'l-Mulk, takes part in massacre of Teherán, 329 Nizámu'l-'Ulamá. See Mahmúd, Hájí Mullá Noeldeke, Professor, li, 209 Nubuvvat-i-Khássa ("Special Mission"), treatise on, by Báb, 11, 54 Nujabá. See Helpers Nukabá. See Guardians Nukta, Hazrat-i-, xvi, 60, n. 1, 229, 422. See also Báb Núr, Kitáb-i-. See Book of Light Núr, raid on, 375-6 Núru'lláh, Subh-i-Ezel's son, 384 Nuseyrís, 14 and n. 1, 162 and n. 1 Núshírván, King, 201 |
Occultation (ghaybat) of Twelfth Imám, 25, 233, 244, 296-9 Oliphant, Laurence, 209-210, 370 'Omar, the 13 rules of, 407 Opium, its use prohibited by Báb, 133, n. 1 Ordinances of God called "Sealed Wine" (rahík- i-makhtúm), 77, n. 2 Ordinances of God called "Pure Wine," 148 'Othmán b. Sa'íd, Abú 'Umar, 233, 298 Paraclete, 293, n. 1 Querry, Droit Rádagán, Hamzé |
Rawzatu's-Safá, 188-192, 277-278 Reinaud, M., his translation of Abu'l-Fedá cited, 299 Renan, massacre of Teherán how characterized by him, xlv Resurrection, how understood by Báb, 224, 225 Rizá, Imám, 282, 283 and n. 1, 297 Rizá Khán, one of the Bábís at Sheykh Tabarsí, 179 Rizá, Mírzá, one of the Bábís executed at the conclusion of the Zanján siege, 181 Rizá, Seyyid Muhammad, the Báb's father, 2, 250, 289 Rizá-kulí Khán, Lelé-Báshí, 188, 323 Rizá-kulí, Mírzá, of Tafrísh, one of the Ezelís assassinated at Acre, 93, n. 1, 361, 370 Rizván 'Alí, Subh-i-Ezel's son, xxiv, xxv, 385 Rosen, Baron Victor, liii, 27, n. 1, 69, n. 1, 96, n. 1, 102, n. 1, 108, n. 1, 208-9, 210-11, 365, 390-2, 411-2, 416, and passim throughout the work. See also Corrigenda, p. lv, supra Rukayya, Subh-i-Ezel's wife, 384 Rukayya, servant of Mushkín Kalam, 387 Ruknu'd-Dawla, Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá, bestows on Sheykh Ahmad Ahsá'í a yearly pension, 235-6 Russia, war of 1825 with Persia, 118, n. 3, 119 Russian ambassador intercedes for Bábís, 376 Russian government, assassins of a Bábí punished by, 411-2 S * * * * * , |
Sabz-i-Meydán, in Teherán, 213, n. 1 Sadducees, Bábís likened to, 201 Sádik, Mullá, of Marágha, one of the Seven Martyrs, 212 Sádik, Mullá [Muhammad], of Khurásán, called by the Bábís Jenáb-i-Mukaddas and Mukaddas-i-Khurásán, 5, 129, n. 2, 195, 246-7, 307. See also 'Alí, Mullá, of Bistám, who, according to Subh-i-Ezel (248-9), also bore this title Sádik, of Zanján (or Mílán), 49, 53, n. 1, 185, 323-4, 332 Sadr. See Áká Khán of Núr Sadrá, Mullá, the philosopher, 12, 268- 271 Sadru'd-Dawla, takes part in siege of Zanján, 180-1 Sa'du'l-Mulk, governor of Bushire, 411 Safiyya, Subh-i-Ezel's daughter, 384-5 Sa'ída, the bearded woman, 306 Sa'íd Khán, Mírzá, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 110, 329 Sa'íd, Sheykh, the Indian, 5, 248. (It seems possible that this person may be identical with the "Indian Believer" spoken of in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd. See p. 196) Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá, one of the clergy of Bárfurúsh, 30, 35, 176, 307-9 Sálih, Hájí Mullá [Muhammad], of Kazvín, the father of Kurratu'l-'Ayn, 30, 197, 310- 311 Sálih, Mír, one of the Zanján insurgents, 180 Sálih, Mírzá, of Shíráz, the murderer of Hájí Mullá Muhammad Takí, 311-2 Sálih, Sheykh, the Arab, one of Kurratu'l-'Ayn's converts, put to death at Teherán, 311- 2 Sálih Táhir, 312 |
