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Abstract:
A whitepaper on issues of Bahá'í involvement in the military services.
Notes:
See also Information for Bahá'ís called to fill out the Questionnaire on military duty (1940) and
a letter on military service (1965).
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20, pp. 2-5
The Bahá'í Position on Military Service....Two great processes are at work in the world:In American society today, the role of the military and the obligation of military service are at the center of a vast welter of confusion and conflict. Bahá'ís understand this dissension as part of the chaos which "must needs convulse the nations, stir the conscience of the world, disillusion the masses [and] precipitate a radical change in the very conception of society." 1 At the same time, we see in this chaos a great opportunity to demonstrate the Bahá'í solution by clearly stating and courageously living up to the principles of our Faith. For many youth, the time when they face the draft is a critical and difficult one. Normally abstract issues of national and world politics are brought suddenly down to the personal level. At stake are the most fundamental human values, and the way each one of us responds to this challenge can have a lasting effect not only on the course of our lives, but also on our sense of integrity, our attitude toward authority, and our feelings about our fellow men. For these reasons, it is often a period of internal debate, analysis, and soul-searching. It can also be a great opportunity for Bahá'ís to deepen their understanding of the role Bahá'u'lláh, the Manifestation of God, summoned them to play in this troubled world, by intensive study of the Sacred Writings of His Faith. The Bahá'í position on military service is completely unique. It is not based on political theory, personal morality or the command of arbitrary authority, but on individual and shared understanding of the Teachings of the Prophet-Founder of the Faith, Bahá'u'lláh (1817-1892), as written down by Him and as interpreted by His Son 'Abdu'l-Bahá (1844-1921), the Center of His Father's Covenant, and Shoghi Effendi, the appointed Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith from 1921 to 1957. The Supreme World Body of the Bahá'í Faith, the Universal House of Justice, told the Bahá'í youth in every land in 1966 that the "foundation of all their other accomplishments" was "their study of the teachings, the spiritualization of their lives and the forming of their characters in accordance with the standards of Bahá'u'lláh." 2 This instruction applies with particular urgency to decisions in the difficult area of military service; individual lives cannot reflect Bahá'í principles, nor can the sacred unity of the Faith be assured unless consideration of such a controversial subject begins with serious study of the Teachings. This statement, prepared under the direction of the National Spiritual Assembly, is intended as an introduction and study guide to the related Writings on such issues as war and peace, life and death, social change and our relationship with established governments. WHAT ARE THE BASIC BAHA'I TEACHINGS ABOUT KILLING?Both Baha'u'11ah and 'Abdu'l-Bahá expressed in unmistakable terms their abhorrence of killing. In The Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, the Blessed Beauty tells the Bahá'ís to "Beware lest ye shed the blood of any one" 3 and praises those who have "suffered themselves to be killed rather than kill." 4 'Abdu'l-Bahá explains that one may not even retaliate against a "bloodthirsty enemy." 5 The Universal House of Justice echoed these principles in a letter which stated that it should be "unthinkable for [Bahá'ís] to willingly place themselves in a position where they must take human life." 6WHAT ABOUT WAR?Bahá'u'lláh stated that His coming had "annulled the rule of the sword" 7 and forbade resort to violence as a means of spreading His Faith or, presumably, for any "just cause". 8 'Abdu'l-Bahá reserved the strongest possible language for His condemnation of war: "Peace is light whereas war is darkness. Peace is life; war is death. Peace is guidance; war is error. Peace is the foundation of God; war is satanic institution." 9BUT ISN'T WAR INEVITABLE?Bahá'u'lláh taught that a just and lasting peace is not only possible but the certain destiny of mankind. 