Sám Khán, colonel of the Christian regiment of Urúmiyya, 43-44 Sámí Bey, 199 Sámirí, 355, n. 2, 362 Sarkalú, the place of Behá's retirement in Khurdistán, 64 Sayyáh, Sheykh (or Mírzá) 'Alí, one of the Cyprus exiles, 352, 361, 380 and n. 2, 381, 382 and n. 1, 386-7 Sedition disavowed and censured, 116, 152, 394 Seven Letters, Person of the (Zát-i-hurúf-i- sab'a), a title of the Báb, 230, 231, 421- 2 Seven Martyrs (Shuhadá-i-sab'a), xlv, 47, n. 1, 196, 201, 211-218 Seven Proofs. See Dalá'il-i-sab'a Sévruguin, M., his memoir on the Bábís, 205, 248 Seyfúr, 184, n. 1 Seyr-i-kulúb ("spiritual sight-seeing"), 401 Sháh See Muhammad Sháh, and Násiru'd-Dín Sháh Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, Shrine of, 46, n. 1, 185, 216, 332 Sháhbáz Khán, of Marágha, present at siege of Zanján, 180 Shahíd-i-thálith. See Muhammad Takí, Hájí Mullá, of Kazvín Sháh Ni'matu'lláh, his shrine at Máhán, 244 Sháhzádé Huseyn at Kazvín 198 Shakákí regiment at siege of Zanján, 180 Shalmaghání, ash-, 229 Shawáhid-i-Rubúbiyya ("Evidences of Divinity"), by Mullá Sadrá, 269- 271 Sheep, decapitation of, honour shewn to great men by, 326, n. 1 Sheil, Lady, 200-1, 211-212, 226-7 Sheykhís, sect of the, 4, 162, 234-244 Sheykhí, a Bábí executed at Zanján, 180 |
Sheykh Tabarsí, castle of. See Tabarsí Sheykhu'l-'Ajam, author of a history of the Mázandarán insurrection in the Mázandarání dialect, 205 Shi'ite doctrine, certain points of, 296- 306 Shimr, 272 Shimrán, 50, 52, 81 and n. 1 Shíráz, called Dáru'l-'Ilm ("the Abode of Knowledge"), 294, n. 1, 354, n. 2 Shujá'u'l-Mulk. See Mihr 'Alí Khán, of Núr Shu'ún-i-khamsa. See Five Grades Si-dih, persecutions at, 169, n. 1, 406-410 Sidon, Bábí agent at, xliii Sipihr. See Lisánu'l-Mulk Slane, Baron Mac Guckin de --'s translation of Ibn Khallikán, 229, 302 Slavery, Bábís sold into, 129, n. 2, 247 Smith, Joe, founder of the Mormon sect, Báb likened to, 201 Sofyán, appearance of, 26, 305-306 Special Mission. See Nubuvvat-i-Khássa Straw, heads stuffed with, 258 and n. 1 Style affected by Bábís, xlvi-xlviii Su'ál ú Jawáb, work on Shi'ite jurisprudence, 285, n. 1 Subh-i-Ezel (Mírzá Yahyá):- chief references: xv-xxvi, 51, 63-4, 89-90, 93-101, 349- 389 " other titles, 95, n. 1, 353 " birth, date of, 373 and nn. 1 and 2 " parentage and early life, 56, n. 2, 373 " first becomes prominent, 62-63, 352-4 " how regarded by Báb, xvi, xxiv, 95, n. 1, 350, 352-4 |
Subh-i-Ezel, how regarded by Behá and the Behá'ís, 93, n. 1 (Kitáb-i-Akdas); 96, n. 1 (Lawh-i-Nasír); xlv (Traveller's Narrative); 195 (Táríkh-i-Jadíd); xxiii (Mushkín Kalam) " in Persia, 63, 354, 374 " escapes to Baghdad, 51-2, 354, 375 " at Baghdad, 63-4, 355-8 " departure from Baghdad to Constantinople, 89, 90, n. 1, 358 " at Adrianople, 92 et seq., 99, n. 1, 358- 361 " date of banishment to Famagusta, 101, n. 3, 373, n. 2, 378, n. 2, 380, 382 " visited at Famagusta, xxiv-xxvi " his family, xxiv, 384-6 " his statements quoted, 41, n. 2, 46, n. 1, 84, n. 2, 86, n. 1, 202, 221, 248-9, 261, 262, 308, 312-3, 314, 334, 335-344, &c. " his writings, 210, 335, 340-2 Súfís, Gobineau's opinion of, x Suleymán, Mash-hadí, executed at Zanján, 181 