10 God's laws as "Thou shalt not kill" - appear very simple. Unfortunately, however, man learns the need to obey them as he experiences the suffering which results from disobedience. Referring to the organic social change which mankind is destined to make in the Bahá'í era, Shoghi Effendi writes:That so fundamental a revolution, involving such far-reaching changes in the structure of society, can be achieved through the ordinary processes of diplomacy and education seems highly improbable. We have but to turn our gaze to humanity's blood-stained history to realize that nothing short of intense mental as well as physical agony has been able to precipitate those epoch-making changes that constitute the greatest landmarks in the history of human civilization. 11This ordeal he describes as "both a retributory calamity and an act of holy and supreme discipline....a cleansing process for all mankind. 12 War, like other forms of ordeal, breaks down barriers of stubbornness, compla- [page 3] cency, and ignorance and forces a reconsideration of basic principles. As 'Abdu'l-Bahá explained: In short, after this universal war, the people have obtained extraordinary capacity to hearken to the divine teachings, for the wisdom of war is this: That it may become proven to all that the fire of war is world-consuming, whereas the rays of peace are world-enlightening. 13 CAN ANYTHING BE DONE TO STOP WAR?The immediate causes of particular wars are frequently complex, but 'Abdu'l-Bahá explained that they could all be traced back to an excessive narrowness in the conception of man's interest.Yea, in the first centuries, selfish souls, for the promotion of their own interests, have assigned boundaries and outlets and have, day by day, attached more importance to these, until this led to intense enmity, bloodshed and rapacity in subsequent centuries. In the same way this will continue indefinitely, and if this conception of patriotism remains limited within a certain circle, it will be the primary cause of the world's destruction. 14 As a solution, Shoghi Effendi calls for a wider, more inclusive loyalty, which would insist on "the subordination of national considerations and particularistic interests to the imperative and paramount claims of humanity as a whole, inasmuch as in a world of interdependent nations and peoples the advantage of the part is best to be reached by the advantage of the whole." 15 This solution seems so obvious, but it is clear that nothing short of a complete spiritual revitalization can bring man to his senses. This is what Bahá'u'lláh came for: "In this wondrous Revelation, this glorious century, the foundation of the Faith of God and the distinguishing feature of His Law is the consciousness of the Oneness of Mankind." 16 Our primary commitment then must be to bringing about this spiritual revitalization. The Guardian called upon the Bahá'ís in the meantime to "refrain from associating themselves, whether by word or by deed, with the political pursuits of their respective nations, with the policies of their governments and the schemes and programs of parties and factions." 17 In The Promised Day Is Come, the Guardian specifically denounces "the dark, the false, and crooked doctrines" of nationalism, racialism and social elitism and states that "any man or people who believes in them, or acts upon them, must, sooner or later, incur the wrath and chastisement of God." 18 Thus, even if strife and conflict is inevitable at this stage in history, we must dissociate ourselves from it as much as possible. IS THE USE OF ARMED FORCE JUSTIFIED?In His open letter to the ruling elite of Persia, The Secret of Divine Civilization, 'Abdu'l-Bahá recognized that a duly constituted government might be required to use measured force in the maintenance of order and justice within its boundaries. 19 He also suggested an international collective security agreement providing for the use of armed force against violators. 20 This would be one step toward the unification of the world under a federal form of government. Almost a century later these instructions are still unheeded: Thus, when asked about the United Nations "peacekeeping force," the Guardian replied that it in no way changed the obligation of all Bahá'ís to apply for exemption from combatant duties. 21 WHAT ARE OUR OBLIGATIONS TO EXISTING GOVERNMENTS?These Teachings about peace and internationalism cannot be considered in perspective without referring to other statements in the Writings on the subject of our relationship with existing national governments. In the above-cited passage from The Promised Day Is Come, Shoghi Effendi makes it clear that "sane and intelligent patriotism" should not be excluded but included in the larger world-allegiance. 22 Bahá'u'lláh Himself enjoined all Bahá'ís "to support those rulers and chiefs of state who are adorned with the raiment of justice and equity." 23WHAT IF WE FEEL THAT THE GOVERNMENT IS UNJUST?Bahá'u'lláh states that, "In every country or government where any of this community reside, they must behave toward that government with faithfulness, trustfulness and truthfulness." 