Suleymán Khán Afshár, 179, 182, 239, n. 1 Suleymán Khán, Hájí, son of Yahyá Khán of Tabríz, xxi, 46-7, 185, 192, 239, n. 1, 253, 332, 327, 329, 331, 332-334 Suleymán-kulí, Mírzá, acquitted with Behá'u'lláh, 186, 327 Suleymániyyé, visited by Behá'u'lláh, 64- 5 Sultán Huseyn Mírzá, killed at Sheykh Tabarsí, 178 Sultán, Sheykh, the Arab, converted by Kurratu'l-'Ayn, 311 Sultánu'sh-Shuhadá. See Isfahán, Martyrs of Suneyna (or Subeyna), a Jew assassinated by command of Muhammad, 372 Súra-i-Heykal. See Heykal |
Súra of Joseph of Yúsuf. See Commentary Súra of Kawthar. See Commentary Súra of Wa'l-'Asr. See Commentary Swooning in dyspepsia, 280 Tabarí, wherein |
Teherán, called "the Holy Land" (Arz-i- akdas), 56; - called "the Land of Tá," 79, n. 2 Teherán Gazette, 201 Teymúr, of Kal'a-Zanjírí, put to death at Kirmánsháh, 184 Thielmann, 208 Tobacco, use of, prohibited by Báb, xxvi, 133, n. 1 " avoided by Ezelís, xxvi " permitted by Behá, 133, n. 1 Tolerance advocated by Bábís, 153, 163, 261. See also Bigotry Toumansky, M., 192, n. 1, 411 Treason reprobated, 83. See also Sedition Tree of Truth (Shajara-i-Hakí-kat), Báb so called, 219, n. 12, 224, 225, 230, 294 Turks, Mullá 'Alí Bistámí put to death by, 249 Turkish language in Persia, 44, n. 1 Turkish protection sought by Bábís, 88, 111 and n. 1, 117 and n. 1 Unity (Váhid), xvi, Váhid. See Unity Wahb b. Ráhib, 135 |
Wahb b. Zayd, 135 and n. 4 Wahíd, title of Subh-i-Ezel, 95, n. 1, 353 and n. 2 Wa'l-'asr, Commentary on Súra of. See Commentary Waraka-i-'Ulyá, title of one of Behá'u'lláh's wives, 361 Watson, History of Persia, 180, 189, n. 1, 205-6, 227, 229 "White Hand," 148 White garments worn by Bábís, xxxi and n.1, xxxiv, xliii Wine, use of, contrary to Bábí religion, 133 and n. 1 Wright, Dr A. H, of Urúmiyya, 19, n. 1, 187, 200, 278 Wright, Dr William, his canon of translation, xlviii-ix Yahyá, Mírzá. See Subh-i-
Zá, the letter, xlii, 170 and n. 1, 412-419 |
n. 1, 179-181, 186-7, 188, 190, 192, 196, 201, 203, 204, 206, 207 Zanvazí, Áká Seyyid, ratifies Báb's death- warrant, 182 Zapiski, Baron Rosen's, 210 Zarb, Mahall-i-, Tabríz so called, 322 Zargandé, Subh-i-Ezel's residence at, 374 Zarrín Táj ("Golden Crown"). See Kurratu'l- 'Ayn Zawrá, Baghdad so called, 139, n. 2, 143, n. 1 " Teherán so called, 177 Zeynu'l-'Ábidín, Imám, 139 et seq. And n. 3, 297 Zeynu'l-'Ábidín, Mullá, of Yezd, one of the Teherán martyrs, 329 Zeynu'l-'Ábidín Khán, governor of Níríz, 183, 191, 256, 258 Zeynu'l-Mukarrabín, 362. See also Zá, the letter, supra Zillu's-Sultán, Prince, 401-3, 407, 408, 409 and n. 1 Ziyárat-náma (Gobineau's Journal du P≤lerinage), 205, 337-338 Ziyárát, other, 337-8, 339, 341 Ziyá'u'd-Dín, Subh-i-Ezel's son, 386 Zoroastrian converted to Bábíism, 34 Zoroastrians maltreated, 407, n. 2 Zoroastrian calendar, analogy with Bábí calendar, 414, n. 1 Zuhúr (Manifestation). See Báb Zu'l-Fikar Khán, takes part in massacre of Teherán, 329 |
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AB00003 | |
LANG 1ST | English and Persian |
PERMISSION | public domain |
HISTORY | Typed 1999 by Alison Marshall; Formatted 1999-11 by Jonah Winters; Proofread 1999 by Alison Marshall. |
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