24 The Guardian made it clear in a letter to the National Teaching Committee for Central America that at least the minimum duty of obedience to a duly constituted government is absolute and not dependent on any criteria of justness: "We are not the ones, as individual Bahá'ís to judge our government as just or unjust." 25WHY DO WE TAKE THIS POSITION?The problem of our relation to existing political systems is destined to be a difficult one throughout this era of transition. We can deepen our understanding of the Bahá'í role by reference to some of the many passages in which the Guardian and the Universal House of Justice have discussed the reasons for abstention from politics and obedience to government. 26 Much light is shed on the question by the Guardian's comments about pacifism:
Extreme pacifists are thus very close to the anarchists, in the sense that both of these groups lay an undue emphasis on the rights and merits of the individual. The Bahá'í conception of social life is essentially based on the subordination of the individual will to that of society. It neither suppresses the individual nor does it exalt him to the point of making him an anti-social creature, a menace to society. As in everything, it follows the "golden mean." The only way that society can function is for the minority to follow the will of the majority. 27The Guardian here is reminding us that as Bahá'ís we are dedicated to bringing about a more perfect order in the world, and we must not start by becoming identified with division and disorder. We must demonstrate the Bahá'í solution through the power of stainless deeds. "We have decreed that war shall be waged in the path of God with the armies of wisdom and utterance, and of a goodly character and praiseworthy deeds." 28 The Guardian continued his comments:
The other main objection to the conscientious objectors is that their method of establishing peace is too negative. Non-cooperation is too pas- [page 4]
sive a philosophy to become an effective way for social reconstruction. Their refusal to bear arms can never establish peace. There should first be a spiritual revitalization which nothing, except the Cause of God, can effectively bring to every man's heart. 29The Bahá'ís must concentrate their efforts on the one positive solution to the world's problems and not dissipate their energies in endless small battles within the framework of the old system. The Universal House of Justice has told us that "The old order cannot be repaired; it is being rolled up before our eyes." 30 As the Guardian elsewhere explained, "moral issues which were clear a half century ago are now hopelessly confused and what is more, thoroughly mixed up with battling political interests.... If they [the Bahá'ís] become involved in the issues the Governments of the world are struggling over, they will be lost. But if they build up the Bahá'í pattern they can offer it as a remedy when all else has failed." 31 Specifically, the Guardian feared that once the Bahá'ís began wrangling with political authorities, they would be forced or tempted to bargain with or compromise the purity and integrity of their Faith. 32 It would be better to voluntarily suspend or delay the full operation of the new system than to compromise its principles by negotiation. Even more importantly, the unity and universal appeal of the Faith itself depend on the subordination of all particularistic interests; to become embroiled in the clash of interests on specific narrow issues would undermine the overarching spiritual basis of that unity. 33 WHAT IF THE GOVERNMENT ORDERS US TO DO
This raises the central paradox of the Bahá'í position we must be well-wishers of government,
and yet many government policies may conflict with our principles. What happens when, as in
the case of compulsory military service, the principle of obedience to government appears to
conflict with the prohibition against warfare and killing? It becomes clear that there must be
some way of determining priorities when Bahá'í principles appear to be in conflict. In a
different but analagous context, the Guardian offered specific guidelines: |
METADATA | |
Views | 19398 views since posted 1998; last edit 2024-09-01 22:10 UTC; previous at archive.org.../nsa_war_governance_conscience; URLs changed in 2010, see archive.org.../bahai-library.org |
Language | English |
Permission | © BIC, public sharing permitted. See sources 1, 2, and 3. |
History | Scanned 1998 by Robert Stauffer; Formatted 2004 by Brett Zamir. |
Share | Shortlink: bahai-library.com/695 Citation: ris/695 |
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